The Columbus times. (Columbus, Ga.) 1841-185?, June 17, 1841, Image 2

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The Columbus times., June 17, 1841, Image 2

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Newspaper Page TextTH E TIM ES . T'ne union of the states and the sovereignty of the stale COLUMBUS, JUNE 17, 1841. ‘ COLUMBUS LYCEUM. The friends of this Institution will be pleased to learn that arrangements have been made by means of which a series of Lectures will be delivered by the Rev. Joseph Baker, of the Baptist Church, on the subject of Lit erature. The first Lecture, on Saturday evening next, will be on “The Influence of Mental Culture on the vigor, durability and beauty of the Human Frame.” THOMAS IIOXEY, Pres’t. S. T. Chafman, Secretary. The June number of the Magnolia has come to us loaded with a rich feast, whereon to satiate our literary appejite. We have of ten called the attention of our readers to this work, as being entirely worthy of a cordial support, and generous patronage. Wo now tell you gentle reader, our beautiful flower will command its own admirers. Let the au thor of the Knights of the Golden Horse-Shoe, if he would consider our pleasure, and we doubt not of all his readers, continue his con tributions. The work will well compare with the best of our American Literatures. We object to those Astronomical articles, as being out of place, belonging to Scientific rather than a Literary Periodica!. They would ap pear to greater advantage in the American Journal of Science and Arts, conducted by B. Silliman, L. L. D. We have also received the Augusta Mirror, a work well worth}’ of support, by the way— the Southern Literary Messenger, and the Knickerbocker, which we will notice at a more convenient period, MR. WEBSTER—AND THE WAR OF 1812. On our third page will be found a reply to the semi-official expose of the course of the present Secretary of State of the U. States, during the late war, published some weeks ago in the New York Express, and since trans ferred to the columns of most of the Whig journals in the country. In our last number, we referred to the paper in question, and spe cified some of its most glaring defects, as an explanation, or even palliation of the political acts of Mr. Webster, at a most critical and eventful period in our history. The perusal of the article published by us, to-day, will, we think, settle beyond cavil or dispute the pre cis* ground occupied by Mr. Webster, during the, progress of our difficulties with Great Britain, in the second term of the Administra tion of Mr. Madison. SUMMER RESORTS— WATERING PLA CES. An editorial notice in an exchange paper, has reminded us that it is due both to the public, and to the enterprising proprietor, to attract attention to the extensive and elegant ai rangements, now completed, to render the Meriwether Warm Strings, one of the most agreeable summer resorts in this State, or perhaps in the South. This delightful es tablishment was purchased, during the last winter, by Col. Seymour R. Bonner, of this city, and he has since, we learn, been almost uninterruptedly engaged in adding to, and improving the buildings—in repairing and adorning the grounds ; and in rendering it a delightful summer retreat, combining comfort with elegance. The houses are newly furn ished lliroughout; and it is needless to apprize any one acquainted with the liberal spirit of the new proprietor, that the table will be not only comfortably and bountifully, but sump tuously provided. Extensive additions have, also, been made to the buildings, so that there wul be no lack of room to accommodate con veniently, all who intend, or may wish to visit the Springs, The advertisement of the pro prietor, in another part of this paper, will show what arrangements have been made to furnish amusements and recreation for such of the visitors as may be disposed to join in them. We perceive a’so, ar.d must, therefore, not omit to mention that the Sulphur Springs, or perhaps better known as the Pine Knot Springs, situated in the south-eastern part of Aluscogee county, have been purchased by two enterprising citizens of Columbus, (Mes srs. Quin &. Sullivan) and that a public house will be open, during the summer, near the Springs, for the accommodation of visitors.— These Springs, or as they are termed by the new proprietors, the “ Muscogee Springs,” have been much resorted to for several years past, and have obtained considerable repute on account of the medicinal properties of the water, and the salutary influence it has exer ted on a variety of diseases—although situa ted in a retired part of the country, and there having been heretofore, but inconvenient, ii any accommodations for visitors. We hope the new proprietors will receive adequate patronage to indemnify them for their exer tions to bring those valuable ’springs into no tice, and to render a visit to them not only agreeable, but beneficial to health. CASE OF McLEOD. We have appropriated considerable space in this paper to the “documents accompany ing the President’s message”—rela'ive to the case of McLeod. We have inserted the cor respondence entire, as also tiie “instruction’” from the Secretary of State to the Attorney General—as these papers, inclusive, em brace the whole matter in controversy between the two Governments- ‘I he communications of Messrs. Fox and Webster place the whole subject in a very narrow coinpass :—the for mer demands unconditionally the release ot McLeod—declares the burning of the Caro line to have been a “ justifiable ” act—planned and executed by the Colonial Authorities— ar.d sanctioned by the Queen’s Government at Home. Here is both an admission and a declaration —viz : tlie act was done by Public Authority—and that act is pronounced by the same Autl ority to have been “ justifiable .”— After so positive and unequivocal a declara tion, does the British Government intend tc offer any explanations, much less any atone ment ? Who believes it!! Mr. Webster admits the declarations made by the British Minister, to be sufficient to re lease McLeod from any amenability to judicia process for his alleged participation in the burning of the Caroline—and sanctions the position assumed by Mr. Fox, that it ispureh nnd exclusively a public and intcruationa question, to be settled by the two Government? agreeably to the principles of National Law. Mr. Webster states, in a very delicate man ner, as the opinion of the Government of the United States, that the burning of the Caro line, and the invasion of our Territory, were not warranted by the circumstances of the occasion—sums up what lie deems to be ne cessary for the British Government to show to render these acts “justifiable”—and says it will be for that Government to establish them to acquit itself of wrong in the premises.