Newspaper Page Text
interests —it necessarily contains faults, exhi
bits omissions of great moment; but, never
theless, possesses a vital power of amendment
that must,l think, add to its gradual improve
ment. And the fault which 1 have here point
ed out, will, among the rest, be quickly amend- i
ed. In the meantime, lam anxious to prevent i
any outbreak on the part of our ignorant leg.s- i
lators, who know nothing of the difficulties 1 ,
am speaking of, but who are quite ready tor a ,
row, if every thing is not done to tueir ;
and completely, If vve are calm, rIJ a,l ‘ i
forbearing, I hope and trust that no larin wa.
eventually happen; but I canno avoir p
ceiving that the American Executive has
before it a very dangerous obstacle to mee.
and conquer. We should do all that we car.
to assist them in their strait; and not oy hasty,
rash, and harsh language to obstruct, perhaps
utterly frustrate, their good intentions.
Vours. most sincerely,
’ J. A. ROEBUCK”
August, 28,1841 .
My dear Roebuck—Your view of the Mc-
Leod, or rather of the American question, is
clear enough, as regards the general Govern
ment, up to the point it has reached. No
doubt the American Government has been,
and is still hampered by great difficulties; no
doubt caution and forbearance are alike called
for by reason and humanity But do not
these difficulties spring from the ill understood
notions of liberty entertained by the Ameri
cans themselves 1 They seem to imagine
that to do whatever is agreeable or profitable
to themselves is liberty and make that word
the justification of any wrong to others. But
there are in justice and reason as solid grounds
for restricting the liberty of nations for the
benefit of the world at large, as there are for
restricting the liberty of individuals lor social
good. If the States, repudiating the decision
of national questions, do nevertheless assume
exclusive powers, when placed by their own
acts in collision with foreign nations, they
are de facto Sovereign States, and their union
must be considered a league of independent
nations, offensive towards the rest ol the world
as not holding themselves amenable to the
common general lav/, offering no security for
good behavior, nor any fixed point upon which
a suitor for national justice can take ground
for negotiation. Such a league can only be
upheld by force ; the Americans must abandon
it or bear the brunt of war, with the odium ot
being a barbarous community, whose destruc
tion or subjection to civilized international
customs is absolutely necessary to the well
being of the world. For if their General Go
vernment is, by the institutions of their coun
try, rendered powerless to amend wrongs to
foreigners, they can only take rank with the
barbarous Moorish piratical States.
“ There is, you say, an amending principle
in the American Constitution, which will, if
we are firm and temperate, correct this anoma
ly. This is scarcely to be doubted, although
as yet that vital principle has not been mani
fested ; but to stimulate its action, a voluntary
and complete apology should be offered by our
government for the attack on the Caroline,
which cannot be justified, though the provoca
tion may be honestly pleaded. But if, mean
while, the anomaly in the American constitu
tion leads to the execution of McLeod, is
England to bear the insult] Is she to pro
claim herself no longer able or willing to
protect her subjects from punishment when
they have only obeyed her orders—lawful
orders to them, though unlawful in their gov
ernment ] I cannot conceive a greater degra
dation ! The transaction would be one of
cowardly cruelty on the part of the Ameri
cans, of cowardly submission on the pari of
England.
