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BY JAMES VAN NESS.
PUBLISHED EVERY
THIJRCS DA Y M <Mi NIN G,
IN TIIE “tJRANITE BIJILDINSt ON THE CORNER
OF OGLETHORPE AND RANDOLPH STREETS.
TERMS—Subscription, three dollars per an
num. oavable in advance, three dollars asd a
half at tile en<l of six months,or four dollar*
(in all eases) where payment is not ma.ie before th<
expiration o/the year. ‘ No subscription receiredfor
less than twelve months, without payment inadvance,
and no paper discontinued, except at the option ot
the Editors, until all arrearages are paid.
ADVERTISEMENTS conspicuously inserted at
owe dollar per one hundred words, or less, for
the first insertion,and fifty cexts for every subse
quent continuance. Those sent without a specifica
tion of tlio number of insertions, will be published
until ord :rcd out, and charged accordingly.
2d. Yelrly advertisements. — For over 24,and
not exceeding 36 lines,. fifty dollar per annum ; for
ovr 1 2, and not exceeding 24 lines, thtrly-Jive dollars
per annum -, for less than 12 lines, twenty dollars
ytr annum .
3d. All rule and figure work double the above p:ices.
Legal Advertisements published at the usual
rates, and with strict attention to the requisitions ot
All's*”** regulated by law, must be made before
the Court House door, between the hours of 10 in the
morning and 4in the evening— those of Land in
the county where it is situate; those of Personal
Property, where the letters testamentary, of admin
ist ration or of guardianship were oh tamed- and ar.
required to b- previously advert.sed it. some public
rv days, under mortgage fi fas sixty days, before
the day of sale. bv Executors, Ad
min.stra.ors or Guardians, for sixty days before
3ale if of Personal Property (except Negroes) forty
Stations by Clerks of the Courts of Ordinary, upon
APPL.CAT.OY FOR LETTF-R* of admm.straUon. must
be published for thirty da vs.
1 . . ... rloN FOR DISMISSION, bv
J bISi".!' o’ o*~. ">*
copy ol the bond or agreement) to make at L
to LAND, must be published three months
Notices bv Executors, Administrators or Onardiann.
of application to the Court of Ordinary for leave
to sell the Land or Negroes of an Estate, folk
NtmoEsbv Executors or Administrators, to the Debt
ors and Creditors .and an Estate, for at* ,
Sheriffs, Clerks of Court, Nc., will be allowed
the usual deduction. _
|l Letters on business, must be post paid,
to entitle them to attention.
AVM. IIA HUN SIHVKUS,
ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAM ,
COLUMBUS, G A .
Will practice in all the courts of the Chattahoochee
circuit, and in the adjacent counties in Alabama.
March 4 4 3,11
~ McDOUGALO & WATS’ ‘N,
ATTORNEYS AT I.AW,
1 ,f COLUM HUS, GEORGIA.
IV. G, M. II VVIS ATTORNEY AT LAW
APA-LACHICOI.A, FLORIDA,
PItAOTICKS in the Courts of the Middle am
Western Districts, and the Court of Appeals
Refers to Hon. J. S. Calhoun, John h on
tains, Esq. and S. 11. Bonner, -Esq., Columbus
Gcor * ;u ’ 40-52..
E. 11. PLATT,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
(Cutli’.ert, Randolph County, Georgia.)
WlLL*pro aptly attend to any husin ss entrusted
to bis care in the co titles of Stewart. Mari
on, Randolph, Early, Decatur, Halter, Lee, Sumter,
M aeon and Dooly, Georgia, and Russell and Harbour
of Alabama.
ItF.FF.IiE.VCES :
Columbus—lion. T. K. Poster and Colonel John
Banks. _
Lexington—Joseph Ilenry I.umpkin, Esq. H. F.
Hardeman, Esq. Lewis J, Dupree and George K.
Platt.
Washington—Hon. Garnett Andrews.
IV4aeon—Col. D C. Campbell, Jerry Cowls. Esq.
Forsyth—Messrs Dunn & Martin
Thomati>n —John J. Carey. I .sq. T. B. Bethel.
Apalacht ola, Flo.— William G. Porter, E>q.
Charleston, S C.—William Harris.
New York.—Mes-rs. Collins, Reese & Uo.
March 11 5 ls
LAW NOTICE.
MR. AUGUSTIN S. WINGFIELD having
taken the place of Judge Taylor, in the late
firm of Taylor & ls irig. the business in future will be
conducted under the style of KING & \Y l NG F I ELD,
their address being Fort Gaines, Early County, Ga.
King & Wingfield will practice in the following
counties, viz :
COUNTY. PRINCIPAL TOWNS.
Randolph, Cuilibert,
Decatur, Bainbridge
Baker, Albany & Newton,
’ Palmyra & Starksville,
Dooiy, Drayton,
Macon, Lanier,
Sumter, Americas,
Stewart, Lumpkin,
l£ af |y Fort Games X Blakely
ALABAMA.
COUNTV. TOWNS.
Henry, Abbeville and Columbia,
Barbour, Irwinton and Clayton,
They beg leave to refer to the following gentlemen,
V Z Mii.i.kpgevii.i.e —His Excellency, Charles J.
McDonald, Iverson L. Harris.
Columbus. —Hon. Marshall J. Wellborn, Frank
lin A. Nisbet.
Macon. Messrs. Poe & Nesbit,Nesbit, limes &
Blake, Col. ILG. Lamar.
FoktGaines. — Hon. Wdliam Tavlor.
Palmyra, Lee Co. —Hon. Lott Warren.
Greensborougii —Hon. William C. Dawson, 1.
Si J. Cunningham.
I hwinton, Ala.—John Gill Shorter, Esq.
St, Joseph. Fi,. a— Wiley Mason Esq.
j\ i. ach i col a .—lVlcssrs. Lockhart X Noting.
March 11 5 4t
“ NOTICE.
DR, SCHLEY will continue tile practice of Me
dicine, Surgery, Xc. Office al he old stand of
Chipley & ‘chlev,on Broad Street.
July 23. 1840. 24 ts
REMOVAL,
DR. JNO. J. B. HOXEY. has removed his of- j
lice to ilie room over the store of T. A. Bran- j
non, a few doors above Taylor and Walker’s, and
nearly opposite Col. John Banks’ Drug Store.