— Will Great Britain, we repeat, make the ne cessary showing, or even attempt it? Since the communication of Mr. Forsyth, calling upon the British Government to justify its course upon the occasion alluded to, that Gov ernment, without even deigning to notice the application of Mr. Forsyth, has avowed the act as done by public authority, and declared it to have been “justifiable,” without furnishing a particle of testimony to fortify the declaration, or even intimating that it will be done at a fu ture period. In these circumstances does any one believe that we shall receive any ex planations or atonement! If so, upon what grounds do they form even the loosest con jectures that it will be done 1 COLUMBUS ENQUIRER—THE BANKS. We have looked attentively at the editorial article, headed “The Banks”—in the Enqui rer of yesterday—and are not certain that w r e comprehend its precise meaning. A portion of it (and by this we do not mean a distinct paragraph, or an entire sentence, but here and there a line,) would seem to encourage the idea that the Enquirer is about equally inclined towards the Banks, and towards those who oppose them. It is true the Enquirer says it has always upheld the Banks—always been friendly to them—but then it thinks the Banks may have occasionally acted very naughtily towards the community— and the community towards them. One may read the article in the Enquirer, and exclaim this paper is op posed to the Banks—condemns their course— chides them, kindly it is true, for their viola tions of duty and morality —and clearly sus tains those who feel themselves aggrieved by their suspension, and the high rate at which exchange has been sold. Another reads the , article, and says this paper, I think, is inclined to stand by the Banks—to admit the necessi ty which led to the suspension—and to up braid the people, in an indirect manner to be sure, for their opposition to Banks and the Banking system generally—and hints, very obscurely, that it is as proper for the Banks to sue individuals, as for the latter to sue the former. A third person, perhaps more candid than either, reads the article and forms the opinion that our neighbor is inclined to keep on both sides, balancing equally between them, and ready to occupy the ground, whether for or against, which proves ultimately to be th e strong one— to be the available one. Now, we think the Enquirer is disposed to play truant in this matter—to monopolize what belongs to itself, and what properly and just ly belongs to others. This is our ground of complaint- We are opposed to the Banking system as at present constituted. We believe it to be totally and radically defective; and to be rapidly working out its own destruction.— That this, or that Bank has contributed to this state of things, we do not charge. We be lieve all the Banks have contributed their full share to bring the system into confusion—in to disrepute. We believe farther that the mad spirit of speculation which has prevailed among the people, has had something to do with the derangement in the Bauking system of the country; and has stimulated to some extent the excessive issues which have been made by the Banks ; and that want of punctu ality and good faith on their part, lias led to the same want of punctuality and good faith on the part of the Banks—be the same more or ;ess. All this we believe to be true, and sus ceptible of proof. But, the Enquirer thinks the time will come when the bills of Banks that are not managed by men of virtuous and moral character, will be refused. What is the morality to which the Enquirer refers ] Is it the morality of the Bible, or that conventional morality, which de lights in ouheard purity—that screens from animadversion by interposing the outward sanctity of character—and claims for a man tle pervious te the feeblest vision, exemption frotu the search after truth—that morality which, the moment it departs from the House ot Gtd, and closes the sacred volume of truth, :s found in intimate association with the most unscrupulous of the land—inflamed with a zeal for gain, and governed by the most mer ce ary views, practising with unlimited suc cess upon the maxim, “Rem facias, rem Si possis reci.e, si non, quocunque modo rem.” immaterial whether it be squeezed from the pockets of honest and industrious men, or whether pillaged from a neighbour by the glo rious chicanery of the law. Piety is entitled to reverence wherever it is found, and even hypocrisy if well assumed, or prejudices, though unfortunately associated with stupid ity, are entitled to some respect. But outward purity alone, should never be allowed to save from exposure a multitude of sins. A mantle pervious to the feeblest vision, should not be permitted to arrest the search after truth. In conclusion, we desire the Enquirer to consider these crude reflections, and inform us, at its leisure, of the precise character of the morality it preaches, for we all know that even true religion—an emanation from the God of Heaven- the comforter of the op pressed—the solace of the broken-hearted— the refuge of the weary and way-worn—is susceptible of perversion, as, in times past, it gave birth to the Inquisition—fanned the fires of Smithlield, and sharpened the knives which, on the bloody day of St. Bartholomew, were made red with the blood of innocence and piety. TITLE.