The case of a spy, or an incendiary, is not,
I think in point. The spy goes disguised, he
takes advantage of the civilized hospitality ot
the enemy to mix amongst his people : he lives
with them; he calls himself their friend, a
fellow subject, and de facto, he is for the time
being their fellow subject. He is then a trai
tor to them, and meets a traitors death. The
incendiary is in the same predicament. The
law of nations in these cases is known and
admitted without dispute. The spy, or incen
diary, knows what he is going to do ; he can
not'be ordered upon such a service; he is
only tempted ; he knows what his fate will be
if detected; he is pa ; d accordingly, and never
expects the protection of his government
Moreover in both case?, the man is put to
death, not for the acts of mischief he commits,
but for his treason. For if an officer, clothed
in uniform, and choosing to risk his life, en
ters an enemy’s camp, and trusting to his
address and boldness for impunity, discovers
all the weak points, (I have known an exam
ple,) he cannot, if taken, be injured according
to the iaws of war, because he acts under law
ful orders. Quarter may, indeed, be refused
to him—the right of refusing quarter being
inherent to fighting men, but he cannot be
judicially executed. So a town or a magazine
may be set fire to by troops, be they few or
many, stealthily or openly, provided they are
m uniforms ; nay, they need not be in uniform,
provided they do not enter the precincts ot the
enemies lines as friends; and however barba
rous or unnecessary the act may be, it is one
recognized by the laws of war, aud the perjie
trators, if acting under orders, cannot be legal
ly made responsible when taken prisoners,
though quarter may be refused to them. This
is the case of the Caroline.
But both sides have put themselves so
much in the wrong, the English Whig Gov
ernment on one part, and the American peo
ple on the other, that it has become a Gordian
knot only to be cut by the sword; that is, I
unless, what never happened ye!, both sides
agree to acknowledge their errors and make
mutual amends. For if McLeod is put to
death, Englond must, avenge Jie wrong or be
degraded as a nation. And if the Americans,
admitting the defect in their constitution,
should proce: and to remove it as offensive to
civilization, that must take time, and England
is dishonored every hour that she permits one
of her subjects to languish m prison, in con
etant fear of an ignominious death, because i
he obeyed his orders as a military man. Ifj
McLeod be acquitted, which will happen or!
not, it would appear, as the power of a certain;
faction predominates, his imprisonment and
sufferings and trial will still remain an insult
to England, and a violation of international
law, based on the assumption of a right of
international regulation at variance with com
mon sense, because opposed to civilization. !
So, also, the affair of the Caroline will remain
a violation of intereational law on our part.,
mitigated, however, by the provocation.—
Amends may indeed be made to McLeod per
sonally ; the faulty institutions of the Ameri
cans may be pleaded in apology to heal our
wounded honor, and the correction of the de
fect will give weight to that apology and afford
a security for the future; but until the attack
on the Caroline is atoned for, it can hardly be
expected that the Americans will remedy
their faulty institutions to relieve England
from the difficulty and disgrace brought upon
her by the misconduct of her Canadian Gov
ernment. War, therefore, I look upon as
certain, sooner or later. Thanks to Lord John
Russell and his celebrated Canadian resolu
tions !
Yours, sincerely, \V. NAPIER. 1
Napoleon’s mode of making coffee. —
Tne iaie Emperor Napoleon, whowasa greai
amateui of coffee, ot which, hmvevei, he
nnde a moderate use, is said to have oiven
instructions to his cook to prepare it in the
follow no way : for three or four persons, two
ounces ol recently burnt and otoond coffeej
are put into an empty coffee pot ol the ordi
nary kind, with a small piece ol isinirlu*s; this
is held over the fire and shaken by the bandj
eo as to prevent the burning of the coliee ;|
when a smoke is seen to issue from the pof,j
wafer, at the boiling point, is poured upon it
in a sufficient quantity to supply six breakfi stj
euns, ip tire proportion of one third o* coffee
[ !o twn thirds of milk ; the coffeepot taken
from the fire before the water is aJded, but
[, e in<T heated, the coffee boils gently as the
not is bei.l in the hand ; the ebullition is sut
iicient to bi ing out all the fine properties of
the coffee without carrying off the aroma, a
cup is then poured out and returned again
into the pot to allow the powder to precipi
tate, and in two or three minutes the coffee
is perfectly clear, and is used with boiling
mi'k. Some of the best families in Paris now
adopt this plan, which is certainly superior to
any now in use.
TH E TIM ES ,
jut Ilk
jV~rttvw'.PS^_L.