Jan. 12. _ -Ctf
3 0,000 1> O I, I. A H S .
LOTTERIES.
Class No. 11, to be drawn, Saturday, March IS. 1641,
1 prize of $30,000 1 prize of $2 500 i
1 “ 10.000 40 “ 1,500
1 “ 5 000 50 ‘ f 250
1 “ 3,500 00 “ 200
1 3,070 03 “ 150
1 “ 3,000 63 “ 100
Others o’ §S0 —60—50—&r. &c.
Tickets $lO. Halves $5. Quarters $2 50.
Orders for tickets must be addressed to
J. H. ANDRENVS,CoIumbus
3 0,0 0 0 DOLL AR S .
1 0,000 DOLL AR S .
Class 4*2, to be drawn, Saturday, March 20 IS4I.
I prize of S3OOOO 1 prize of $1 SIX)
1 “ 10 000 1 “ 1.600
1 “ 5,000 2 “ 151X1
1 3 000 3 *• 1 300
1 “ 2 SOO 5 “ 1,200
1 “ 1.900 10 “ 1,000
And 200 prizes of SSOO ara Sl O ,000.
Others of 3200, 100. 80. 60. 50. Xe. Xc. Tickets
§lO. Halves §5. Quarters $2 50.
40.000 DOLLARS,
15,000 DOLLARS.
Class 13, to be drawn Saturday, March 27, IS4I.
Capitals $40.000,15.000 10 CO,), 6 000. 5 000. SO
prizes of 1.000. and 60 of 500. Others of 300 200.
100, 50, &c. Xc. Tickets $lO. Halves 5. Quar
ters 2 50.
Orders lor tickets in any of the above Lot'eries, en
closing cash or prize tickets, will receive prompt atten
tion, if addressed to J. H. ANDREWS,
March 11 5 2t Columbus.
’ CAUTION.
1 HEREBY caution all persons from trading for
six promissory notes given to John Wesley Whar
ton , three due on the 2i:h of December last, amount
70 dollars ; the other three due the 25th December
next Said notes I will no* pav unless compelled bv
] aw .’ BURREL J. SANDERS.
March 11 ® 3t
THE COLUMBUS TIMES.
NEW BOOKS.
SECOND part of Democracy in America, by De-
Tocqueviiie; being a continuation of his treatise
on our ms uutioris, which are known as'being the
most correct of any ever written.
A net supply of Georgia Scenes, illustrated edition.
The American Almanac for 1841.
Friendship’s Offering.
The Token.
Mercedes by Cooper, &c. &c.
Just received at
NORTON &J LANG DON’S.
March 11 5 ts
LIST OF LETTERS
REMAINING in the Post Office at Columbu-,
March Ist, 1841.
A
Allen Jno S Atwood F G & M r H
Archer F'C All< n James
Aiford Lucretia or James Adams Susan
Amos Win Atwood Win H
Alden Geo W Averet Albright
Arnold Benjamin Anderson Geo
Acee Doctor
B
Riggers Jos Britton Jos
Barnes J M Buet Banj F
Brown \Vm Beckham AG
Bradley Jartd Barnett Janies C C
Billups Mrs E A Banne Lewis
Busby Jacob Burwell K W
Brown R R Bowen Thomas W
Bui ey N J B niter Win
Barnard Edwd B nuett Simeon
Beall Rev J Beall Jn W
Bliss Thos W Barkalow W V
C
Cazey Miss Eliza Chandler Ebenezer
Chew JnoP H Cary Randal 2
Collins Lindey Chaffuut lames L
Chamberlain Rev R Coleman Col
Carloss W Coates AG
Clouch C vrus Cannon R T orN Graham
Cameroi D 2 Clark Richaid
Cain Jn W Clemments no F
Coleman Mrs Catharine Coleman Susan B
Crowell Canty E Carblac Allen
Canning Jno Clark Thos J H
Cri'lenden Samuel Cooper Get rge
Campbell J II 3 Clark Louis
D
Davis Thos 2 Daniel Henry G
Hummer Capt Diggars Mrs Ann
Doles Miss Clarrissa B Doty Cyrus
Dockins Charles Deni ,\i L
Dill Augustus A 2 Dawkins Fhebe A
E
Elliott Ceo W Enghsh A
Edwards Win 1* IlioU Mary D
English I.ouiza Elbert ii G
F
Fanner Rufus Forrester Joel
Kroner Wm Fraisure Thomas
F'lemiiig Elizabeth G
Glasson Henry Griffith Ezekiel
Garrett Wm A Glass James
> Ilisson Miss Ellen J Garrett Obadiah
Gowan Sol Clenn Jno 11
H
Hogens Robert Hitlyer Elizabeth
Hood Daniel Higgins Thos B
Howell Jordan L Hopkins Lucius
Hamilton CP Hodge Wm
Holland O S Hoffman Sebastian
Hays Miss Harriett Hills Stephen Jun
I loffe John Howel M W
Howell N Hoffman Michael
Hughes Jas M Higby Pomroy
Hill James W Hammock Mrs Martha
Hiechfield*& Hyman Ilonfey Jno
Hunter Jas W Hal er Jacob
Hurt Mrs Lucy Hall Miss VlarthaA
Helms Elbert Harley Joshua D
I
Ivey Magirt Iverson Win
Ingersoll Dr S M
J
J hnsoti Aaron Jenkins .(no
Jones Master Burrows Jeffiies BelinS
K
If night Miss Selatha lfeith Alexander
Ivookogey Sam’l 2 Ifenneymore Michael
If nt Elijah Kirbo Joseph
Kimbrough B L Bing A C
Ifenneymore Bynum
L
Lucas F Yl Levingston Jan as
Lloyd James M Lawrenpe Eliza
Lewis P D Lawrence Miss Mary
Lvne Thos A l.oVe Robt
Liutard Paul l.awall ;Vl
Lane Win G nee Wm
LaTaste Victor 2 Lowe Willis
M
Manor John A Mai ten Capt Jno
Moffett Henry 2 May Jno
Morefield J H Mnidrow Jeth W
Morgan Wm H Moutgomry P M
MathewsH Mims B M
Molt Mrs Nancy McGee Mrs Mary
Mack Lorenzo McGildany James
Morton Jno McCrary Tobert
MaiuWCS McAlistei F .tizobeth G
Moss Alexander McClueen Robert, or Ins
Murphy W Agent
Newsom D R Not! Dr Rufus A
Neister H M Nut Jno
Noblilt Thos P
O
O’Neal W T m W Owens Wm C
P
Pruett Alvin II Prhe Mbs Lydia
Pardew James A ‘ Partridge Jno
Eorteveut Miss Rebecca Paine Wm C
Pace Will Jr Park Wm
Porter Nathan Prator ino B
Peterson JS Pace Win Jr
Pve Valentine Uaee Wm Sr
l-itikark P Pa c ” Ekanah
Philips Sarah Prather Emily C
Parker (, Pool 1 hai as
Pruett Janvw P‘he James
Powers Win A
R t
Rogers Miss Martha M Russell Jas
Rylander Wm t Robinson Andrew Jr
Reeves Pryor Ruse George
Rogers Aciam Reynolds Prudence
Robinson Andy Richardson .lno R
Ross G eo W Rose Adrian T
S
Smith Rev W A Sharp Hubbard P
Sharman .lno Smith Mathew YV
Shaw James Sluder Mr