—PKEtoIDExN i —ACTING PRESI DENT. Although a matter of no moment really, yet as elucidating the true meaning of the Consti tution, and actually defining some of its pro visions—the following remarks from the Charleston Mercury, of the 9th of June, touch ing the proper designation of Mr. Tyler, may not be altogether uninteresting or uninstruc tive. The subjoined clause of tiie Constitu tion, also, would seem fully and satisfactorily to settle two points—first, that Mr. Tyler is still \ ice President, acting as President—se cond, that Mr. Southard is only President pro tempore ot the Senate, and not Vice President of the United States. File o.h section provides: “Tiie Senate shall choose tlieir other officers, and also a President pro tempore in the absence of the Vice President, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the United States.” From the Charleston Mercury, THE PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE. We don’t care much about the question whether Mr. Tyler is President or only Vice President. The powers and duties of the station are carefully defined in the Consti tution, and they, beyond all question, devolve in amplest measures on Mr. Tyler. It is a simple question of title therefore, but as it is now raised for the first time, we are glad to present an argument on it from one well qual ified to do it justice. His conculsion will star tle most people and we are not prepared to assent or dissent—we will consider it. We expressed our opinion some time since that Mr. Tyler’s legal title was Acting-President, but that a decent regard for brevity of expres sion, as well as courtesy, would accord to him the title of i ‘resident. There we left it, not caring to make much of a little matter. Con gress have since decided against our opinion by a large majority in both Houses—we shan’t quarrel with them about it, still think we were right. Indeed, there were no reasons given in the the house, and the little debate in the Senate was not particularly convincing. Mr. Walker made an argument approved by Mr. Calhoun, and that seems to have been adopted by the Senate, the whole force of which, if we know any thing of language, consists in two blunders. Mr. Walker quoted this clause of the Constitution. “In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resignation, or in ability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice President.” What shall devolve—says Mr. Walker! “The same”—the “said of fice,” False criticism. “The same” refers to “ powers and duties”—the leading substan tives—not to “the said office,” which is only an adjunct and might be expressed by the word “official” placed before those substantives.— A worse difficulty is, that the very last case supposed is of the inability of the President “to discharge the powers and duties”—a case which admits not the possibility of the Vice President’s assuming his title. But the same some expression covers all the cases, and if he is President in one. he must be President in all. Mr Walker then goes on to comment on the case supposed in the concluding part of the Section, of disabilityof both President and of Vice President—when Congress shall declare “ What officer shall act as President,” and says the language here changes, marking a broad distinction between the “accession” of the Vice President of any officer designated by Congress to discharge the powers and du ties of the office. The latter can only “act as President”—not be President. The dis tinction seems to us altogether idle in itself, is further unfortunate in being literary and completely nullified by the Constitution. In the Amendments, Art. 12, sect. 1, there so an other case supposed where the Vice President may be the head of the Administration—viz : where the Election shall come into the House of Representatives, and the House shall fail to choose a President before the 4th of March next following— “then the Vice President, shall act as President, as in the case of the DEATH or other constitutional disability of the President.” The Columbus Enquirer of yesterday ad mits that Mr. Nicholas Biddle lias run his race —that he is financially defunct. We mention this for the reason simply that the Enquirer adheres to its party as long as adherence is available —and that the case must be a plain one, when it brings itself to the conclusion to discard a doctrine, or an important member, of “ the party.” Proceedings of Congress. —The Sub- Treasury Bill has been repealed by the Sen ate. The following is the vote : Yeas —Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Bates, Bayard, Berrien, Choate, Clay of Kentucky, Clayton, Dixon, Evans, Graham, Henderson, Huntingdon, Iver, Mangum, Merrick, Miller, Morehead, Phelps, Porter, Prentiss, Preston, Rives, Simmons, Smith of Indiana, Southard, Tallmadge, White, and Woodbridgc—29. Nays —Messrs. Alien, Benton, Calhoun, Clay of Alabama, Fulton, King, Mcßoberts, Nicholson, Pierce, Sevier, Smith of Connect icut, Sturgeon, Tappan, Walker, Williams, Woodbury, Wright, and Young—lß. PLANTERS AND MECHANICS BANK. The following notice we copy from the Co lumbus Enquirer, of yesterday : General D. McDougald has resigned the Presidency of the Planters and Mechanics’ Bank of Columbus, and Colonel John Banks has been elected to preside over that Institu tion in his place. We understand that General McDougald’s private business requires so much of his at tention, as to render it impracticable for him longer to preside over the Bank, without a great sacrifice to himself,and that lie ret res in full confidence that its affairs will in no wise suffer by his withdrawal. ■ Colonel Banks is so well known throughout our State, as to render it unnecessary to speak of his qualifications. We are gratified that the direction losing the services of General McDougald, have been enabled to fill this va cancy with such a man. His long tried in tegrity, businoss habits and punctitious re gard for his contracts, eminently fit [him for a station where Jso much depends upon these things, as in the management of a Banking In stitution. We are persuaded that much of the present derangement in the’monetary af fairs of the country, is to be traced, either to a wild and hazardous system of Bank opera tions, or to a mistaken view of the moral obli gations which rest upon those who direct them ; and, perhaps, no step would be likely to ensure the stability and success of these lustitutions more readily than the appoint ment of such Officers as would strictly adhere to the old fashioned principles of dealing.— Such we believe, are the present Directors and Officers of the Planters and Mechanics’ Bank. The following is the present organi zation : John Banks, Presieent; Dr. A. 11. Fiewellen, Col. James M. Chambers, Dr. W. B. Ector, and Thomas Berry, Esq. Directers ; M. Robertson, Cashier. From the Montgomery (Ala.,) Advertiser, ‘Jun ® 11. Our Bank. — W e understand that some dis coveries have been made by the Board of Di rectors which presides over the branch Bank established in this city, which show that frauds have been practised upon that institution.