The union of the states and the sovereignty of the states
COLUMBUS, OCTOBER 28, IS4I
From the Enquirer of yesterday.
COTTON. Bales
Receipts for week-ending Oclober 18 - 694
On hand previously - - 9a6-16i0
Shipments, - - - 412
On hand, ------ 1238
Prices vary from 7 to 7J cents per pound.
THE NEXT LEGISLATURE.
Our political opponents are extremely busy
in prefiguring what must be the action of the
majority in the Legislature, to meet the
expectations of the people, and fulfil the pro
mises made during the canvass, just termina
ted. It appears to us, from what little we
saw and heard of that canvass, that what the
Whigs had done both in Congress, and in the j
last Legislature, contributed as much, if not.
more, to the recent extraordinary political
revolution in Georgia, than any promises made
by the Democrats. The measures of the
extra session unfolded so fully the mischiev
ous and high-toned Federal designs of the
controlling portion of the Whig party, and
the tame acquiescence of the mass of the
Georgia delegation in most, if not ail, of these
inconsiderate measures was so reprehensi
ble, that the action cf this extra session alone
would, vve have no doubt, independent of any,
and all other considerations, have given the
Democratic party the ascendancy in the State.
The Whig presses in the State found it im
possible to justify the measures of this extra
session ; and they chose rather to appeal to
local considerations—to ancient party preju
dices—and to ibe necessity of preserving the
integrity of the State Rights party, to attain
the victory. By the way, vve have heard this
remark made more than once by gentlemen
of more than ordinary intelligence, that, altho
they condemned in the whole, and in detail,
Whig measures, yet they went for preserving
the integrity of the Stale Rights party. Now
what is the meaning of this remark ] We
had always supposed that a party was only
valuable for the principles it entertained and
sustained—and that the moment it was held
together by personal considerations merely,
it became a faction. This has been oifr
reading of the distinction between party and
faction.
Well, as vve have remarked, the proceed
ings cf the extra session, and the course of
policy there unfolded on the part of the ma
jority, had much to do in effecting the political
revolution in Georgia—a revolution prepara
tory to a change in the Congressional Dele
gation, and in the Executive Chair of this
Union at the next election, as well as to show
now, to her Representatives in Congress, her
utter aversion to the whole system of meas
ures, and the whole scheme o f policy, of the
Whig party. Does any one doubt that the
proceedings of the extra session of Congress
had much to do in prostrating the Whig party
in Georgia; or rather, if the extra session had
not been held, would not the struggle on the
part of the Democrats have been much more
doubtful ? No one doubts this, vve imagine.
The election, then, which has given to ns
the victory, is a fall compliance with the pro
mises made to the people in this behalf—that
is tliat a change in the Congressional Delega
tion, and iu the Chief Magistrate of the Union,
at the appropriate periods, will arrest these
obnoxious measures. This the people under
stand, and with this they will be satisfied.
The action cf the last Legislature had much
to do in creating the dissatisfaction, and in
leading to the political change in the State.
It abolished the Central Bank—it imposed
exorbitant taxes—and it made no satisfactory
arrangements respecting the rail road in the
i Cherokee section of Georgia, which is rapidly j
consuming the means of the State, and may
eventually bankrupt her. What was pro
mised by tiie Democrats in the late canvass ?
Any thing more than to reestablish the Central
Bank with all its functions and faculties— j
and to substitute the former tax law ] And :
is there any difficulty in effecting these objects
agreeably to the promises made ? If the ‘
i remaining means of the Slate held by the 1
| Central Bank, and her stock in other institu- j
l tions, can be saved from absorption by the j
“ Grand Trunk,” what difficulty will arise in :
regard either to a modification of the tax flaw, |
or to a continuance of discounts by the Cen
tral Bank ! But, it maybe asked, what will,
what can be done with the Rail Road to relieve
j the State trom further disbursements on its
| aecount, and save from ruin and loss what ha?
