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the times.
The union of the.utes and the states
COLUMBUS, APRIL 23, 1941.
= p r om the Enquirer, of yesterday.
COTTON. Bales
Receipts, week ending April 17 - 452
Received previously .... “3 825
Total receipts ... - - 34.2.7
Total shipments ----- f31,172
Stock on hand ----- 3,10->
Received to April 4, 1840 - - - - 47 716
Price 10 to 10J cents.
The City Council have rejected the propo
sition of Col. I*ewis, the Mayor, in regard to
abolishing the corporation tax.
We are happy to perceive that so much
enthusiasm prevails among our friends in all
parts of the State, in regard to the May Con
vention. We notice almost every county in
the State is taking action on the subject, and
we predict that it will bo the largest assembly
that ever convened at the Capitol.
HON. JOHN C. CALHOUN.
This distinguished statesman and patriot
arrived in town on Friday morning last, and ;
took room at the Oglethorpe House. On the
evening of the same day, Mr. Calhoun ad
dressed a large assembly, and notwithstanding
the assertion of the Enquirer, we believe there
was no one who heard him who did not ac
knowledge the truth and force of his remarks.
Mr. Calhoun remained in town until Monday
morning!* During his stay, the usual courte
sies were extended to him by our citizens,
without distinction of party.
The Races over the Western Course, near
this city, commence on Monday next. From
the number of stables now on the ground with
others that are expected, and from the well
known character of the proprietors for liberality
we opine great sport may be justly anticipated.
There are now on the ground seven different
stables, containing in all twenty-one horses;
among them, Count Zaldivar and Henry
Crowell, (both crack nags,) competitors, we
are informed, for the laurels of the four mile
day. Come then, ye lovers of this knightly
and noble amusement, visit the course each
successive day, and we pledge you a pleasant
week,
For the Times.
Mr. Editor —Why, in the name of the
Seven Wise Masters of Greece, do you not
lecture those modern Mar-plots, your laughing
contemporaries of the Enquirer ? If your nu
merous duties preclude the possibility of doing
o, send, I compassionately entreat you, send
your juvenile Asmodeus—he who is known in
the common vernacular of the craft, as the
very d—l himself—send him, I pray ye, to
read a lesson in editorial tact, to
Those “muskets, who oft contrive it,
To miss the mark they seem to drive at.”
But, it appears to me, upon more mature de
liberation, that your interference in a matter
of so much delicacy might be construed, by
the new Websterian rule of ethics, into a very
act of very “ officiousness.” To relieve you
from a duty so unpleasant, and at the same
time shelter you from the excommunicating
Bull of the Honorable Secretary, permit me
to tender my “advice” to your amiable and
prescient contemporaries; inasmuch as the
way I do it, is “left to my own discretion and
sense of propriety,” and I pledge myself not
to do an “injury to the very cause which is in
tended to be advanced.”
First of the firstly, then: lam inclined to
think that the mothers of the Enquirer’s “do
not know that they are out”—for, were the
fact known, the maternal lead ing-strings would
not be permitted to run wild in the hnrum
scarum style they have recently exhibited.—
Ah, my masters of the Enquirer, cannot that
sage old gentleman, Experience, teacli you
your duty ? Has not his birchen rod “ tickled
your catastrophies” sufficiently, to keep you
from “going out” without leave 1 Do you not
know, my masters.
Second of the secondly, the time when you
declared that the principles of a certain great
man were of a character too ambiguous to
make him a safe depository of the interests of
the South, in his administration of the General
Government, that your mama’s applied the
oil of Hickory so pungently to your backs, as
to compel you to back out and back in, with a
skill and dexterity that would have won a
smile of approbation from the venerable and
consistent Vicar of Bray 1 and
Third of the thirdly: Has it escaped your
youthful reminiscensces, that during the re
cent Presidential canvass, you noininnted to
the Gubernatorial chair of this State a distin
guished gentleman, who was then a prominent
member of Congress—and that, scarcely ere
your lauditory strain had died away in the dis
tance, with admirable tact and presence of
mind you “turned about and wheeled about”
and denounced your favorite nominee, in a
strain that the Hon. Jim Crow himself would
have coveted! No, niy masters, you cannot
have forgotton either this, or that. My deep
solicitude for your welfare, knowing as I do,
that your mothers’ do not know that “ you are
out,” is my only reason, but one, for noticing
these facts —and that one is, the
Fourth of my fourthly, and last of my last
ly : Who told ye, my Innocents , that Richard
Ilenry Wilde would serve on your ticket!—
Has it never struck you, my coveys , that you
may be ;premature in your anticipations ? that
you may have mistaken your man 1 I think
you have. Mr. Wilde is a gentleman of fine
taste—and, if he felt a disposition to mingle
again in party strife, it is not probable, after
having “ lapp’d his soul in Elysium” at the
classic founts of antiquity, he would plunge it
in the offensive pools of hard cider politics—it
is not probable, 1 say, that after having inhaled
the nectar of the glorious Tasso and il divino
Ariosto, that he would fuddle himself with the
small beer libations of pipe-laying baehanals.
Good bye, my dearies—con your lessons—
mind your books, and be good boys—and you
will then escape the raps of FERRULA.
The New York Atlas says that there is a
small garret in that city which is rented by
fifteen families—two of them take boadeis,
four of them keep cats, and one of them keeps
three dogs; in addition to which there are
about 500 cockroaches, besides mice and other
creeping things. They have still room for any
quiet young gentleman who wants to board.
A farmer’s son in the country, a few days
since asked his father, what an American m in
of war was like. W ny, said the father, who
had never seen one, it is just like our thresh- •
ing machine. i
(OFFICIAL.) * *
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE U. STATES.