j Si ikev Dr R T Sweet Manly A
! Shatter Catharine Shepherd Jno
I Stevens CG Sburlock Jno
Stevenson T. H. Shivers X Parker
Smith Esq Shipp Guslavus
Smith Moses Stem James A
i Smith Hopson C A Stallings Airs Emily
I Stroud Jno Snowden G I’
j Shorter Catharine Sirouss Jno
-eawell James Stratlon C 2
St-gnor Wm P
T
Tippet Rev II H Thornton Jsnathan A
Tarver Jno 4 ucker W m
Thornton Thos A Tarver Milton
Perrv Miss Caroline E Took Jim
I Trent W m B Taylor J W
i I ickuor James II Towns .1 G
’ Taylor Elizabeth Tozier JnoC
V
Vestra* HO Vance Marcus
W
Warren GI. 2 Walker G A
yVvtin Mrs C T 2 \N ard \N ni G
Walton Jno Wiiberbv P
Willis L K Willard Geo
W tson Wm H AN right l* L
Wood Time G 2 Worsham Jno G
Waker Mrs Sarah V Williams James S
Wilcox Mrs Nancy Willmms Win
Wilson Joel Whealhmgton Wm
Woods X G AV alls Jesse
Y
Young Samuel
JOHN SCHLEY. P. M.
THE CELEBRATED HORSE
ROBIN HOOD
TS'IS’'II.L stand the ensuing season, one lia'f of his
Ts tune a- my stable.nineteen miles ab> v* Colum
bus, iu Russell county. Ala., and the other perl of his
time at Lafayette, Chambe s county. Ala., and will he
let to mares at ihe reduced price of Filly Dollars, due
25 h of December next. Alares sent over thirty
milts will be fed t'O months gratis. Persons failing
lo get a colt in t e Spring, will be allowed the Fall ;
season gratis, if the maresare stnt lo my stable.. All
care will be taken to prevent accidents and escapes, !
but no liabilities for either.
A to Robin’s performances on the turf, a ref* rence
to ‘he Stud Book or the Spirit of the Times, will give
entire satisfaction It is also due him tosav. that his
colt-,so far as trials have been made, have been sur
passed bv none in the United States.
The season w 11 commence the first o’ Ma’ch, and
end the first of Julv. Z. AN HU E &
JNO. CROWELL.
Jan. 27, 1841. 47 if
‘ GUARDIAN’S SAI.E.
WILL b • sold at the county site *4Murray coun
ty, before the court house door, on the day
of April the lands belonging to the orphans of Cullin
Dorman. LEONIDAS T. EUBANKS,
March 11 5 Ot Guardian.
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, MARCH 18, 1841.
S P E E C II
Os Mr. Nisbet, of Georgia, on the Treasury Note
Biil—de ivered in the House of Representatives,
January 22, 1641.
Mr. Chairman : I voted during the las’ ses‘
sion of Ciingress for the issue of Treasury
notes. I was then satisfied of the power ol
the J.egisla ure to contract a loan upon this
plan. lam still convinced of the power. 1
can now see no constitutional objection to it.
Having then presented mv views upon this
subject, to lhat argument 1 have nothing to
ado. and from it nothing to subtract. 1 was
willing Jlien to exercise the power, avowing
that, because of the seductive, easy, and de
ceptive character ol this mode of raising mo
ney, it should be resorted to with great can,
and only in cases of extreme necessity. Such
a case, I believed, was then presented. The
Government was, as was conceded oneveiy
hand, ujxm the verge of bankruptcy. Slit
couid not wait for any less rapid measure of
extrication than the prompt one proposed. I
was constrained to come to the rescue of the
Treasury, and relieve it from monetary and
political dishonor. The obligations of pa
triotisu , irrespective of all pa-tv views, requir
ed it. fn a like case of emergency, my con
duct will be of like character. Whether,
therefore, I shall vote for the bill now before
the committee, depends upon the necessity
which may he shown now to exist to raise five
millions of dollars at once. It is not ques
tioned that the Government will need this
sum in addition to the tevenues which will
secure from all ordinary sources during the
year 1841. The Chairmanof th ■ Ways and
Means (Mr. Jones) admits that there will he
a defieiency, but calls it temporary, ami as
sures us that it wII be reimbursed in tlie lasi
quarter’s income. The Secretory of the
Treasury lakes similar grounds. Indeed the
very proposition of the officers of finance to
burr uv money, assmes both the want ami the
inability of the usual resuuices to supply it.
To justify my support, however, [ shall require
ihe gentlemen to show that the exigencies ol
the Treasury are so imperious that they can
not await the process of a permanent and
wise system of revenue. This they will
scarcely be able to show; for however deeply
the Government may have been involved by
the absurd and temporiz ng expedients and
experiments of Mr. Van Buren and his friends,
I believe it may he relieved without resort
to a measure of always doubtful expedien
cy-
Mr. Chairman, 1 do not propose to discuss
the financial administration of the party now
expiring. Ido not intend to show up its errors
of theory, and its infidelity in practice—to
demonstrate the existence of a national debt
—the amount, or the mode of its origin and
augmentation Ido not propose to analyze
the mystic and oracular report of ihe Secre
tary, whose external aspect is so fair, and
whose secret meanings are so various ant)
pregnant. Oilier gentlemen have done all ibis.