: already been accomplished ! This is a mat
ter far the serious consideration of the Leg is
lature ; aud vve understand that the subject :
can be disposed of in such manner as will;
release tiie State from farther burdens ; and,!
probably, place the road in such hands as to i
ensure its completion.
Well, then, what next must be done to ac
quit the Democratic party in this matter of
promises? It is said by our opponents that
Gov. McDonald’s relief measure must be car--
ried out. What was tins measure about which
so much has been said, and that has been so
egregious!}’ misrepresented, or perhaps mis--
unders’cod, by the Whigs ! What was the
course of the Governor on this subject ? Pre
vious to the close of the last session ot the
; Legislature, the Governor, aware of the fail-
J ure of the Cotton crop, and the existing pecu
| niary embarrassments ol the people, commu
j nicated these facts to the Representatives of
| the Stifp, and suggested the propriety of any
practicable legislation, having a tendency to
lessen or ameliorate these evils, admitted bv
all to exist. Was there any thing wrong in.
this step of the Governor ? l>id it not evince i
a laudah'.3 solicitude for the welfare ci the
people, and an anxiety for the Legislature to
consider the matter, and see if there were no
practicable and constitutional mode to avert, to
some extent, the evils then existing, & greatly
to be augmented by the failure of the Cotton
crop] What said the Legislature in re
sponse] Instead of giving the matter a full
and fair consideration, it asked the Gov
ernor to submit a plan. He promptly replied,
furnishing the outline of a plan which had ‘
occurred t.o him. What was this plan I To
issue the bonds of the State—obtain the mo- I
ney on them if practicable—place the pro 4 -
ceeds in the Central Bank to be loaned out to
the people as had been the course of the Bank
all along, reserving the notes taken, and the
interest paid on them, as a separate fund to
cancel these very bonds. Here is the whole
case in a nut shell. What said the Legisla
ture] “We would not if we could—we could
not if ice would.”
We are told as evidence of the folly and im
practicability of the plan suggested by the ;
Governor, that it could not have been carried j
put without au immense luss to the State— ■
that the bonds of Georgia would not have |
brought more than sixty or sixty five dollars |
in every hundred—and then the question is
boldly put by our opponents, would this plan I
have answered ] Y\ ould it not have involved i
the State in ruinous loss] Who proposed this
plan—certainly not the Governor—nor were
the Legislature asked, or expected to sanction
any such plan. If the Legislature approved
of Ills Excellency’s suggestion, they had but
to frame a law providing that the bonds of the
State be sold at a sum not higher than six or j
eight per cent, interest, and the proceeds of 1
them be placed in the Central Bank to be ‘
loaned to the people of the State, under such I
regulations and restrictions as were proper
j and necessary. Under such a law, could the
bonds of the State l ave been sold at a discount
of 30 or 40 dollars in the hundred—hardly.
Well, then—if State Bonds could not have
been discounted at six or eight per cent, ihe
law would have failed of its intended effect.
This is admitted. But yet, if the Legislature
had felt the slightest anxiety to second the
views of the Executive, it could have exhibi
ted it by passing an act similar to the one vve
! have just sketched—and if it could not have
j been rendered available, the fault would not
j have been with the Legislature, or the Execu-
I live.
But vve are told that the plan would, in
another way, have resulted in great Joss to the
State. It. is alleged that the amount of bad
debts made in these loans, would have sub
jected tiie State to vast losses in the closing
up of tiie business—and-vve are pointed—and
very improperly—to the Banking system of
Alabama as a confirmation cf the truth cf this
statement. To arrive at the exact truth in
this matter, it will only be necessary to ascer
tain the actual yearly losses sustained by the
Central Bank since its establishment. To
point to the system in Alabama, under an en
tirely different organization—loaning hun
dreds of thousands to a single individual, and
he, probably, a reckless speculator —author-
ised to deal in cotton and in every species of
property—the Directors, in fact, totally un
| curbed in any respect—and then to exhibit
I the failure of the system, under these circum
| stances—as evidence of what might be ex
pected in the case of the Central Bank—is
not only very unfair —but wholly incorrect,
i There is not the slightest possible similitude.