Fellow Citizens:—Before my arrival at the
Seat of Government the pains communication
was made to you by the officers presiding over
the several Departments of the deeply regret
ted death of William Henry Harrison, late
President of the United States. Upon him
you had conterred your suffrages for the first
office in your gift, and had selected him as
vour chosed instrument to correct and reform
all such errors and abuses as had manifested
themselves from time to time in the practical
operation of the Government. ‘ While stand
ing at the threshold of this great work, he has,
by°the dispensation of an all-wise Providence,
been removed from amongst us, and by the
provisions of the Constitution the efforts to he
directed to the accomplishing of this vitally
important task have devolved upon myself.—
This same occurrence has subjected the wis
dom and sufficiently of our institutions to a
new test. For the first time in our history
the person elected to the Vice Presidency ol
the United States, by the happening of a con
tingency provided for in the Constitution, has
had devolved upon him the Presidential office.
The spirit of faction, which is directly opposed
to the spirit of a lofty patriotism, may find in
this occasion for assaults upon my administra
tion. And in succeeding, under circumstan
ces so sudden and unexpected, and to respon
sibilities so greatly augmented, to the admin
istration of public affairs, I shall place in tlie
intelligence and patriotism of the People my
only sure reliance. My earnest prayer shall
be constantly addressad to the all-wise and all
powerful Being who made me, and by whose
dispensation 1 am called to the high office of
President of this Confederacy, understanding
ly to carry out the principles of that Constitu
tion which I have sworn “to protect, preserve,
and defend.”
The usual opportunity which is afforded to
a Chief Magistrate upon his induction to office
of presenting to his countrymen an exposition
of the policy which would guide his adminis
tration, in the form of an inaugural address,
not having, under the peculiar circumstances
which have brought me to to the discharge ol
the high duties of President of the United
States, been afforded to me, a brief exposition
of the principles which will govern me in the
general course of my administration of public
affairs would seem to be due as well to my
self as to you. In regard to foreign nations,
the groundwork of my policy will be justice
on our part to all, submitting to injustice from
none. While I shall sedulously cultivate the
relations of peace and amity with one and all,
it will be my most imperative duty to see that
the honor of the country shall sustain no blem
ish. With a view to this, the condition of our
military defences will become a matter of anx
ious solicitude. The Army, which has in oth
er days covered itself with renown, and the
Navy, inappropriately termed the right arm of
the public defence, which has spread a light
of glory over the American standard in all the
waters of the earth, should be rendered replete
with efficiency.
In view of the fact, well avouched by histo
ry, that the tendency of all human institutions
is to concentrate power in the hands of a sin
gle man, and that their ultimate downfall has
preceded from this cause, I deem it of the most
essential importance that a complete sepera
tion should take place between the sword and
the purse. No matter where or how the pub
lic moneys shall be deposited, so long as the
President can exert the power of appointing
and removing, at his pleasure, the agents se
lected for their custody, the Commander-in
chief of the Army and Navy is in fact the
Treasurer. A permanent and radical change
should therefore be decreed. The patronage
incident to the Presidential office, already great,
is constantly increasing. Such increase is
destined to keep pace with the growth of our
population, until, without a figure of speech,
an army of officeholders may be spread over
the land. The unrestrained power exerted
by a selfishly ambitious man, in order to per
petuate his authority or to hand it over to some
favorite as his successor, may lead to the em
ployment of all the means within his control
to accomplish his object. The right to re
move from office, while subjected to no just
restraint, is inevitably destined to produce a
spirit of crouching servility with the official
corps, which, in order to uphold the hand which
feeds them, would lead to direct and active in
terference in the elections, both State and Fed
eral, thereby subjecting the course of State
legislation to the dictation of the Chief Lxecu
tive Officer, and making the will of that officer
absolute and supreme. I will, at a proper
time, invoke the action of Congress upon this
subject, and shall readily acquiesce in the a
doption of all proper measures which are cal
culated to arrest these evils, so full of danger
in their tendency. I will remove no incum
bent from office who has faithfully and honest
ly acquitted himself of the duties of his office,
except in such cases where such officer lias
been guilty of an active partisanship,tor by se
cret means—the less manly, and therefore
the more objectionable—has given bis official
influence to the purposes of party, thereby
bringing the patronage of the Government in
conflict with the freedom of elections. Nu
merous removals may become necessary un
der this rule. These will be made by me
through no acerbity of feeling. I have had
no cause to cherish or indulge unkind feelings
towards an}’, bat my conduct will he regula
ted by a profound sense of what is due to the
country and its institutions; nor shall I neg
lect to apply the same unbending rule to those
of my own appointment. Freedom of opinion
will be tolerated, the full enjoyment of the
right of suffrage will be maintained as the
birthright of every American citizen, but I say
emphatically to the official corps, “thus far
and no farther.” I have dwelt the longer up
on tiiis subject, because removals from office
are likely often to arise, and I would have my
countrymen to understand the principle of the
Executive action.
In all public expenditures the most rigid e
conomy should be resorted to, and, as one of
its results, a public, debt in time of peace he
sedulously avoided. A wise and patriotic con
stituency will never object to the imposition
of necessary burdens for useful ei ds ; and true
wisdom dictates the resort to such means, in
order to supply deficiencies in the revenue,
rather tliau to those doubtful expedients, which
j ultimating in a public debt, serve to embar
rass the resources cf the country and to les
sen its ability to meet any great emergency
which may arise. All sinecures should be
abolished. The appropriations should be di
rect and explicit, so as to leave as limited a
share of discretion to the disbursing agents as
may be found compatible with the public ser
vice. A strict responsibility on the part of all
the agents of the Government should be main
tained, and speculation or defalcation visited
with immediate expulsion from office and the
most condign punishment.