That tfie Government is in debt is a postulate
—the only mooted points are the amount, and
the mode of payment. The amount lias been
variously estimated from S to 16 millions dol
lars. It is to the manner in which Ihe money
should be raised to discharge this debt and
also lor the usual purposes of the Government,
that 1 propose addressing myself. This in
quiry is important, because it involves the
permanent financial system of the coming ad
ministration; and to Southern statesmen, the
vital question, how far and in what form the
revenue is to he raised by duties on imports.
The lariffi the compromise act, the rights and
feelings of the South are therefore brought
into the discussion. Upon’ the question of a
revision of the tariff, nor as to the origin, ef
fect, and maiutainanee of the act of 2 I March,
1833, known as the compromise, would f have
said one word, but for the course of argument
a id remark indulged in by mv I'iend from
South Carolina, (Mr. Rhett.) To him I hope
to he able to reply successfully.
Sir, as a member of the Harrison porty, I
would discard shifts, and financial suhteiftiges.
I am lor adopting, in ihe very outsei of the
new adminsira.ion, a system which will pay
the debt entailed upon the Slate, and keep her
out of debt; a system that shall he equal to a
supply in a uniform wav of all the watiDol
an economical administration. The reliance
of this Government lot revenue is upon, 1 J.
the public do'uain; 2d. direct taxation; and,
3d. imposts. Should the usage of the Gov
ernment for past years, in relation lo public
lands, continue to be ils policy for years to’
come, and they should be biought into mar
ket on tbe most favorable terms, reasoning
flont the past lo the future, three million dol
lars must be the extent of income from that
quarter. The expenditures of the Govern
ment cannot fall below twenty millions annu
ally. Avery small part, therelbre, ol the an
nual wants of the State can he realized from
the public domain. But, sir, how long shall
tve receive this small revenue from lands ?
Who shall tell us of the vast territory of the
Union? Who so seer like as to predict its
disposition? A few years will witness trie
total loss of the miaific ient mine of wealth;
scatlered to It e winds, dissipated lo teed ihe
aspirations nf unhalowed ambition; a bone
o’er which ihe mad zealots ol party fight; an
interest which we may live to see sold to buy
the bauble, tlie Presidency, to amuse liir a
moment some spoiled child of powi r. The
new States claim it even now as their own,
and threaten to setz * it with the strong arm of
their outnumbering representation, under the
next census. Ami leadeis of party, one at
least would conciliate this Warwick power ol
setting up and pulling down Presidents, by
substantially giving what il asks, and tiaiisler
ring Hie title lo these lands to the new States
m which they lie, alleging as a reason, mat il
we do not give them the lands they will soon
have the power to lake I hem: tints violating
a trust, to avoid a robbery. Or th s rich lega
cy of the old Slates, either given in their mu
nificence, or bought with tneir blond ami
treasure, may he squandered by a spendthrift
trustee, iu pre-trupti a privileges to foreign
emigrants; invited by democratic cupidity
for power, lo come and rule over us, amt paid
out of a fund, noi its own, to stamp upon our
system either the impulsiveness of revolution
a y mobs, or ti e depotistn of European dy
nasties. Or, il may be, tbe Slates distrusting
the fidelity of ttie Government in the man
agement of this trust fund, all charges upon
it having lieen paid, will divide is proceeds as
they have a right to do, equilaby among
t Item selves.
I will not now, Mr. Chairman, pause to dis
cuss as others have done, the distribution bid
of Mr. Clay. Sufficient lo the day wi i fie
the duties it may bring with it I advert to
! ‘hese measutes, in relation to the public lauds,
j for trie sole purpose of showing that from them
we have no certainty ol deriving revenue to
auv amount whatever.*
* The pulfic lands were either ce.ted by the States
within whose limits they iav to the Gem rat Govern
ment, or purchased (as Florida and Louisiana) with
the common funds. In most of the compacts of ces
sion. it is stipulated ihat ih- lands are to be aepiied
to th-* pavnient of the National debt ; and when that
is di-charged. shad he held hy the Government for the
use of the United Slates. In the treaty of cess>on be
tween Georgia and the Government, of 1802. bv
which she relinquished the vast eritory wh ch consti-
Itutes the greater part of Alabama and Mississippi, it
is provided, that the lands shall be charged with the
payment of §1,250,000. and the cost of a few grants,
THE UNION OF THE STATES, AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE STATES.
1 The gentlemen Irons South Carolina is the
• only statesman of tiie age who has approved
I direct taxation, in time ol peace, as a mode
of raising the public moneys. He stands
alone in this regard. He, with his usual in
dependet.ee of thought and action, has ven
tured m recommend direct taxes, instead ol
indirect taxation, by dunes on imports. But,
sir, his svstem is revolt.ng to the feelings til
our free people. They- have, and will ever
utterly repudiate it. I hey abhor it, with all
is odious ma I inerv, and throng of ga'her
ers; ils Executive patronage, its expensive
execution, and ils cruel exactions. It is true,
that it may he plausibly said of it, that it is the
only plan of apportioning taxes with mathe
matical equality among the peop'e; that it ad
justs, ligiilv Ihe proportions of property and
taxation! ‘ But, sir, however fair may appear
the reasoning of its friends, when drawn out
with all the aid of figures, ii is still true, that,
in a political sense, the scheme has tiie effect
of vastly augmenting the taxes ot A and B
agaii st iheir consent and ol diminishing those
of C and D, which, under a different system,
they pay willing v. Taxation by imposts is a
volumaty system to a great extent; by direct
imposition, one of constraint. The former
levies its contributions upon consumption,
which is oreat or small according to the
means of the citizen, his whim or caprice, ins
luxurious excesses, or Ins necessary wants.
Ail the lasi which the citizen pays over and
above his necessary consumption, is paid vo
luntarily; whereas tiie tax which the law di
rectly levies, must be paid with or without
consumption. If, indeed, direct iaxation, in
tune ol peace, were right in principle, it would
be in vain to allempl its adoption. You
might as well expect to stamp leprosy upon
lhe body physical, as direct taxes upon the bo
dy politic of this nation.
‘ Whenever, t erefore, Mr. Chairman, we
need more money to tielray the necessary ex
penses of the Government, we must resort to
imposts. This is the ancient, well-approved
means, adopted by the wise fathers of the com
monwealth, anil persevered in bv every ud
mimstration from Washington to Van Buren.