! They can be, in no respect, compared,
j But tiie Whig presses say this relief scheme
must be carried out, or the people will be
dissatisfied. The people desire the Central
Bank, as well as the other Banking Institu
tions in the State, to be placed on a specie
basis, as the only means of purifying the cur
rency. When this is done, the first and
most important step as regards the Banks—
when provision is made to meet the necessary
and current expenditures of the State, it will
then be the duty of the Legislature—or more
properly of the Directors of the Central Bank
—to appropriate the remaining means to loans
to the people, in suitable sums, as has been
the custom of that institution heretofore, and
was tiie principal object of its establishment.
It really appears to us that the course of
the Legislature is a very plain and strait-for
ward one—and, when carried out, will satisfy f
amply satisfy the people, and redeem all the
promises which have been made.
The Mails. —The Enquirer, of yesterday,
i complains of the irregularity in the Mails for
\ a week past. Why did not the Enquirer say,
■ for the last six months ] There have been,
} we verily believe, more failures of the North-
I orn Mail at this point for the last six months,
; than during the same months, in the last three
years, all put together.
W e think it altogether probable that the
Post Office Department is doing all it can to
| remedy these inconveniences. In the ab
sence of proof to the contrary, we are charita
| ble enough to infer proper action, in this mat
ter, on the part of the Government. Yet we
have some recollection of the promises of the
Whig party, if Kendall and Niles could be
turned out of office, to produce tl greal regular
ity’ 1 in the transportation of the mails. How
these promises have been carried out, the
Enquirer affords some evidence in its remark, i
yesterday.
“Taxon Necessakies.” —The Columbus
Enquirer of yesterday asks—“ Now that the
elections are over and nothing is to be gained
by further misrepresentation, will not the Van
Boren papers have /he fairness to tell then
readers, whether in reality a tax was laid by
the extra session of Congress on tea, coffee,
sugar, molasses and salt, and whether the
Georgia Delegation did not actually vote to
take the existing duty off of the latter articles,
so as to make them free of tax !”
Will the Enquirer have the ‘fairness’(to
j borrow its own language) to state whether a
j Revenue Bill, taxing tea and coffee, did not
j the House ot Representatives—and
whether the Members of that House from
Georgia, with the exception of Mr. Alford,
I who voted against the Bill, and Mr. Foster
j who was absent, did not vote for said bill, it
i including the provision to tax tea and coffee ?
It is true that, in reality, a tax was not laid
by the extra session of Congress on tea and
coffee—for the reason that the Senate struck
out that portion of the Bill which included
these articles.
If the Enquirer will state the case “ fairly ”
(again to borrow its language) it cannot clear
the Georgia Delegation, with the exceptions
we have named, from having voted to tax tea •
and cct&e.
THE SAVANNAH REPUBLICAN.
We copied an article, some weeks since, as
our readers will doubtless recollect, from the
Savannah Republican, to the effect that a ta
riff was not now in the eyes of the people o*
Georgia, the odious thing it once was; and vve
expressed our surprise at the time, that senti
ments tending to allay opposition to a protec
tive tariff! should have found their way into a
j Georgia Journal, of either political party. The
i Republican, in a subsequent article, reitera
ted the same sentiments in a more detailed
land intelligible form ; and assumed the posi
i tion that, as cotton manufactories were on the
| increase in Georgia, self-interest would soon
| dissipate, to a great extent, the prevailing op
j position to the imposition of protective duties;
omitting altogether in its extended comments
on this subject, any, the slightest allusion to
the important constitutional question involved,
and that has been the occasion of frequent and
animated debates in Congress from the adop
tion of the Constitution to the present day.—
Perceiving this omission in the two articles in
the Republican,which had attracted our notice,
we asked tha*journal if it believed a tariff for
protection, other than that protection afforded by
| the exercise of the revenue power, to be con
! stitutional ] If it did, its reasoning was well
enough; otherwise there was an end of the
! question. The Republican, very frankly re
spited that it believed a tariff for protect ion to be
constitutional.