The public interest also demands that, if
any war had existed between the Government
and the currency, it cease. Measures of a fi
! nancial character, now having the sanction of
! legal enactment, shall be faithfully enforced
until repealed by the legislative authority.—
But I owe it to myself to declare that 1 regard
i existing enactments as unwise and impolitic,
j and in a high degree oppressive. 1 shall.
i promptly give my sanction to any constitution
,al measure which, originating in Conrrress, 1
| shall have for its object the restoration of a
sound circulating medium, so essentially ne
cessary to give confidence in all the transac
tions ot lite, to secure to industry its just and
adequate rewards, and to re-establish the pub
lic prosperity. In deciding upon the adoption
ol any such measures to the end proposed,qas
well as its conformity to the Constitution, I;
shall resort to the Fathers of the gieat Repub- J
lie tin school for advice and instruction, to be j
drawn from their sage views of our system of i
Government, and the light of their ever glo- i
rious example. “ 1
Frhe institutions under which we live, mv j
countrymen, secure each person in the perfect
enjoyment of all his rights. The spectacle is
exhibited to the world of a Government deriv
ing its powers from the consent of the govern-;
edTand having imparted to it only so much pow- j
eras is necessary for its successful operation.
Those who are charged with its auministra- j
tion should carefully abstain from all attempts
to enlarge the range of powers thus gr ated
to the several departments of the Government,
other than by an appeal to the People for addi
tional grants, lest by so doing they disturb
that balance which the patriots and statesmen
who framed the Constitution designed to es
tablish between the Federal Government and
the Slates composing the Union. The obser
vance of these rules is enjoined upon us by
| that feeling of reverence and affection which
I finds a place in the heart of every patriot for
the preservation of union and the blessings of
union—for the good of our children and our
children’s children, through countless genera
tions. An opposite course could not fail to
generate factions, intent upon the gratification
of their selfish ends; to give birth to local and
sectional jealousies, and to u timate either in
breaking asunder the bonds of union, or in
building up a central system, which would in
evitably end in a bloody sceptre and an iron
crown.
In conclusion, I beg you to be assured that
I shall exert myself to carry the foregoing
principles into practice during my administra
tion of the Government, and, confiding in the
protecting care of an ever-watchful and over
ruling Providence, it shall be my first and high
est duty to preserve unimpaired the free in
stitutions under which we live, and transmit
them to those who shall succeed me in then
full force and vigor. ‘ JOHN TYLER.
Washington, April 9, 1841.
(official.)
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE U. STATES.
A recommendation. —When a Christian
People feel themselves to be overtaken by a
great public calamity, it becomes them to
humble themselves under the dispensation of
Divine Providence, to recognize His righteous
Government over the children of men, to ac
kowledge His goodness, in time past, as well as
their own unworthiness, and to supplicate His
merciful protection for the future.
The death of William Henry Harrison, late
President of the United States, so soon after
his elevation to that high office, is a bereave
ment peculiarly calculated to be regarded as
a heavy affliction, and to impress all minds
with a sense of the uncertainty of human
tilings, and of the dependence of Nations, as
well as of individuals, upon our Heavenly Pa
rent.
1 have thought, therefore, that I should be
acting in conformity with the general expec
tation and feelings of the community, in re
commending, as I now do, fothe People of the
United States, of every Religious denomina
tion, that, according to their several modes and
forms of worship, they observe a day of Fas
ting and Prayer, by such religious services, as
may be suitable on the occasion; and, 1 :e
----commend Friday, the fourteenth day of May
next for that purpose ; to the end that, on that
day, we may all, with one accord, join in hum
ble and reverential approach to Him, in whose
hands we are, invoking Him to inspire us with
a proper spirit and temper of heai-t and mind,
under these frowns of His Providence, and
still to bestow His gracious benedictions upon
our Government and our country.
John Tyler.
Washington, April 13, 1841.
From the Globe.
MR. CUTHBERT AND WEBSTER.
The thanks of all patriots must be given to
Mr. Cutbbert for the manner in which he has
exposed the new American Premier. The
godlike makes a very mortal figure in this
close encounter, in the first place, he is
shown off as an old Missouri restrictionist,
drawing up a memorial against the admission
of that State with slaves in the year 1819, and
then going so far beyond this subject as to
claim from Congress a right to interdict the
sale of slaves between State and State. In
the next place, he is charged vviih claiming
this power for Congress in toe Senate, in 1837,
and admits and justifies it. In the third place,
j he permits the Legislature of Massachusetts,
! in 1838, to quote his authority, and his argu
ment, in favor of this power, and to found re
solves upon it, without in any way denying
the justice of their reference. In the fourth
place, lie permits his friends in the Senate of
the United States, in 1841, to deny it for him,
and says not a word to show that they are
| wrong in the denial. In the fifth piace, lie
refuses to answer Mr. CuHibert—evades the
question—gives a reference to an old letter
and to an “ October sun'” speech—and sends
some verbage to the National intelligencer to
be printed. Thus he is caught, brought up,
and tied up, and has not the manliness t > con
fess and beg pardon, or to avow and justify.
All is dodging, hiding, and equivocating. Far
behind what iie was even in 1837, lie will not
now repeat what he then said in his place in
the Senate. He then admitted that he had
claimed the right in question for Congress, and
he proffered an argument for it which would
enable Congress to stop all trade and com
merce whatever between the Suites. He ad
mitted he had claimed the power; he justified
the claim ; he adhered to it; but he plead, in
extenuation, that he had not expressed any
opinion as to the expediency of exercising the
power. He had not said that Congress ought,
or ought not, to stop this trade. And what
need was there for him to express an opinion
on this point 1 Certainly none at all. lie had
done enough when he assumed to show the
Abolitionists what they had a right to do! He
had done enough when he assumed for them
that Congress had a right to stop the sale of
slaves between State and State. The right
being shown, they could do the rest them
selves, and at it they went. The Massachu
setts Legislature, in 1838, thus acted upon
his intimation:
“ Resolved, That Congress has, by the Con
stitution, power to abolish the traffic in slaves
between the different States of this Union.