— : Whatever the nature or the extent of the frauds may be, or by whomsoever they may have been perpetrated, the matter should be made public. The Banks are the property of the people, established by their will, support ed by their means, and for the losses of which they are responsible. If any frauds, there fore, have been committed, by which the funds belonging to the people have been di minished, they should be made acquainted with the whole matter. It appears that the frauds which have been going the rounds, from one end of the Union to the other, from bank to bank, have at last reached us, in or der to show that the system works here just as it does elsewhere. Public opinion has come to the conclusion that our State Bank system has disappointed the expectations of all, even of those who originally were friendly to it. All agree that some change in the sys tem is necessary, that some reform is wanting; but vvliat that change or what that reform is to be, still remains an undecided question. However, the frauds, the speculations, the forgeries, Sec. &c., all tend to show to the peo ple the evils, the corruptions and the dangers that have accompanied the whole system of banking, as it has been established in our Re public. The worst of it is, that though the evils are plain enougli, yet partizan feeling once mixed up with the subject, the true in terests of society are lost sight of, and judg ment, reflection and common sense are sacri ficed at the altar of faction. We hope the whole country will wake up to a sense of the dangers that have resulted and daily continue to result from these institutions. We hope this matter will be carefully and thoroughly investigated, and the whole affair laid bare before the pubJic eye; otherwise, it may be said that morality here, as in some oth er places we will not name, is below par. Correspondence of the Charleston Courier. Washington, June 9. The Sub-Treasury act has received its deatii blow in the Senate. The bill repealing that law was passed to a third reading, by a vote of 30 to 16. Mr. Buchanan voted with the ayes, in conformity with instructions from the Legislature of his State. He said he was still an advocate for the law, and if by his vote the result would be effected, he w T ould resign, instead of obeying. But, as the matter was, he had made up his mind to vote with the Sen ator from Kentucky. Mr. Clay laughed very heartily at these remarks, saying to Mr. B.— “O, don’t resign.” There was little or no discussion on the merits or de-merits of the Sub-Treasury poli cy. Several Senators, however, alluded to the overwhelming condemnation that it had received from the people, which no one denied. Most of the debate was upon the motion of Mr. Clay to repeal the deposite act of 1836, which act is necessarily revived by the repeal of the Sub-Treasury law. Mr. Clay did not press this motion, but left it to be voted on.— Mr. Berrien and others were opposed to leav ing the public money undr the seeming con trol of the Executive, even for the shortest time; and, though he believed the interval would be brief between the repeal of the Sub- Treasury and the establishment of another fiscal agent, lie would prefer to leave the de posite act in operation, that we might fall back upon it if necessary. Should the plan tor a bank or fiscal agent fail, the deposite act might then be so modified as to suit present circum stances. Most of those who spoke seemed to take it for granted that a fiscal agent would be established at this session. Mr. Walker, in the course of his remarks, warmly condemned the pet bank system, and said he was utterly opposed to its revival, even for a short time. He said lie preferred the Sub-Treasury, but as that was tG fall, he would take some alternative other than the State bank system. lie said if he understood the President’s message, it was hostile to a national bank, but recommended a fiscal agent which would serve the purposes and avoid the objections of a bank. For such a fiscal agen cy he would give his vote in preference to the pet bank system. Some pretty sharp passages occurred be tween Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Walker on this subject. The bill was passed to a third reading, with out any amendment!’ I presume it will pass this day without much discussion. The an swer of the Secretary of the Treasury to the call of the Senate for a plan of a bank or a fis cal agent is daily expected, and the general opinion is that the project will be acceptable to the whig party, and pass without much dif ficulty. The standing committees of the House have been announced, and so far as 1 learn, give general satisfaction. You will remark that Mr. Pickens and Mr. Rhett have charged places—Mr. Picken’s name appearing on the Waysand Means, and Mr. Rhett’s on Foreign Relations. Mr. J. Q. Adams is transferred from the post which be has held since he first took Ins seat in the House, (chairman of tiie committee on Man ufactures) and placed at the head of the Committee on Indian Affairs. Air. Fillmore, of N. V., is placed at the head of the Ways and Means, Air. Cushing of Foreign Affair.-. The select cornini tie on the cune.icy is one of the most important at the present time.— It consists of Messrs. Sergeant, J. Q. Adams, Pope, Wm. Cost Johnson, W. C, Dawson, Bolts, McKay, McKeon & Rhett The States whose views are represented on this commit tee are, severally, Massachusetss, New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, North Carolina, Georgia and South Carolina. The parties represented are five vvhigs, one state rights’ whig, two democrats or opposition, and one state rights’ democrat. The commit tee is, of course, so formed as to be entirely favorable to its object. Mr. Ingersoll, of Penn., who voted with the 112 to omit the 21st rule has moved a recon sideration of that vote, with a view to make some remarks on the subject. This will renew the debate. Mr. Adams has reported a bill from the se lect committee on the demise of G meral Har rison, granting a blank sum to his widow, and it has been referred to the Committee of the Whole, on the State of the U nion. I learn that the diplomatic appointments will be postponed till near the close of the special session. ABOLITION PETITIONS. The Yeas and Nays in the House of Rep resentatives, on rescinding