Tiie Republican is entitled to form and en
tertain its own opinions on this, as well as on
all other topics of general interest, and candor
in expressing such opinions, be they what
they may, is any thing but reprehensible; yet
the boldness and unreservedness with which
|it declared sentiments so wholly at variance
with the constitutional opinions of the South
respecting a protective tariff and with the
whole course of Southern policy heretofore,
did indeed excite our surprise. Admitting the
opinion of the Republican to be correct, “that
j Georgia will eventually be a great Manufac
turing State,” can it be possible that self-in
terest will lead the people of the South to a
dopt what they have unreservedly and univer
sally condemned since the foundation of the
government; that, in the support of which the
States of New England have been pronounced
avaricious and unprincipled ; as seeking to
enrich themselves at the expense of other sec
tions of the Union; as violating both the letter
and spirit of the constitution ; and as rapidly
maturing to an alienation and exasperation of
feeling indicative of most unhappy results ?
Can the South become so lost to its own dig
nity as tacitly to admit that its uniform aver
sion to protective duties has arisen, in no de
gree, from constitutional scruples, but has
been prompted wholly by the fact that she
lacked the enterprise and energy to avail her
self of the benefits of such protective duties]
And yet this is evidently the conclusion of the
Republican—otherwise Georgia,although “a
great Manufacturing Slate,” could not look
with any allowance upon a protective tariff.—
We think the Republican is mistaken. Nei
ther in our day, nor in that of the Republican,
in our opinion, will the people of Georgia con
sent to the imposition of protective duties ; nor
yield the constitutional question so long and so
zealously opposed, respecting a tariff.
One word more. The Republican, in allu
ding to the proposals for the erection of a dam
across the Chattahoochee river at this point,
says that “our friend of the Columbus Times
vve presume will not be so inclined now. to
sneer at our prediction of some months since,
that Georgia would eventually be a great man
ufacturing State.” The Republican is cer
tainly in error in supposing (bat we sneered at
eilher of its predictions that “ Georgia would
certainly be a great manufacturing State,” or
that the self-interest of its citizens would
weaken opposition to a protective tariff and
ultimately lead them to become its supporters.
We did, however, deprecate the general es
tablishment of manufactories in the South
and throughout the country, upon the exten
sive scale they are conducted in Europe, or
even in some parts of the United States, as a
system entailing much positive injury, and not
at all suited to our climate, or to the condition
of oitr people. We have no redundant popu
lation, as is the case in England, who must
be fed and clothed, and who must be em
ployed in manufacturing establishments, or
not at all. So long as there is in this country
an abundance of vacant land, fresh and cheap,
the happiness and morals of our laboring pop
ulation will be most successfully promoted
by making them frugal and industrious hus
bandmen—rather than incarcerating them in
large manufactories, which have proved to be
the world over, miserable dens of pestilence,
famine and cruelty. It is unnecessary to re
fer the Republican to the official and other
j statements which have, from time to time
i been laid before the Parliament and people of
! England, of the internal administration of
| the extensive Factories in different parts of
[Great Britain. It is doubtless familiar with
[those statements, and with the revolting con
dition of things they disclose. Is it supposed
that the adoption of the Factory sys f em in the
United States, on an extensive scale, would
not be attended with many, if not all, of the
evils, tiie frightful evils, with which it doth so
much abound in Europe ]
Besides, has the Republican, or others who
’ have turned their attention to the subject,
ever reflected on tiie entirely different climates
of Great Britain, and the southern portion of
the U. States especially, in their effects upon
the human constitution, when circumscribed
within a narrow and confined sphere ] If the
Republican will refer to a speech of Mr. Ran