“ Resolved, That the exercise of this power
is demanded by the principles of humanity
and justice.
“ Resolved, That his Excellency the Gov
ernor be requested to forward a copy of these
resolutions to each of our Senators and Rep
resentatives in Congress.”
These resolves show that there was no
need ior Mr. Webster to express an opinion
upon the expediency of exercising the power
which lie claimed for Congress; the Abolition
ists of Massachusetts expressed th it opinion
for him, and sent the record of it to Washing
ton lor their Senators and Representatives to
act upon. Mr. Cuthbert has brought all this
to light, and the thanks of the country are due
to him for it. Much is already out’; more is
behind, and among the forthcoming pieces will
be the original memorial ol’ 1819, against the
admission of Missouri, in which this omnipo
tent and despotic power is claimed for Con
gress—a power which would enable it to stop
the sale of any, and every article of the mer
chandise, produce, and property between the
fetates, and make them as inaccessible to each
other’s commerce as the provinces of Spain
were in the tunes ol’ the dividend dominion of
the Moors and the Christians.
Os all the Jatitudinarian doctrines which ev
er issued from the Federal school, this opinion
of Mr. Webster is the most exiravagaut and
boundless. Under the pretext of regalatino
commerce, it assumes the right’ of destroying
all trade whatever.*
< ’loves.— l he clove grows in Amboyna, as
it did once over all the Molucca Islands ; but
the Dutch destroyed those trees, in order to
xeep all the trade in their own power. It is the
unexampled bud of a tree, similar to the laurel
in height, and in the shape of its leaves. It
had its name in France, because it looks much
hke a nail called in French clou.
From the Troy (N. Y.) Daily Whig.
LOWELL, MASSACHUSETTS.
The Lowell Journal of Wednesday contains
an interesting sketch of this flourishing city,
occupying a space of five columns. We have
made below an abstract of it, and regret that
vve cannot find room for the whole of it.
The town of Lowell was incorporated March
1820. On the spot now occupied by the city
the population, at the time the first purcha
ses were made for manufacturing purposes,
did not exceed 209 souls. In 1828, it reached
3,532 ; it was 6,477 ; in 1833, it was 12,303 ;
in 1836, it was 17,633 ; and by the census of
1840, it was 20,981. It is now only 25 years
since the project of using the waters of the
Pawtucket Falls originated with several en
terprising gentlemen of Boston and vicinity.
The increase of population has, therefore, ex
ceeded a thousand a year, for 20 years. Prob
j ably it will continue to increase at the same
rapid rate, for ten years to come. The city
charter was obtained in 1836.
Loweil is connected with Boston by the
Middlesex Canal and the Boston and Lowell
Rail Road.—Distance, 26 miles. It is con
nected with Nashua, N. 11. by a rail road 15
miles in length, which will soon be continued
to Concord, N. H., about 39 miles further.
The great corporations of the city arc 11 in
number, and the capital invested by them,
10,000,000 dollars. The Lock and Canal
Company, are the proprietors of the water
power, its capital is 000,000 dollars. The
dam across the Merrimack, and the various
canals in the city, by which its waters are j
conveyed to the mills, were made by it.—
With two exceptions, it built all the mills,
boarding houses and machinery of the oiher
corporations. It has two shops, a smithy
and foundry, and gives constant employment
to 500 men, and when building mills and
boarding houses for new corporations to 1200.
Its principal building is called “die Machine
Shop.” It turns out manufactured articles
to the amount ot about 250,000 dollars per
annum. ‘The stock in this corporation has
been, if it is not now, probably the best in the
world. Besides selling vast amount of its
land, on which the principal part of the city
now stands, at prices varying from one eighth
oi a dollar to one dollar per square foot, which
was purchased at one or two hundred dollars
the acre, the profits on all the mills and board
ing houses it lias built on good contracts for
the other corporations and the profits on the
immense manufactures of its shops, consisting
principally of full setts of machinery for cot
ton and woollen mills, locomotive engines,
&c. it reserves and receives an annual rent
for the water power disposed of for each mill.
The aggregate capital of the remaining cor
poration is ol course 19,900 dollars. Besides
these establishments, there are the Lowell
Bleachery; the extensive Pow der Works of
O. M. Whipple. Esq ; the Flannel Mills; the
Whitney Mills, where blankets of the very
best quality and finish are made ; a Batting
Mill; Card and Whip Factory of White & Cos;
an extensive Bobbin Factory of the Messrs.
Doug ; as; Planing Machines of Brooks and
Pickering ; extensive Carriage and Harness
Manufactory of Day, Converse &. Whittredge
j Sash and Door Factory of.l. H. Rand—em
ploying togeiher a capital of about $400,090
I and 400 operatives. The whole number of
| males employed in all the manufactoringestab
! lishments in the city is about 2500, and females
7000. Very few children are employed. It is pro
vided by the laws of the Commonwealth that
all youths employed in the mills, under 14
years of age, shall attend the schools three
months out of twelve, every year. The aver
age wages of females is 2 dollars per week,
clear of board ; and of males, common hands,
80 cents per day, clear of board. All are paid
monthly. The total amount of average
monthly wages, out of which board bill must
be paid, is about 170,000 dollars, making a
yearly aggregate, paid to operatives, by all
the corporations, of over 2,000,000 dollars.