the 21st rule for the government of the House, which excludes the reception of Abolition Petitions, a v e as fol lows : The effect of this vote is to authorize the reception of Abolition petitions : Yeas. —Messrs. Adams, Allen, S. J. An drews, Aycrigg, Babcock, Baker, Barnard, Beeson, Birdseye, Blair, Boardman, Borden, Botts, Bowne, Brewster, Briggs, Brockway, Bronson, Charles Brown, Jeremiah Brown, Burnell, Calhoun, Childs, Chittenden, J. C. Clark, Staley N. Clarke, Clinton, Cowen, Cranston, Cravens, Cushing, li. D. Davis, Dimock, Doig, Egbert, Everett, Ferris, Fes senden, Fillmore, J. G. Floyd, C. A. Floyd, Fo'nance, A. L. Foster, Gates, Ghidings, Patrick G. Goode, Gordon, Greig, Gustine, Hall, Halstead, William S. Hastings, Henry, Howard, Hudson, Hunt, Ingersoll, James Irvin, Win. W. Irwin, James, Andrew Ken nedy, Lane, Lawrence, Linn, Littlefield, Low ell, Robert McClellan, McKeon, Marchand, A. Marshall, Mathiot, Mattocks, Maxwell, Maynard, Morgan, Morrow, Osborne, Par menler, Partridge, Pendleton, Plumer, Ram say, Benj. Randall, Alex. Randall, Randolph, Ridgway, Roosevelt Russell, Saltonstall-, Saniord, Sergeant, Simonton, Slade, Smith, Snyder, Stokely, Stratton, Stuart, R. W. Thompson, Tiiiinghast, Toiand, Tomlinson. Trumbull, Underuoood, Van Buren, Van Rencselaer, Wallace, Thomas W. Williams, Winthrop, York, Augustus Young, John Young—ll 2. Nays —Messrs. Alford, L. W. Andrews, Arnold, Arrington, Atherton, Barton, Bidlack, Boyd, Aaron V. Brown, Milton Brown, Burke, Wm. Butler, W. O. Butler, G. W. Caldwell, P. C. Caldwell, J. Campbell, W B. Campbell, T. J- Campbell, Caruthers, Cary, Chapman, Clifford, Ccles, Daniel, G. Davis, W. C. Daw son, J. B. Dawson, Dean, Deberry, Eastman, J. C. Ed wards, T. F. Foster, Gamble, Gentry, Gerry, Gilmer, Goggin, W. O. Geode, Gra ham, Green, Habersham, Harris, Houck, H ays, Holmes, Hopkins, Hubbard, Hunter, Jack, Wm. C. Johnson, J. W, Jones, Isaac B. Jones, Keim, J. P. Kennedy, King, A. Mc- Clelan, McKay, Mallory, T. F. Marshall, Samson Mason, J. T. Mason, Medill, Meri wether, Miller, Moore, Nevvard, Nisbet, Oli ver, Owsley, Pearce, Pickens, Pope, Powell, Proffif, Rayner, Reding, Rencher, Rhett, Rigg?, Rodney, Rogers, Saunders, Shaw, 1 Shepperd, Sobers, Stanly, Steenrod, Sum mers, Sumter, Taliaferro, John B. Thompson, Triplett, Turney, Ward, Warren, Washing ton, W atterson, Westbrook, James W. Will- • iarns, L. Williams, C. H. Williams, Joseph L. Williams, Wise and Wood—lol. CONGRESS. The following summary of the latest pro ceedings of Congress, is from the Globe of the 10th of June. SENATE. The promised bill for the division of the spoils of the public lands among the States, by way of reconciling them to the ruin of the Confederation which they had been surrender ed to cement, was introduced by Mr. Clay this morning. After the reading of the bill by its title, he instantly proposed its second reading in the same way. Mr. Woodbridge of Michigan hoped the bill might be printed. But Mr. Clay thought this might arrest its rapid flight through the body, and said it was the old bill, which had been printed some years ago. This admonished Senators that some printed copy might be found among the files of the Secretary’s office, and tliat it would be needless to incur the delay which the printing might occasion, before the reference of the bill, a motion for which he designed should follow the second reading by the title only. Mr. Woodbridge, although of Mr. Clay’s party, was opposed to this hot haste, and insisted on the printing: and Mr. Benton had the hardihood to refuse his assent to the reading by the title twice on the same day, to give wings to this measure of waste and cor ruption. Asa single negative was sufficient to arrest this setting aside of the rules of leg islation, the second reading was not allowed, but Mr. Clay said he would profit by the im pediment thrown in his way. His hint was designed to let the minority know, that if they insisted on the regular progress, according to the rules of the House, he would make them feel the power he commanded, in such way as to indemnify for such resistance to his arbi trary pleasure. The land distribution bill being thus dispos ed of, for the dav, the proposition to refer the portion of the message in regard to foreign re lations, brought on a debate in regard to the correspondence of Messrs. Fox and Webster, and our relations with Great Britain . Mr. Buchanan opened the debate by a brief state ment of the facts concerning the murder of a part of the crew and the burning of the Car oline, and contrasted the posture taken by the last Administration with that assumed by Mr. ’ Webster in relation to this subject. He made a very clear exposition of facts, and we think with a liberal and impartial spirit—we might ! say with a delicate and tender regard for Mr. Webster, and the station held by him, repre -1 senting the country and its honr—presented 1 an aspect of the late diplomacy, which must | make the nation sensible that it must make a j new character, if it expects to preserve its rights or its standing. We shall not do Mr. [ Buchanan the injustice of attempting to give ’ a sketch of his course of argument—of the ’ sentiments he proclaimed, or the principles [ asserted. In a few days vve shall be able to 1 present the whole speech to the public, which cannot be abbreviated. We will accompany ’ it, if possible, with Mr. Rives’ reply, and de ’ fence of Mr. Webster’s doctrines. These mental efforts of the two Senators will be ‘ found to bear about the same proportions that 3 their persons do to each other. On the conclusion of Mr. Rives’ speech, : Mr. Choate, the Senator from Boston, who : holds Mr. Webster’s place there, rose to reply, probably under the impression that Mr. Buc : hanan had not been fully answered. He was not prepared to go on, being inclined to Con sult Mr. Webster on the mode of managing ; the field before him. Although at a late hour ’ yesterday Mr. Clayof Alabama, who was an well, begged time until to-day to be heard • upon the repeal of the Independent Treasury, J and was denied by the Federal majority, yet the minority in the Senate cheerfully acceded ’ to the inclination of Mr. Choate for an ad -5 journment. ; THE HOUSE. We passed an hour in the gallery of the ; House, after the adjournment or the Senate, ’ listening to the speech of anew member from ’ Kentucky — the lion. T. F. Marshall— in re • | ply to the lion. J. Q,. Adams. We think the , old teacher of rhetoric had never such a ies ’ i son before from a young scholar of his own 1 ; Federal school. 