Gentlemen decry increased duties as at war
with Slate rights tenets. They cry tariff!
la rill! and vainly, as I believe, stiive to slit
up the South upon this ancient alarm note. —
Sir, this unreasoning, illiberal panic device, has
lost its power at the South. Its day has gone
by; we have become so accustomed to the
•‘extraordinary cries” of certain political lead
ers, that they are held pretty much as period
ical matters of course. For myself, I have
thrown oil the shell of my political immaturi
ty, and haply feel able to run or fly on my
wn account. Nor is rnv State, sir, in the
leading strings of any sell-constituted director.
She is free in her opinions as the winds ol her
own mountains, and steadfast as their granite
foundations.
I shall now, sir, I trust, show lhat I advocate
no tariff for protection; on the co'ntrary, that
the course I recommend is.the best'guaranly
against it. The people who sent me here are,
as they ever have been, utterly opposed to a
tarifffbr protection. That opposition is stern,
unflinching, and universal, and in limes to
come will know no abatement. No one Iron
the South has advocated a tarifi lor protec
tion. My able friend from South Carolina,
(Gen. Thompson,) has yielded no anti tarifi
principle, and I am at a los:s to perceive why
all this talk about anew tariff If it be to a
rouse in advance public indignation against
duties on luxuries for revenue, and thus fore
stall the public judgement, I am sure that gen
tlemen will wholly fail ol their object. My
constituents, at least, have the power to dis
criminate between low duties for revenue, and
high duties for protection.
I am, sir, a strict constructionist— a very
strict constructionist a Pharisee ofthe Phar
isees. The State Rights principles I profess
have been brought m to disrepute, by the
fierce extravagance of ultia leaders. As by
some expounded, they become wholly imprac
ticable, and, if at ail available, make our sys
tem of Government 100 feeble. It is the hab
its of one distinguished name, to bring almost
every proposed power ol ihe Federal Govern
ment within the range of a constitutional doubt,
and thus mil ily ils indispensable action. No
one sustains himself, with more dialectic abili
ty; lie decks his sophistries in the beautiful
robes of genius, and gives to them emphasis
and impressiveness by the fiery zeal of Ins ad
vocacy. lie is still an unsafe leader, because
the past has proven that, with the same mas
terly ability, he has sustained the most antag
onist policy. He is a changeling, arid has ihe
infirmity of being unconscious of it, or the har
dihood to deny it in the lace ot the most de
monstrative proof. His course is st ill a blaz
ng track m the firmament of politics; like the
meteor having no established orbit, but wheel
ing madlv athwart the firmament.
My idea of Slate Rights is to deny to the
Government all powers not expressly granted:
and to exercise fearlessly and freely (ho>e that
are. Noram l willing, with metaphisical sub
tleties, to refine upon the conceded powers un
til tlieir utility is teasontd away. Then, sir,
the power to lay imposts is expressly granted.
I am now ready, under the restrictions I pro
pose to suggest, to use it
Before entering -. pun this branch of my ar
gument, allow me to digress but for a moment
lor the purpose of saying that the wastful ex
penditures of this administration are to he at
tributed, iu part, to a careless, or merely ('ar
tisan, .selection of disbursing agents; and that
thus is fully proven in the vast sums expended
in the conduct of tfie Seminole war. The
proximity of mv own State to the Florida line,
ami the part nf here lizens have borne in the
sufferings of that disastrous and doomed con
flict, constrain me to know and condemn its
management. Mv own State has not been
exempted from savage incursion; Iter villa
ges have been in some instances burn', and
tier households butchered. Tons the parent
Government lias extended no protection.--
Oar own chivalry has repelled the fire.
As to Florida, after years of suffering, she is
still ihe victim of Indian craft and cruelty; of
federal incompe'ettcy or carelessness. Her
lands are untilled, and her tropical fields yield
no fruits. The war-whoop wakes the slumber
of infancy unto death; manhood and femalitv
are alike defenceless. The cottage of the
woodsman and the palace of the rich planter
crumble before the torch of the incendiary.—
The blood of the bravest and best lias rnin
g.ed with her yet unconqured soil. And still
the Yentassce warrior lingers in his lair. The
Seminole hord* s still roam o’er her p.lains, or
skulk iii tier everglades. The war still rages,
and the people suffer. Titese sufferings are
so common that they seem, of late, to attract
no attention, and command no sympathy.—
I he complaints of Florida reach not the ear
of power; Iter agonies touch not the heart of
her rulers. Money enough has been expen
ded in conqueting these marauding savages,
to clothe the Territory in the bloom and beau
ty of art, science, and religion ; a richer
and shall thep be he'd for the use of the United States
herself im luded. So that. according to these com
pacts. particularly that of Georgia.the charuesomhe
land being satisfied, it ‘ clearly the right of the Gov
ernment if thought advisable to distribute its proceed
among tlie Stales. All controversy however, as *o
the power of Congress over the territory of the Uni
ted States, is to mv mind, settled bv the constitution:
which in words, clothes Congress with the power to
dispose of the territory of the United States.
bloom, by tar, than that winch a genial cli
mate be gels upon her woods and fields. I
make these remarks, sir, not alone to record
mv condemnation ofthe past, but, if possible,
also to enlist sympathy for the future.
Assuming that theie is a debt ol the Gov
ernment to be pairl, and that the income is not
equal to the waatsol the Government, it is my
conviction that resort must he had to an in
crease of duties upon luxuries wti ch by the
compromise act, are free, or bear a less rate
of duty than 20 per cent. Such an increase
will not be in violation of that act, but in com
pliance with one of its express stipulations.—
1 do not make void, but establish the compro
mise. And the great reason why I would thus
early commence the imposition of duties is,
that the act of 1333, not merely until its own
limitations shall repeal it, but through gener
ations to come, in all its conservative stipula
tions, may become the permanent policy ofthe
country.