The weekly produce of the mills is 1,265,-
560 yards of cotton cloth, of which 70,000 are
of the coarsest kind, called negro cloth. The
rest is mostly common, coarse, and line sheet
ings, shirtings, drillings and cotton flannels.—
A large portion of the finer goods is manufac
tured into calicoes at the Merrimack print
works, and a small portion of the coarser fabric
is printed at the Hamilton print works. 1,800
yards broadcloth and 6,000 yards of cassimere
are produced per week, by the Middlesex
Company; and 2500 yards of carpeting and
150 rugs measuring one yard and three-fourth
each, by the Lowell Company, making a
weekly aggregate -of 1,265, 530, and’ a yearly
of 65,809,120 yards. Thus it will be seen
that this city manufactures a fraction over
4 1-2 yards of cloth per year for every man,
woman and child in the United States, allow
ing the population to be 45,000,000. 270.000
yards of cloth are dyed and printed per week.
‘Flie consumption of cotton, per week, in all
the mills, is 1,025 bales, or 413,000 pounds.—
The yearly consumption of wool is, in the
Middlesex Mills, 600,000, and in the Carpet
439,536 pounds, making together 1,039,536
pounds. The Middlesex Company consumes
per annum, 3,000.000 teasels. All the Com
panies consume, per annum, 11,660 tons of
anthracite coal, 3410 cords of wood, 500,000
bushels of charcoal, 65,289 gallons of oil,
600,000 pounds of starch, ana 3900 barrels of
flour for starch.
There arc two Banks in the city, besides
a Savings Institution.’ The Lowell Bank has
a capital of 400,000 dollars, and the Rail Road
Bank of 800,000 dollars. In the Savings In
stitution are deposited 580,000 dollars, of
which 250,000 dollars belong to operatives in
the factories, mostly females.
There are in Lowell 18 religious societies,
viz: two Episcopalian, two Methodist, two
Freewill Baptist, two Christian, two Univer
sal ist, three Orthodox, three Baptist, one
Catholic, and one Unitarian. Fourteen of these
societies worship in elegant churches, viz:—
three Orthodox, two Baptist, two Methodist,
two Universalist, one Episcopal, one Freewill
Baptist, one Christian, the Roman Catholic,
and the Unitarian. The officers occupy con
venient halls. The fourteen churches, or
I meeting houses, with their furniture and dres
! sings, cost not less than 250,009 dollars.—
i The eighteen societies raise, and expend for
| parochial and charitable purposes, at least
40,000 dollars per annum.
There are thirty free public schools in the
j city, kept the year round. One new Gram
! mar school, several Primary schools will be
put into operation during the present year.—
There are now twenty-two Primary schools,
and seven Grammar schools; and one High
’ school—in the latter, young are fitted for the
University, a ud instructed in the higher branch
les of education. There was expended in 1840,
I for the support of free schools in Lowell, the
i sum of 21,436 dollars.
The Catholics form one-eight of the whole
population of Lowell. Five of the Primary
j school teachers, and three in the Grammar
i schools are Catholics. In consequence of the
; just and liberal policy of employing a fair pro
; portion of their denomination in the public
i schools, the Catholic priests take a deep
! interest in them; and their children conse-
I quently all attend, but mostly where Catholic
; teachers are employed, though there are no
regulations on the subject.
According to the report of the Auditor for
the year ending Dec. 31, 1810, the city debt
is 143,450 dollars and 10 cents. The real es
’ll3lo owned by the citv, cost and its worth
166,50-3 dollars and 98 cents. The whole a
mount of debts due the city is 25,208 dollars
and 04 cents. The amount of personal prop
erty held by the city is 8,803 dollars and 97
cents, ‘l’he appropriations, for ail purposes j
during the year were 98,340 dollars and 46
cents. Os this sum 47,198d011ars and 98 cents
were for the support of tiie public sc/jools, and
the building of the new school houses. In j
1820, the valuation ol the property on the spot j
where the city now stands did not exceed 1
1000 dollars: in 1840, the assessors’ books
shew it to be 12,400,000 dollars.
The Middlesex Mechanic Association own
abuilding and lib rary worth 25,000 dollars.
Tho City Ilall cost 20,OIK) dollars. The
Market House 16,000 dollars. The Alms
House 18,000.
There are seven printing establishments in
the city. The following is a list of the pub
lications, viz: The Lowell Courier, tri-weekly,
and the Lowell Journal, weekly, Whig—the
Lowell. Advertiser, tri-weekly, and the Lowell
Patriot weekly, Democratic—the Literary
Souvenies, neutrai—the Banner, Freewill
Baptist—the Star, Universalist-—the New
England Christian Advocate, Methodist Anti-
Slavery—the Lowell Oihering—the Ladies’
Pearl, literary Monthly Magazine—the Young
People’s Library.
Lowell supports 24 lawyers and 28 physi
cians and surgeons.
Os the literary character of the factory girls,
some inference may be drawn from the follow
ing statement in the Lowell Journal:
“It would doubtless surprise the agricul
tural and commercial communities of the
South arid West, to know that a monthly mag
azine, printed on an imperial sheet, 8 vo., that
in literary merit would compare well with the
average literary journals of the country, is
published in this city of spindles, looms, ham
mers, and anvils, every article being original,
and written by “ Factory Girls.” Yet such is
the sober truth. It is called the “ Lowell
Offering.” This work was started as an ex
periment—3,2oo copies of No. 1 were printed;
3,700 copies of No. 2; and 4,500 of No. 3.
The first edition of No. 1 was soon exhausted,
and a second edition of 2,000 has been pub
lished, and will soon be taken up. The ac
count given, in the work itself, of its origin,
object, &c. may be relied on. The editors are
two respectable clergymen of the city, and
pastors of large and flourishing societies, whose
statements are entitled to implicit credence.
The editors and publishers of this work have
opened no subscription list, but it may be con
sidered as permanently established.
“ The senior editor of the Offering will pub
lish, in due season, amAnuua!, entitled “ The
Garland of the Mills,” every article of which
will lie written by “Factory Girls.” A largo
number of the articles are already in his hands.
| From what 1 know of them, and the writers,
who will furnish all that may be wanted, i
have no doubt the work will rank, in literary
merit, with the average of the Annuals, as it
will also in its beauty of type, paper, and bind
ing. Such a work will bo no less strange
than true. It will probably bo placed in the
hands of tho printer in July. !t will be of the
common size of those beautiful and interesting
publications.”