,doiph delivered, we think, in 1824, in opposi
j tion to the tariff’ bill then before Congress, it
! will find much useful intelligence on th.s sub
iject—intelligence which, if at all approaching
to accuracy, must present an effectual bar to
manufacturing, on an extensive scale, south
;of the Potomac. We have not the speech
; before us, or we would quote the precise lan
’ guage of the Roanoka orator. lie says, how
ever, in referring to the influence of the cli
mate upon manufacturing establishments,
’ (hat, so pure is the climate of England, Scot
land and Ireland included, a man can do more
day’s work in the year, and more hour’s work
in the day, in Great Britain, than in any coun
try under the sun—that it is swept, in its
whole extent, by the sea breeze, which puri
fies and invigorates the atmosphere—that, as
you recede from the sea, you do not get farther
from ‘he sea, as you are approaching it in an
opposite direction —whereas, in the southern
portion of the U. States, if extensive manufac
tories existed, the yellow fever, or one equally
malignant, would prevail in them from July to
January, and from January to July—that even
in ths Tobacco Factories in Virginia, admit
ted to be the healthiest in the world, a fever oi
most malignant type frequently prevails.
These are the opinions of Mr. Randolph,
expressed on the floor of Congress—and,
really, to one well acquainted with the various
and peculiar characteristics of the southern
climate—its frequent and sudden changes so
trying to the constitution, when most favorably
situated—its moisture, its dampness and its i
heat—these opinions of the Roanoke orator]
will not seem very singular, or very extrava
gant. Lot several thousand, or even several
hundred people be placed on the hank of a
i southern river, occupying small and confined
dwellings thrown together on a very small
space—breathing a putrid and heated atmos
phere during the day, and one scarcely less
so during the night in the miserable lodgings
assigned them—within the influence of what
ever offensive may be thrown off by the stream
on whose banks they are chained—subjected
for nearly six long months to a tropical sun,
and the other six to a constant and rapid suc
cession of heat, cold and moisture, and what a
tale, think you, of misery, and suffering, and
death, would even one short year unfold !
Ask any intelligent physician his opinion on
this subject, and we mistake very much if it
would be very different from the one enter
tained and expressed by Mr. Randolph.
We have forgotten ourself in the length to
which we have gone. We intended merely
to say that we did not believe Georgia would
eventually be a great manufacturing State ;
or that its people would repudiate, now or
hereafter, their constitutional objections to a
protective tariff.
We could say much more respecting the
injustice, as regards the population who would
he the operatives—and the impracticability,
arising from detect of climate, which will for
a long period, if not always, retard the estab
lishment of manufactories, upon any thing like
an extensive scale, within the limits of Geor
gia—and we may, in some moment of greater
leisure, submil our views thereon to the pub
lic eye.
MR GILMER, OF VIRGINIA.
We have not room this weak for the ex
cellent address of this gentleman, “to the peo
ple of the Twelfth Congressional District of
Virginia,” which we find in the Richmond
Enquirer, of the 19th inst. We cannot omit,
however, an immediate insertion of the sub
joined extract which illustrates so forcibly
the folly of some of the measures of the late
Extra Session, and the evident design of their
introduction and adoption.
We shall publish next week the address
entire.
“The extra session was called ostensibly
only to replenish, what we were told was an
exhausted i reasury. Without inquiring
whether the resources of the Treasury provi
ded at the last regular session were not am
ple to meet all proper expenditures until Con
gress would meet under the requisitions of
law in December next, any one may see that
if this had been the real object of the extra
session, it might have closed when a loan had
been authorishd more than sufficiemjto supply
any alleged deficit in the revenue. The first
measured however, which was proposed, was
a distribution of the entire proceeds of the
public lands, thus diminishing the resources
of the ‘Treasury several millions of dollars.