Before proceeding to show that an increase
•if duties is provided for in the act of 1533. I
beg leave to sav, that I consider that act in the
light of a compact, and that Southern inter
ests, more if possible thin Northern, require
it to be so held, and as such religiously main
tained. It is an agreement founded in con
cession. It provides guarantees in behalf of
the free-trade principles of the South. It or
iginated in an imperious political necessity;
it was devised in wise and patriotic counsels;
and its result was the arrest of civil srtife in ils
incipiencv. I need not recite its history, de
pict the evils it prevented, or aggravate the
dangers to our Union which it avoid .and. The
passions ol that day have cooled down; and
we may look hack upon it with reason’s un
clouded eye. The then dense cloud of war,
and the fogs and winds and lightning which
it engendered have passed away; and we
now see, not darkly, but truly, the political
heavens and earth. That was, in fact, a cri
sis, All men felt it to be so. And in its mo
ment of utmost and most (earlul interest, the
master spirit of that day came to us. the bird
of reconciliation, with the olive bough in his
beak. The fiery and proud spirits of the
South accepted tiie overture of harmony; and
this act was the result. It is an agreement,
sir, not to subsist lor its term of legislative be
ing only, hut settling principles of perpetual
obligation. The gentleman who has just ta
ken his seat, (Mr. Rhett,) denies that it is ob
ligatory upon us. He says, and says Lilly,
that the Congress ol 1533 could i.ot bind that
of 1841; and that the act is now subject to
repeal. Sir, I know one Congress, by a mere
act of legislation, cannot bind another. The
gentlemen is right technically. But, sir, the
act of’33 is binding in a higher view of the
subject. It is obligatory according to all the
requirements of good faith, honor and honesty.
In what light did the men of that day view it ’
Did not the Nullifiers of South Carolina ac
cept it as satisfactory ? Did they not haul
down their palmetto banner, rescind their or
dinances, and disband their Ibices? And so
they did. And it was upon sufficient consid- j
eration; or otherwise, they are open to the j
imputation of abandoning rccreantly the lofty |
ground they had taken.
[Mr. Rhett here remarked that Mr. Cal- J
Itoun avowed, at the time ol its passage, j
ihat lie did o.rt hold the act of ’33 so tar obii-j
gatory as not to bes-übjjct to repeal or modi
fication.]
It mailers not, sit; he accepted it, and so
did his friends; and they have acquiesced in
its provisions Irom that day to ibis—all, sir,
except my friend, (Mr. Rtiett.) He, 1 know, I
never did accept it. He, (to use a phrase pe
euliar to a man at the other end of this Cupi
ltd.) ‘‘solitary and alone,” resisted, in the midst
of ins friends, the rescinding the celebrated
Carolina ordinances. He is, therefore, now
consistent.
V r ievvii!ir it, ihen, as a compact, one of its
stipulations is in the following words, to wit:
“Provided, That nothing herein contained
shall be so construed as to prevent the passage
of any act. prior to the 30< i day of June,
1842, in the contingency ■ tier of excess or
deficiency of revenue, alt, . > gr the rales ol
duties on articles, which, by tii aibiesaid act
of 14th July, 1832, are nunject :'o a less rate
of duty thati 20 per cent, advalurem, in such
manner as not. to exceed that rate, and so as to
adjust the revenue to either of said contingen
cies.”—See sec. G, act 1833. The SOth June,
1842, is the time at which the compromise
act expires. Before that time, you perceive,
sir, that provision is made for altering the
rate of duties, iu the contingency of excess or
de'fi ‘iency of revenue; that is, if before the
SOth June, 1842, the wants of the Govern
ment should require more money than would
be raised under the act, provision is made fi.r
supplying that want by the imposition of ad
ditional duties. Not only so: but the act it
self prescribes the articles upon which the du
ties shall be imposed, and limits the height of
them. Such is the contract. The contin
gency anticipated has, in fact, occurred: there
is a deficiency of revenue; the debts of the
Government cannot be paid. Indeed, inde
pendent of any debt, tie ordinary wants of
an economical administration cannot be sup
plied by the revenue which is forthcoming un
der t e act. The income of the Government is
still to be reduced by the necessary operation
of that act; because it cuts down ail duties,
bv SOth June, 1842, to 20 per cent. Each
billowing year, llie deficiency will increase
necessarily until ’42. And, making all allow
ance for increased importations, I have no idea
but that the deficiency, in both ’4l and ’42,
will be very greal. Now, sir, il is to supply |
ibis deficiency, and pay the national debt, that
I would lay new duties. Are we not permu
ted, nay, sir, is it not one of the imperative
obligations of the compact, to do so? What
becomes, then, of the idea of gentlemen, (hat
we interfere with the compromise? These
demonstrations, l apprehend are designed only
to excite an uninformed opposition to what 1
ti list will be the policy ol trie Harrison party
in relation to revenue. That policy, i believe,
ought, atid will be, to raise the money neces
sary, by imposts'upon luxuries that are unpro
tected, in addition to the amount that may
come it, according to the minimum rates, un
der the act of 1833. Il would seem, sir, that
the manufacturers themselves, if any body,
ought to complain of a disregard of the com
piomise; vet they complain not. The com
plaint comes from the alarmists of the South.
That South which, I ant prepared to show,
holds a deeper stake in the solemn guarantees
of the compromise than any other section ol
the Union.
By the section of the act of “33, which I
have read, you will petceive that the articles
i made dutiable by new legislation, such as are,
| by the act of ’32. bear a less rate of du v than
j2O per cent, ad valorem. Upon no other ar
! t cles can you lay duties; and it is only upon
them, or rather principally upon such articles
■ as hear no duly, that a duty is proposed to be
I laid. Os course, no free article is protected,
! nor are such as hear a duty < f less than 20
per cent.; for it is admitted that even twen
|tv per cent, affords no protection. If, there
| fore, you this day readjust the duties on this
| class of articles, you pass no tariff’ act or prn
| section; and such rate of duty as I am wil-
I lino to lav, such as would raise ample reve
nue, would not at all affect even the irnporta
| lion.
1 Those articles upon which il is proposed to
lay tin ties, are silk's and wines and some oih
ers, hoing luxuries, The importation of silks
from Franee is very great. The average iui
p >ris from France and her West India dept it
dencies, annually amount to a boot 811,0h0,-
000. This enormous trade pays no tax. li
tvould seem hut reasonable h r m this source to
realize revenue. But is said hy the gentle
man from South Carolina, (Mr. Khelt.) that
a duly upon silks would injure the South,
llis argument is britflv this: A duty upon
goods imported from a foreign State a fleets
our own exports to that State, by reducing :
them. France is a market for the cotton ol’J
the South, which she pays lor hy sending us j
her silks and wines; if we tax her silks and j
wines it will operate as n tax upon the export 1
of cotton, and hereby reduce the amount ofi
it.