1 | Mr. Adams and his Abolition friends having 1 | gained a signal triumph in the organization of j the House of Representatives, have grown presumptuous upon it. We apprehend that j there has been a little of the tactics of uPuri | tan and the Blackleg” brought to bear iu this I business in more ways than one. It will be ; observed that Mr. Clay’s particular devotee | is made Speaker of the House, and that Mr. j Adams’s particular coadjutors in the House- I are put by him at the head of all its leading Committees. Wllliarn Halstead the Abolitionist, for whom Mr. Adams fought such a battle as temporary Speaker, in the organization of the last House, is made Chairman oj ike Committee of Elec tions—the very tribunal which he sought to disgrace by making the fraudulent commis sion of a Governor prevail with it, instead of the legal popular suffrages recorded on the polls. Millard Fillmore, another Abolitionist, re turned from one of the strongest Abolition districts of New York, is put at the head of the principal committee of the House at this juncture— the Committee of Ways and Means. Johua 11. Giddings, another llaming Aboli tionist from Ohio, is put at the head of Com mittee of Claims. Before this committee will come all claims for lost property in slaves and otherwise, growing out ol the Florida war; — upon which, and all its kindred subjects, Mr. Giddings delivered a speech at the last session, which shows that he has pre-judged every question that can arise, and against the rights and interests of the people of Florida. George N. Briggs, a Massachusetts man, and friend of Mr. Adams, personal and politi cal, is put at the head of the influential Com mittee on the Post Office and Post Roads. Daniel 1). Barnard, another coadjutor from Albany, New York, is put at the head of the Judiciary Committee. Hiland Hall, another Abolitionist from Ver mont, is at the head of the Committee on Rev olutionary Claims. Leverett Saltonstall, the mover of the Hart ford Convention in the Massachusetts Legis lature, and the coadjutor of Mr. Adams on the tariff question, is put at the head of the Com mittee on Manufactures. John Quincy Adams, who, when President, invoked higher authority than the Constitution m favor of the Indians, against Georgia, as he does now in favor of the negroes against the whole South, is himself put at the head ol the Committee on Indian Affairs Caleb Cushing, of Massachusetts, another of the Boston Stamp, and notoriously active in the effort to force the live million French spoliation claim through Congress, is put at the head of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, the position to give the greatest influence over the demands for whicii he is, and has been, a sort of attorney. Calvary Morris, another Abolitionist, is at the head of the Committee on Pensions. Thomas B. Osborne, a Connecticut Aboli tionist, is at the head of the Committee on Patents. William W. Boardman, another of the same breed, of Connecticut, is at the head ol the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds. Osmyn Baker, a Massachusetts man, is at the head of the Committee of Accounts. The Universal preferment of Abolition and Adams men on ail the principal Committees of the House, could not have been accidental. It evinces an understanding, something like the “bargain, intrigue and management” of yore, between the Kentucky Speaker and the black Puritans of the present day. The next triumph which followed this suc cess of the Abolitionists, in appropriating the powers of the committees, was the election of a Sergeant-at-Arms of their choosing. After this followed, on the motion of Mr. Adams, the repeal of the 21st rule —the rule which inhibited the reception of Abolition petitions, and the agitation of the subject they would introduce. The motion to reconsider the vote carrying the repeal of the ‘2lst rule, brought out all Mr. Adam’s dangerous principles. He avowed, on the floor of the House, in case the negroes were roused to insurrection, that it would authorize the interposition of Congress on the subject of slavery—that it would authorize the free States to make emancipation the con dition of bringing the force of the Union to the rescue; that while it would authorize the free States to take part in the war by the terms of the Constitution, it would authorize the Government by the terms of a treaty, to abolish slavery, and enforce upon the South the principle of universal emancipation. This declaration of Mr. Adams called out Mr. Mar shall in a speech of great power which we hope to see reported and universally dissemi nated. It will do good North and South. Commend the toisdned Chalice to iiis own lips !—The New York Planet has brought up a remarkable reminiscence of Mr. Senator Tallmadge. It is his speech on the Removal of the Deposities in March, 1833, in which he defends Mr. Taney against Mr. Clay’s arraignment for having changed his po litical opinions: “Time was (says Mr. TANARUS.) when the hono rable Senator (Clay) stood like a faithful sen- ’ tinel on the watch-tower of freedom and guarded the principles of the Constitution. Time is j when the Secretary of the Treasury is main- j taining the same principles in regard to the j unconstitulionality of the bank of the Uniied j States that the Senator himself maintained in j 1811. The Secretary is maintaining the same principles in regard to the rights of the people against an overgrown moneyed Aristocracy which the Senator himself maintained at that early day. Even admitting all that the hono rable Senator has said to be true, it onlv proves that he and the Secretary have changed positions, and as to which has the better of the change, I leave to the honorable Senator himself to determine Now ( memorabile dicta !) Mr. Tallmadge, like Mr. Clay, has changed his own opinions ; and every word lie then said against Mr. Clay is now true of himself! lie is no longer the ‘faithful sentinel on the watch-tower but lias gone over to the enemy. He is now for a National bank, and is i tdifferent- about any form in which he can get it. “And Nathan said unto David, Thou art the man.” —ib. From the London Court Journal, May 8. Fashions for the week—direct from Paris. —As the season advances, bonnets of pailie de riz, fancy straw, and anew descrip tion of straw, made from the palm w leaf, are getting more in vogue. They are usually worn trimmed with a variegated plume of feathers, or bunch of flowers falling low on the shoulder. The materials now adopted by our elegantes for dresses are of the most dazzling kind, shot silks being most in favour. The colours are of the most brilliant descrip tion. Anew article has been introduced, which bids fair to be very general. It has been named balzaririe, is as transparent as muslin, but possessing many advantages over the latter article, a principal one of which is that it never gets rumpled. These dresses are generally made with auches down the front and round the bottom in the curicle style. Tight sleeves are very general and will doubtless remain so while scarfs are so generally worn as they are at present.