EXCHANGE.
The facts embraced in the following extract
from the money article of Saturday’s New York
Herald ought never to be lost sight of:
In a state of suspension, there is no check
upon the banks ; and the remitter is compelled
to comply with their exactions. This state
of things is used as an argument in favor of a
Natonal Bank to “regulate exchanges,” as it
is called. Such an institution can, however,
have no influence upon the notes of bills, un
less the banks are compelled to pay specie.—
This, a majority of them are entirely unable
to do, unless anew bank should follow tiie ex
ample of the United States Bank in 1833, and
undertake to bolster them through a course
which must end in its own destruction. The
old United States Bank failed entirely to reg
ulate exchanges. From 1817 to 1826, nine
years, the rates were as irregular as now. In
that year the banks of the Southwest, Ken
tucky and Tennessee, returned to specie pay
ment. Exchanges then became regular, be
cause that event restored the currency to its
specie value, and put if on a par with that of
New York.
From that time, although the United States
Bank monopolized the business, exchanges
were regular up to the suspension of 1837;
not because the bank regulated them, but
because the currency of all sections was regu
lated by specie, and was therefore of the same
value in all parts of the Union. The above
table represents every degree of variation,
from 1-4 per cent, up to 30 discount, and on
every point in favor of New York. This does
n-’ t indicate that all points are indebted to N.
York, but simply that the currency here, is
dearer than any where else, or in other words,
that the local currency is every where at a
depreciation for specie, the par at New York.
Boston is a specie paying point, at the rate of
1-8 to 1-4, is about the cost of transportation
of specie between the two points, and it varies
in favor or against New York, according to
the actual indebtedness between >’ie two cit
ies. On many of the Southern points, the
rate is apparently much in favor of Now
York, where there is actually no indebtedness.
Mobile is an instance—the rate is 12 per ct.
discount, while the Bank of Mobile sells checks
on New York, at par, for specie, or nine per
cent, premium for local currency. If the
Southern banks can pay out their bills at
home, and use their Northern funds to buy
them up here at 12 to 20 discount, they will
be very willing to continue “to relieve the
people” on these terms.
Appointments by the President.—Jo
seph Ritner, to be Treasurer of the Mint at
Philadelphia.
Henry Harrison, Register of the Land Of
fice at Dubuque, lowa, vice Benjamin 11. Pe
tri bin.
John Wells, Jr., to be Justice of the Peace
for the county of Washington, in the District
of Columbia.
Attorneys.
A. Fowler, for the District of Arkansas.
Charles v.hapman, for the District ol Con
necticut.
Joel Eastman, for the District of New Hamp
shire.
John Holmes, for the District of Maine.
Charles Davis, for the District of Vermont.
Marshals.
Joshua Howard, for the District of Michi
gan.
Minor Walker, for the middle District ol
Florida.
William 11. llussell, for the District of Mis
souri.
William Prentiss, for the District of Illi
nois.
Isaac Otis, for the Eastern District of Penn
sylvania.
Sylvester Hartshorn, for the District of
Rhode Island.
Isreal W. Kelly, for the District oi New
Hampshire.
John D. Kinsman, for the District Gi Maine.
Caught in his own trap. —The Portland
Argus relates an amusing case, in which a
beggar in that city received what he asked
for, but not what he wished for:
A few days ago, a full-grown, able-bodied
man, presented himself at the door 01 one ol
our citizens, and solicited the lady of the house
to give him two cents. She remaiked that
she had none, and inquired what he v. anted
with them. “To buy a dose of castor oil,
marm,” was the reply, “for I ;eel very sick.
The lady had no cents, but she had plenty
oil, and she prepared him a stiff dose. Ile tried
hard to get excused from taking it; but she
was iirnp he was a sick man, and it must go
down! The loafer found he was caught in
his own trap; and w here he meant to ha\ e a
drink of liquor, lie got a dose of phy.-ic: but,
making a virtue of necessity, and with sundry
wry faces, he gulped it down and cleared".
He’ll not call at that house again, we dare say.
An Irish gentleman thus addressed an in
dolent servant, who indulged hirosed in bed at
a iate hour in the morning: “Fall to rising.
you spalpeen, fall to rising!—Don isLwd there
lying in bed all day!”
From the Evening Post.
NEW YORK CITY ELECTION.
The following is a statement of the votes in
the different wards, which will be fouud near
ly accurate:
Wards. Morris, (Dem.) Phoenix, (Whiig.)
1
2
3 777
4 55
5
6 332
7 - 102
8 66
9 482
10 218
11 835 _
12 128 _
13 312 __
14 274
15
10 324 __
17 134 _
3153 2790
2790
Morris’ maj. 363
These returns, however, are not official, and
the majority may yet be varied.
The list of members of the Common Coun
cil elected, shows that each board stands 10
Democrats to 7 Whigs.
In the 10th ward Alderman Purdy is re
elected by about 150 majority. The* Whig
Collecror succeeded in that ward by 2 majori
ty. In lie 12th the majority for the Demo
cratic candidate for Alderman is 77, for As
sistant Alderman 111. In the 17th ward a
Democratic Alderman is elected by 71 ma
jority.
The whole number of votes given is unu
sually small, perhaps not much more than
thirty thousand.