Let us look into this argument, and see how
far the principle assumed be true, and how 1
far it is applicable to the trade between the;
United States and France. The position, !
conceive, sir, is just m two contingencies. Il j
the duties upon the imports, are so large as
to amount to a prohibition, it may be conce
ded at once that it will, in ordinary cases,
prevent exportation; or, if the exports and
imports are equal to the extent that the duty
diminishes the importation, hy lessening the
consumption, will usually, though by no means
necessary, reduce the export. Now, the ar
gument of the gentleman seemed to assume
that we propose to lay such a duty on silks as
would amount to a prohibition, and upon that
assumption there might be force in it. Bui
not so; no one has dreamed of such a duly.
The highest rate of duly suggested by any
one is twenty per cent.; and I believe hall’
that amount would be sufficient. The gen
tleman has wholly failed to show that sueli
duties would aHect al all the consumption of
silks in the Uuited Stales. No, sir; a mode
rate duty would not affect the import, because
the consumption would he undiminished. Our
belles and beauties, our dames and their daugh
ters, will still flourish in flounces, furbelow.-,
and silks. The wealthy, who are tlie consu
mers mainly of silk goods,.would not regard
a small inctease of price. Pride, fashion, and
vanity, would still ask their supplies, and take
no denial.
If the gentleman will lav duty on no article
that is paid for in whole or in part American
cottons, why then he will never lay one; his
position will drive him necessarily from imposts
J to direct taxation; for he knows well that cot
ton, in our commerce with the world, pays,
in some degree, and indeed in great part,
for all our imports. When asked hy his col
league (Gen. Thompson) to name an article
that was not so paid lor, my friend was wisely
silent.
Nor, sir: are the i/nports from and exports
to France, so nearly equal as to endanger our
cotton trade. On the contrary, the balance
of trade is largely against us. And this fact
must demolish wholly the argiynent of the
gentleman. The entire export from the Uni
ted States to France, composed principally
of co ton, rice, and tobacco, amounts to about
$19,000,000; and the importations from
Fiance and her West India dependencies, to
about 033,000,000; leaving a balance against
us of 814,000,000; which balance is paid hy
ian expert of specie. Now, sir, before it is
possible to affect our cotton trade with France,
the consumption, and consequently the impor
tation, of tier silks and wines. &,c. must be re
duced more than 814,000.000. No rate of
duty tnat I shall ever consent to impose, and
none that an economical administiation may
demand, can ever thus lessen the importation
] of French goods.
Again, sir, the cotton which we send to
| France is consumed by her own people prin
cipally, and that demand must continue irre
spective of any foreign demand lor her silks
and wines. And conceding, only for the sake
of the argument, that a duly as proposed
would lesson llie consumption of silks, I be
lieve in the same ratio would it increase the
consumption of cotton fabrics. If silks are
excluded, cotton will become the apparel of
the rich, as well as the poor. We are under
no obligation either, s r, of commercial cour
tesy to France; lor she levies a duty at her
own ports upon American cottons —and that
a discriminating duty, it being more than she
levies upon Egyptain cotton.
Now, sir, inasmuch as the Government is
in debt, you must either pay its obligations
honestly, or continue them by loans; to pay
them, the present and prospective income is
inadequate. You must, therefore, open up
new sources of income. What will he your
resort? Doubtless new duties upon imports;
and if driven to this, you aie to determine
whether you Will impose them upon luxu.ies,
which are free, or increase them upon neces
saries, already heavily burdened. That is,
whether you will tax the rich or the poor.
Will you grind the poor man’s face by your
legislation, and mollify the sleek cheek of
wealth with the oil of exemption? Sir, I nev
er have raised shouts to poverty, enlisting its
honest zeal in behalf of either men or mea
sures—decrying its imaginary oppressions,
and alienating the different orders of society.
I have never labored to arm the poor against
the rich, to array vice against virtue, and ig
norance against knowledge. I have consid
ered a diversity of estate an unavoidable con
dition of all social organization, and that one
of the highest obligati ns of patriotism is to
improve all grades, and, if possible, to harmo
nize all orders of men. I have ever claimed,
an I shall always claim, that American citi
zens shall be equal under the law. It was
said in triumph iu France, at the adoption of
her amended constitution, “ail Frenchmen are
equal under the law.” It was not the fact.
I doubt it’ France ever realizes so almost di
vine a consummation. We, sir, with more
propriety, claim for ail our people political
equality. We practise, with nearer approach
es to truthfulness, the sublime doctrines ol
civil equality; and yet, we have not attained
to this high state of political perfectibility.
Our people are unequally taxed. The bur
dens of Government are not equal; nor are
the benefits. The luxuries of the rich, many
of them, pay no duty, whilst the necessaries
ol the poor are all taxed. By ihe tariff’ laws
of this Union, the siiken drapery which envel
ops the gorgeous couch of the rich man, pays
no tax; whilst the cold thin matrass, and scant
blankets of the poor, bear a heavy duty.
Strange, sir, yet true. Iha /fc always consid
ered the exemption of luxuries, as one of the
anomalies of republican legislation; and have
wondered—often wondered how so much of
practical oppression could I ave been ro long
tolerated. It is now time to amend, if not
atone, for the errors of the past.
Gentlemen talk of reform; we invite them
to the work here. They are the ti iends of:he
. poor; now is the lime most gloriously - o sig
nalize their regard. We as!: the poor man’s
friend to attest the sincerity of his professions
by his deeds. The wine that g!adden=> the
heart of wealth, and maketh merry ihe hoard
of his festivity; the silks which high bred
women wear, and the spices which stimulate
; the sated palace of the luxurious gourmand,
are now proposed to be moderately taxed.
Sir, you must do ibis, or raise your mone\
from the overwrought muscles, the blood
; and bones of laborious poverty. We shall!
j see, sir, who are in truth the fiends of the
poor.
VOL. I. M). 6.
The late ol duty will he regulated hy the
amount ol money required. I have already
staled that I am opposed to ail duties but lor
revenue; and l now say I will vole only torso
much levciiue to be raised ms will pay the
expenses oi an econom.cai administration.