— Coloured and white book muslins are in favour for dinner dresses. The colours most in re pute are orange, coffee, brown, green t bright blue, and puce. Those dresses are worn with tight sleeves reaching to the elbow joint, and long coloured gloves. Gros de Naples, both striped and in fancy patterns, is most general material for walking dress. Scarfs of the col our become more general, though black scarfs are also very much worn. The corsage is made tight to the figure, and ornamented over the bust with fancy silk buttons. The skirt is not worn quite so full as lias been the vogue for some months past, and the generality of the dresses are without any kind of ornament at the bottom. For evening dress there is little alteration to notice since our last, except that as the season advances, the materials used are of the lightest possible kind. The Steam Ship President. —We copy the following from the New Bedford Mercu ry : A wine bottle which had drifted ashore on the Horse Neck Beach, at the mouth of Buz zard’s Bay, was picked upon Saturday last by Mr. John Devoll, of Westport, and was found to contain s slip torn from the margin of a newspaper, upon which the following” memo randum has been pencilled: u Steam ship President , sole survivor the Steward—in a. small boot Save me—%()lh May.” The fragment of paper upon which this is written is a strip about six inches long and one inch wide, and judging from the typography which is scantily indented upon both sides of one of the edges, as also from its correspon ding texture, it appears to have been torn from the Philadelphia Gazette oral Commer cial intelligencer , although we cannot identify it in this respect with certainty, We state what has thus come to our knowledge, leav ing ittoothers who are interested, to lormtheir own conclusions. For ourselves we are strongly inclined to believe tt to be an impos ture ; however difficult it must be to conceive of the motive which could thus induce any in dividual w antonly to trifle with the sympathies of hundreds who are anxiously interested in the fate of the unfortunate passengers and crew who were embarked in the President. The President, it will be recollected, sail ed from New York on the 11th March.—New Y’ork Journal of Commerce. English, French and American Na vies. —In the English Navy, there are in commission, in reserve, in ordinary and buil ding 107 ships of the line ; 96 frigates ; 369 smaller vessels ; and 76 steamers. In the French Navy, in commission including the reserve, in building and in ordinary, there are 40 ships of the line, 50 frigates, 166 smaller vessels, and 40 steamers. The United States have the frame timbers (contracted for and mostly in readiness,) of 15 ships of the line, 18 frigates, 24 smaller vessels, and 9 steam ers. The English ships, carry a greater weight of metal than the French ships of the same class. The armament of British Steamers, is as follows : The first class are armed with two 10 inch guns (one at each end, but capable of being fired on either side) of 85 cwt. and four long 82 pounders of 41 cwt. The second class have two 10 inch guns, and two 32 poun ders, 35 cwt; some have only one 10 inch and one 8 inch gun ; and others, again, two 8 inch and two 32 jtounders. The steam pack ets are variously armed, some with 32 and oth ers with 9 pounders, according to the line employed on, but all are capable of full arma ment if required. Both batteries on the gun deck of one English ship of the line, are said to be composed entirely of 68 pounders. In the French Navy, the steam vessels of 220 hojse power carry’ 7 guns : 3 80 pounds J howitzers ; 4 30 pounds howitzers. Those of 160 horse power carry but 5 guns. In general, the armament of American vessls is heavier than they are rated ; such, for in stance as are rated as 20 gun Sloops, have an armament of 24 medium 54 pounders. From the Paris Correspondent of ihe Nat. Intelh’r. Paris, May 15, 1841. When I closed my letter of yesterday, I had not seen the virtual denunciation of the Texian loan in the official evening paper, the Messenger, which appeals to the roy&l ordi nance of November 12, 1823, declaring for mally that the Government was not to be un derstood to approve of foreign loans, or to bind itself to interpose in behalf of the French who miorlit spontaneously invest their capital in them. In consequence, the following publi cation was made in the journals yesterdav:— “ General Bank (Citisse) of Commerce and In dustry. — Notice. —Messrs. Laffitte and Cos undertook the emission of a loan of thirty-se ven millions on account of the Texian Gov ernment in consideration of (or determined by) the following statement in their contract is formed in consideration of (or under) the positive assurance which the envoys ot Texas give, that they have obtained the adhesion of The French Government, and the pledge that it will lend its moral aid (countenance) to the negotiation of the loan ; “ whereof the said en voys of Texas have furnished to Messrs. Im~ j title and Cos. the material proof. ’ The remarks published in the Moniteur and the Messenger, the regular organs of the Government, being of a nature to inspire the public with doubts on the security of the loan, the opening ot the subscription announced for the fifteenth inst. ,is postponed until further notification/’ Cer tainly, the official articles indicate the reverse ot aid or good will on the part of the Govern - ’ mont; and there lias been either misconcep tion on the one hand, or entire change of view* and language on the