Gen. Jackson and the Biddle Bank.—
l’he time has come when Europe and Ameri
ca will do justice to Gen Jackson in relation
to the Bank of the United States —when Ins
sagacity, his courage, his incorruptibility, in
relation to that institution, and his saving the
public money in it —will be the theme ol uni
versal applause, and of unbounded national
gratitude. He eig .t years ago, took the
ground that the institution was corrupt and
insolvent; and, acting upon that belief, he in
terposed liis great measures—the veto —the
removal of the deposiles—the specie circular
—the law against the circulation of the old
notes--the sale of the United Slates stock in
the institution. These measures have saved
the United States stock, and got for it sllß
on the share, which is now selling I’m sls a
share; they saved the depositee, amounting
to many millions; they stopped the receipt of
the notes at the land offices and the customs,
and saved mi'iions more; they stopped the is
sue of the old dead notes, and saved millions
again above all, they slopped the existenceoi
the Bank, and thereby put an end to the do
minion of the must corrupt arid corrupting in
stitution which the world ever beheld —a foun
tain of corruption which spared nothing pub
lic nor private, and poured ils bribes into the
hands of every functionary that would take
them. If it had not been for Jackson, that
vast colossus of crime and fountain ol corrup
tion would now be in lull iile, sustaining itself
on the credit and resources ol the United .States
—taxing the people to full its vaults—and
emptying its vaults to enrich its favorites and
to subsidize members of Congress, and to pen
sion as many as were necessary to sustain it.
For these acts, which saved the country,
the Bank had the patriot. President condemned
by a Senate, many of whom were its debtors,
attorneys and retainers; the people expunged
that infamous sentence, and now it is to be
revived by expunging the expunging resolu
tion. More : the very men who devoured
that Bank, are demanding anew one ! The
same men, and tiie same party, after eviscera
ting a thirty-live million Bank, demand another
of fifty or one hundred millions ; and these
| men, by a freak of fortune, are now in the as
cendant in American politics. Leaving out
Mr. Tyler, the President, and the Biddle Bank
men are now tiie masters of the Government,
dispensing the favors and shaping tho legisla
tion, to reward, enrich, and establish in power
the corrupting and the corrupted, which plun
dered the late Bank, and sent its bribes into
ihe hands of every public man that would
take them.
Another outrage bv a British crui
ser.—We learn that letters have been re
ceived from the brig Richmond, Bates, of this
purl, which states that this vessel had been o
verhauled by a British cruiser. The Rich
mond was on her passage from Salem to St.
Helena, and thence to Mozambique ; and a
lew weeks before her arrival at St. Helena,
when off the island of St Thomas on the
coast of Africa, she was brought to by a Brit
ish brig of war, (the Persian, our inlormanl
thinks) her invoices and other papers were de
manded and examined, and she was finally
suffered to proceed on her voyage, nothing
being found to justify a seizure. This is the
fifth Salem vessel that has been searched by
English cruisers within a few months. Salem
Register.
The Governor of Alabama has issued his
proclamation, convening the Legislature of
that State to meet at Tuscaloosa on Monday
next, to pass a law authorizing the election for
members of Congress at an earlier than
the day of General Election as now fixed by
law, so that tire State of Alabama may be rep
resented in the Extra Session of Congress to
convene on the last day of May next.
A Mother’s Love. —There is so divine a
holiness in the love of a mother, that no mat
ter how the tie that binds her to the child was
formed, she becomes, as it were, consecrated
and sacred ; and the past, is forgotten, and the
world and its harsh verdicts swept away when
that love alone is visible and the God who
watches over the little one sheds his smiles
over the human deputy, in whose tenderness
there brethes Ills own !
The subject of the difficulties between this
country and Great Brittain, was simply allu
ded to in the llouss of Commons on the arri
val of Mr. Pickens’ report, but prrduced r.n
angry excitement. The thunder manufatured
by a few editors on the occasion was not inten
ded for exportation, but merely for home con
sumption. If Mr. Bull did not bellow occa
sionally lie would not only loose all self res
pect, hut public confidence. Let him roar—
“who’s afeard!”
The rising generation. —About five hun
dred young robbers, it is estimated, daily per
ambulate the streets of New York, stealing
every thing they can lay their hands on. An
other. detachment visas the auctions, cut the
bags, baskets and barrels, and carry off im
mense quantities on the “hoinopoethly princi
ple” of a little at a time.
Highly Important.— Mr. Miller, who has
been for some time prophesying the end of the
world, and who we believe Lad fixed a day
some time past for the purpose, has postponed
thatevent. He now says that the world will
stand well enough until the re-election of Mr.
\an Buren to tLe Presidency, when it will cer
ly go Ly the board. Os course triisamouts to
a postponement “sine die.”
The twenty-seventh Congress. —There
are eleven States which have not eiected their
Representatives to the Twenty-Sixth Con
gress, and the electioii of some of them will not
regularly take place until after the day fixed
for the Special Session. In such cases the
Governor's we presume, will take care that
their respective States shall not go unrepresen
ted.
GEORGIA.
The Democracy of Georgia appear to he
vigorously organizing for the ensuing cam
paign. The last Athens Banner contains
the proceedings of a meeting in Clark coun
ty, on which it comments as follows : “ The
proceedings of the meeting will show the
spirit that animates us here, and satisfy our
friends in oilier counties, that although we are
in a minority in Clark, we are determined
that our influence shall be felt—at least we
will endeavor to do our duty. And from all
we learn elsewhere, the same feeling prevails
among the in mbers of our parly generally.
A friend from an adjoining county writes us:
‘The refusal of the reformers at the last ses
sion to carry out Governor McDonald’s Re
lief Message, and the increase of the taxes,
together with the almost universal discount on
the bills of the Banks of the interior, are all
working very ill for the coon-skin party in
this section. The people are generally char
ging all these things upon the party in pow
er, and very justly too. I have no doubt that
we shall see as great a reaction this fall as we
saw last. M e are obliged to succeed over
such a faithless dynasty. Several of the par
ty have fully come over to our ranks in this
: county.’ And we heai of similar results of the
| labors ol the Whig reformers in other sec
tion. So far, the signs are favorable; and
j we have only to use with promptness and cn-
I ergylthe advantages ofour position, to recov
er our strength, aid turn the tables upon
] our opponents at the coming election.” Knox
ville Argus.