I he expenditures ol the Government ought
and i .hope will bo reduced. We are not
now called upon to vote any specific amount
ol duties; the proposition is, that the Com
mittee ol \V ays and Means be instructed to
report what amo .nt may be required. Sir,
whenever this bill is brought forward* I shall
not support it il it raises one dollar more than
will pay the national debt and sustain the Go
vernment. Ihe pub ic debt must be first as
certained, and the estimates of expenditure
InrnisJied. lam therefore pledged to support
no bill which does not fail within the positions
1 now assume.
1 lie member from South Carolina remark - ’
id that he was at a loss to know the reason
why duties were now proposed to be laid, un
til he heard il alleged m the Senate, that more,
revenue would be necessary to supply the de
ficit in the pt.hlic income, occasioned by the
distribution ol the proceeds of the public lauds.
I 1 or my sell I am influenced by no such rea
son. lam aware that it is said, and regela
ted daily, that high tariffs and profuse expen
ditures,each begettingthe other, will beamong
the leading measures of the new administra
tion. For one, Ido not believe it. Whether
tlte distribution measure prevails or not, it is
apparent to all that the Government must
have more means. That necessity ought to
lie, by candid men, considered as sufficient?
reason lor a revision oi our impost laws.
Mr. Chairman, I have been greatiy surpri
sed to find leading Southern statesmen so
willing to relax tlie obligations of the com
promise; obligations so essential to Southern
interests. I remarked before, that, in that
agreement, are to be found the strongest
guarantees against protective duties. ]u it
are stipulations conservative of Southern prin*
ciples. YY hether it was originally just to the
South or not, it is useless now to inquire. She
lias acquiesced in it, and so have the manu
facturers. Interests have grown up under it
which we may not now rightfully disturb; the
benefits provided for the North have been se
cured. The manulacturing interests, lam
induced to believe, are satisfied with the pro
tection it affords them; they desire no change.
And the time has arrived when the conditions
faio:able to the South are beginning tobeop
eiative. O.ir guarantees are now to be
available; and shall we cast them ofF, by an
nulling the compact? No, sii; rather let us
ratilv it anew, hy now acting under its pro
visions. Y\ hat are some ot those conserva
tive guarantees? I call your attention to one,
sir, of vast moment, which, if faithfully ob
served, will quiet Ibrever the exciting and
dangerous topic of protective duties. One of
the covenants of the contract is, that, “until
the 30th June, 1342, the duties imposed by
existing laws, as modified by this, act,"shall
remain and continue to be collected, and iWtm
and alter the day aforesaid, such duties shall
be laid for the purpose of raising such reve
nue as may be necessary to an economical ad*
ministiation ol the Government.” See 3d
sic. act 1833.
Tsmv; sir, you perceive, that bv virtue of the
compromise act, it is the solemn pledge of the
.parties thereto, that, from an.l after the 30th
June 1342, no duties shall he laid hut lor rev
enue. Not only so; but that the amount of
such revenue shall be limited to the wants of *
an economical administration.
It.e principle of protection is discarded.
No one cart rise up after ’42 and ask lor pro
ttclion. 1 tie North is estopped. The South
can point to the agreement, and demand that
duties shall be limited to purposes of reveune:
not only so; hut that the revenue shall not
exceed the limits of a just economy. A pow
er to lay duties for revenue never has been
deniad to Congress, ft was against a per
version ol tlii> power, sir, that my own State
and all the South rebelled. It was thj doc
trine of protection, as held by tne manufac
turers and those who represented them, that
si i red the ire of my constituents and awaken
ed the burning eloquence of such men as
Cehb and Crawford, M’Duffiie and IJayne.
Suppose, sir, that these principles shall pre
vail; ihat the compromise is obseived; that
dunes in times to come shall be laid only for
revenue: where is the politician so fastidious
as to complain? Will not peace rule in our
councils and fraternal Itel.ng pervade all sec
tions? It - , sir, economy in public affairs, which
.shall confine approp;iaiions to constitutional
objects, and revenue only for the public wants,
are the guiding stars of the Harrison admin
istration, let no man iear that the ship of
Stale will riot sail o’er prosperous seas beneath
benignant skies. Are gentlemen prepared to
.yield the obligatory power of the act of ’33?
To yield in the moment of victory the fruits
ol war—to open again the fountains of strife;
to loose the elements of commotion, nowhap
pjy tied up; and invite the storm and court
the tempest? Now is the time for the Harri
son party to identity itsell with the principles
ol Iliat act. 1 hey should be now affirmed;
we ought to be committed upon them. And
the most effectual mode of identification, is to
start our revenue system according toils pro
vision?, by laying duties now on unprotected
articles. Now is the time to stereotype the
compromise.
To avoid a protective tariff, it is necessary
to condemn it belbie the compromise expires.
I would proclaim it to the people ol my own
Stale. 1 desire to be known all over ihat sun
ny land, from ber mountains to the sea, that
now is the time lo act upon this great ques
tion. It was said in the late canvass, that
Harrison, the honest, valiant, and successful
wing candidate, wasa tariff man. The reply
we made, sir, was llfat he was in favor of the
principles settled in the compromise. Upon
tins explanation we triumphed. And now
who shall object, when he confines what we
then said of him? Os his friends, no one; of
his enemies of course all.
\\ e should not wait until after June ’42 (o
arrange the revenue, because then it will be
.-aid, the compromise having ceased hy its own
limitations, the whole subject of protection is
open. Attempt then lo lay imposts, ard you
encounter'the cot ifl.cling interests of the whole
Lnion. Every ait.cie of domestic mamifac
ture will demand protection; capital will wield
its might against free trade; selfishness will
c.arnor lor legislative bounties. Discriminate
then y. u must. Angry passions will again
mingle in your councils; Slate authority mav
again aririy itself against Federal law; lh*e
cannon of the Union may again he pointed
against some Southern city, and there may be
none so potent as to command the jarring
elements into peace. °
,_V ScOGEE mt’KASCE COM,
* are now ready for the transaction of
business. Uihce over Win. A. Redd & Co.’s store.
directors t
JOX WABBEN. JOHN PEABODY,
GRIGSBY E. THOMAS, THACKER E. HOWARD,
E. S. GREENWOOD, KENITH M’kINZIE.
JOHN BANKS, President,
Matt. R. Evaks, Secretary.
Feb. 17 2 if
BLANKS FOR SALE.