other. I shall soon be able to elucidate this strange retraction or hesitation of the bankers ; the frowns or smiles ;of the Government could not affect the na ture of the security or intrinsic value of the stock- The Lost Vessel. —Apathy is already set tling upon the public mind in relation to the missing steamship President. The day of wonder and excitement is past, and she is al ready almost forgotten. Yet she may return, and the late interest in her fate, which is al ready falling asleep, will then be aroused to a happier excitement, because it will be one of rejoicing instead of anxiety and alarm. Perhaps she is gone ! The noble steamer may be now resting among the fathomless depths of the great sea. ’Tis supposed she plunged in the night against a floating moun tain of ice. Can any of us realize the horror of such a moment 1 Can any manner of death so much resemble indeed a plunge into Eter nity ? To part with life in one flying moment, and sink, sink, sink, (in a coffin which was ! your palace,) down, down, (the swift rusli startling the monsters of the sea,) into those silent caverns shrouded from creation until universal doom,from the all-bounteous light’ of heaven ! It was in-night: and those beings were sleeping, dreaming perhaps of home* There was a-shock, a single wild and fearful I crash, and the alarmed dreamers sprang up to’ i drink the whelming wave and expire. Ere J the gurgling shriek was half uttered,-briny j suffocation took place: The dying did not grasp each other’s hands. They had not even time to drag each other downward in mad and desperate struggles still for life ! But tho spark went out in the sea,- quenched with a single shock, and not flickering through even one full momentof pain. We may only dream’ of what is at the bottom of the sea.- “ Melhought L saw a thousand fearful wrecks ; A thousand men, that fishes - gnawed upon , Wedges o’ gold, great anchors, heaps of gold, • inestimable stones, unvalued jewels’, AH scattered on the bottom of the seat Some lay in dead men’s skulls, and in those holes AVliere eyes did once inhabit, there were crept, (As ’hvere in scorn of eves) reflecting gems, That woo’d the slimy bottom of the deep, And mocked the dead men’s bones all scattered hv., New Orleans Picayune. New Orleans, May 27-— From Havana. —By the schr. Virginia Antoinette, we have’ received Havana papers to the I9lh instant We learn verbally that much sickness prevail ed among the strangers in Havana at the last | dates. We are assured by a gentleman who 1 I has resided in that city for twenty years, that he has never known the fever so fatal or so . generally prevalent ns it lias been for the last few weeks, among the shipping in port. — There had been refreshing rains throughout the Island, and the Cuba planters felt that the blessings of Heaven were still showered upon • them.—Bulletin. From Florida. — Ry the steamer Cincin natti, Caps. Smith, arrived yesterday, we learn from a passenger that Col. Worth is at Fort King and has issued an order rcvokrtig all passports and arresting ell peaceable negotia tions; all Indians are to he seized, and Caps. Fulton is ordered to be relieved at Fort Mel lon by another company. Dr. Hammond is ordered to Fort Mellon ; the troops still con tinue very sickly. Gen. Arinistead has gone North, by way of Tallahassec.—Sav. Georgian, June 12. We are informed that if was decided; by Judge Andrews, at the late term of the Su perior Court of Oglethorpe county, that a Justice of the Peace may legally solemnize a marriage out of the county lor which he is commissioned. The cases of Mary Pearson vs. Beßjamin Herveyand Jacob Hervev, (>th vol. Halslead’s (New Jersey) Reports, p. 12, and the town of Londonderry vs. the town of Chester, 2d vol. New Hampshire Reports, p. 2GB, are referred to as abundantly sustaining the opinion, and conclusively settling a point wit ch has heen much mooted, and one of a peculiar and delicate nature upon which many marriages, and the neace and security of many families in the State depend.—So. Rec. r~ I Bv the following fritn the N. Y. Journal of Commerce of Friday last, it. will be seen that the project of a National Bank does not find favor with a large minority of the Chamber of Commerce of that city : National Bank. —The vote in the N. Y. Chamber ol Commerce on the adoption of a memorial in favor of a National Bank, (Ayes 36, noes 20,) indicates a considerable opposi tion to the measure, even among the merchants of New York, where, if any where, the Bank will be located . The proportion of noes to yeas is as sto 9. If among the merchants of New York there is so large a minority opposed to a National Bank, how will it be with the merchants of other cities, where the Bank is not to be located ; and especially, how will it be with the agricultural and mechanical clas ses 1 Will the Whigs of Pennsylvania go for a National Bank in New York 1 The question is not, whether, having a Na tional Bank we shall abolish it, but whether, not having one, we shall again disturb the currency by creating one. The YV hig party in Congress have the subject within their con trol, and there we are content to have it.— If they pass a bank bill, it will not be vetoed by the President; of this we are confident.— Jour. Com. The Tallmadge Dinner. —tbe express of this morning contains a report ot the speech made bv N. P. Tallmadge at the din ner given him yesterday by bis friends. In the course of it, he undertakes to declare what measures should be passed at the extra ordinary session of Congress about to assem ble, and enumerates the following. 1 The Independent Treasury law is to be repealed ; 2. There is to be a National Bank estab lished • 3- The proceeds of the publ : c lands are to’be distributed among the States; 4. A bankrupt law must be passed ; 5. The expunging resolution is to be rescinded; and 6. Money is to be given to the family of Gen. Harrison.” These, according to Mr. Tall madge, are the great measures of reform by which the Whig party are to render them selves immortal.—N. Y. Post. * if the public money is to be thus disposed of, we would beg these generons trend* man to bear in mind that both Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Monroe died poor and embarrassed, and that no money has ever been given to their families! We merely call tl ri • attu mion to the fact, lest they may have feigo.ten if --Ba f. Republican.