Mr. Pickens’ Report. —lt is a most re
markable coincidence that the eloquent, able,
and patriotic Report of the lion. Francis W.
Pickens in Congress, upon tho burning of the
Caroline, should have met with the joint con
demnation of the British whigs on both sides
of the water. It is not a little strange that
there should be such a perfect unanimity and
harmony existing between the federal whigs
of America and the tory whigs of Great Bri
tain ; tiiat both should perfectly and cordially
agree in their condemnation of the manly Re
port of Mr. Pickens, and in almost precisely
the same language. The same spirit exists in
Daniel Webster and his party now that influ
enced their conduct during the last war; they
then declared that England was “ the bulwark
of our holy religion that a war with that
power was unholy, murderous, and unjust;
and that it was unbecoming a moral and reli
gious people to rejoice at the success of our
arms. This same spirit yet lives; wc see its
demonstrations in every paragraph that ap
pears in a whig journal in relation to our diffi
culties with England. Does any one suppose
that we could he forced into a war with Eng
land, with Daniel Webster at the head ofour
Foreign Affairs ! Pshaw ! —Old Dominion.
A TRUE STORY.
It is a remark generally applicable to the
character of Ihe “ better hall” of man, that
though she be given to censure and admonish
her lord in those eloquent philippics familiarly
called curtain lectures, or even enforce her
precepts in tho less delicate mode of applying
the broomstick to his pate—yet she will allow
no mortal but herself to abuse, or wield the
chastening rod over him with impunity ; slio
is as ready to taxo up the cudgel for his de
fence as lor his correction. Avid the rule has
been noted to work both ways. It is a singu
lar and admirable trait in woman, that sho
will unhesitatingly defend Ihe life, property,
honor-—in short, “all and singular the rights
and credits” of her husband, against ail ag
gressions of third persons—even though she
be most scandalously ill treated and abused
by him.
We have not ventured those speculations
without a “case in point” to back us. A res
pected old acquaintance of our says, that when
he was a young man, full of the ardor and
chivalry of youth, this adventure betel him :
While travelling in a strange part, of the
country, he came upon a cabin, from behind
which, lie heard the angry voice of a man,
mingled with the screams ol a woman, and at
regular intervals a hickory singing through
the air as it well laid on. tie rode round to
get a sight ot the cause of all this clamor,
when a hurley looking fellow was thrashing
his wile like Jury, with a sick so formidable
to be within the meaning of the statute. On
perceiving our friend, the belligerent suspen
ded operations—the ‘shower oi timber’ceased
to fab, and there was a great cairn of a few
moments duration. The young man, whoso
wrath had suddenly waxed hot against the
cruel husband, cried out —“youbrute! you
rascal! throw down that whip, and don't touch
tiie woman again, or I’ll wear it out over your
own ugly carcass ! you savage, you !”
Vv iio should respond to tliis valiant defiance
but the injured lady herself l Turning her
blowsed hair out of her face, and giving her
list a portentous shake, she squalled out, ‘lie's
as good as you are, you gawky, good for noth
ing c-reeter, you I”—Greensboro ugh (N. C.)
Patriot.
The McLeod Case.— The Canada Times,
a Liberal paper published at Montreal, lias the
following paragraph in relation to lire arrest
and imprisonment ol McLeod. Most of the
Canada papers spealf in a very different tone.
“A true bill has been found by the grand
jury against McLeod, for murder; consequent
ly, he must now remain in confinement until
his trial comes on. Had not Mr. McLeod vain
gloriously boasted in a tavern at Lockport,
New York, of having belonged to the expedi
tion sent by Sir F. B. Head to destroy the
steamer Caroline, he would not now be where
he is, and this trouble and excitement might
have been avoided. Should an American
citizen come into Montreal, Toronto, or any
other place in Canada, and publicly declare
himself to have been the murderer, or au ac
cessary to the murder, of a British subject,
would he not immediately be lodged in jail;
and there kept until found guilty or innocent
by a fair impartial trial ? We have not the
least doubt that it was the intention of the au
thorities of the State of New York to do him
every justice, and discharge him at once, if
proved innocent; as we cannot for a moment
suppose that the citizens of that State would
be a uilty of such barbarity as to take away the
life of any innocent person in cold blood, mere
ly to gratify their feelings of vengeance for
any ill-treatment which they have received
from the British Government.”
Girard College. —This marble palace
now in the progress of construction, for the
education of poor orphans according to the
will of the late Stephen Girard, aflbrds one of
the most astonishing instances of sqtiandeing
an estate on record. According to the Phila
delphia Ledger, seventeau thousand dollars
now annually expended in salaries to officers
and artisans connected with the institution. —
A Dr. Bache, the President, lias a salary of
dollars per annum, from the tme ol his ap
pointment in July, 1636.
The cost of thirty lour splended and need
less colnnis amounts to the enomous sum of
$448,300, or $13,000 each. The corner
stone was laid on iiie4ihof July, 1833, the
architect was appointed the 23d of March
1833, the clerk oi'the trustees was appointed
in March 1533, and the Peresident was ap
pointed in July, 1333.
The estimated, cost of the College, was
$700,000 and of the out buildings. $200,000,
making a fatal of SOOOO,OOO. It is a well as
eertaiudd fact that the expenses up to Janu
ary last, on the College, amount’s to the colo
sal sum of $1,372,712,45, and the College is
reported by the architect to be about two
thirds completed. Watchtovver.
Bennett, of the New York Herald, says that
“the eye is an index lof the mind.” It is
well know that Bennett squints.—Prentice,