The next is a loan of twelve millions, wnich,
notwithstanding the expenses of the session
itself, and many large appropriations, besides
the alleged deficit in the Treasury, I beiieve
will not be necessary, and 1 shall be disap
pointed if it will be wanted. The loan was
authorised, but 1 have sufficient confidence in
the Executive to believe that the whole amount
will not be borrowed, unless the public service
shall make it necessary. It is clear that the
necessities of the Treasury were augmented
by the Distribution of the Proceeds of the
Lands, so that at least one of the prominent
measures of the Extra Session was in direct
conflict with the avowed purpose of the Ses
sion. The next measure was an increase of
taxes, or duties rendered necessaryfby the two
first. While this would have-been justified to
any extent demanded by the public service
either for peace or war, yet it cannot be ex
cused as a means of merely filling up a va
cuum created in the l reasury at the same
Session, and created for the purpose of being
tilled up by an increased Tariff The three
measures which I have noticed were parts of
one system, and their connexion with the oth
er measures of the Ses. i >n, warrants one in
i believing that they were all mere p etex s for
reviving under specious disgu ses extravagant
expenditures and a high Tariff. No one will
be found to advocate as a measure of fiscal
expediency, a distribution from an empty Trea
sury. The idea is so absurd as to excite sur
prise, and, therefore, we must look else where
for the reasons of this distributive policy.
“They will be found in the necessities of
the debtor States and the cupidity of manu
facturers, and the same policy which linds its
pretext for a high tariff in distributing the
proceeds of the lands, will hereafter seek a
pretext for one still higher in assuming the
entire debt of the States. This measure will
aid in paying the interests of the State debts,
the next will strike at the principal. Without
regard to the inherent and invincible objec
tious to the principle of such a measure, it is
obvious to the exporting States, because they
will have the necessity to pay much more
than they receive. The future extension of
this system !o the assumption of the Stale
debts, is foreshadowed by an argument relied
on now to justify the distribution of the pro
ceeds of the lands. We are told that the mon
ey arising from the sales of the public lands
is not (as it has been heretofore regarded) a
part of the public revenue, and hence it will
be easy to prove that the vast sums already
receiveJ and expended in that character, con
stitute the basis of a debt due from the U. S.
to the States united. This debt will have to
be paid too as the distribution of the current |
proceeds now are, from the taxes imposed a
our cus orn houses, so that the precise extent
to which the treasury of a State is relieved,
whether for principal or interest, the treasury
of the U. S. Government will have to be |
increased. In other words, State taxes may j
be diminished but Federal taxes must be j
increased—and the authority and importance j
of the Federal Government will be augmen j
ted at the expense of the States.
For the Times.
Mr. Editor—The Enquirer of yesterday
says that the President of the Bank of Co
lumbus states that the business of that Insti
tution will be confined “exclusively to settle
ment transactions, and put out none of its own
paper until it is prepared to resume specie
payments.”
Will the President, or the Enquirer for him,
inform the public how the Bank could be so
unwise as to increase its discount line, since
April last, 890,000 —and farther, whether this
large sum was distributed generally, or whe
ther one man go t all, or the larger portion of it.
Facts speak louder than words.
A. B.
There is said to be upwards of 600,000 of
uncurrent and valueless bank notes now ;n the
Treasuries of Michigan and Mississippi.
ELECTION RETURNS,
1839. 1841.
2 i o s s 5
£ § M %
O 05? X CO
Counties § g % §
Xppfims , iw ~!
sh; is 2S| s!
'■ ’ ™ 4 S! w*B
Bryan, 1 L X ~.,0 a
Bulloch, 312 7 338 1
Burke, 1M i
Tu ltt 393 189 | 39b 20/ ;
Sip, 188! 309 813
Camden, 100 129 ; *l2O 1
Campbell, 481 16b *3ro :
Carroll, 320 200 j oby • ‘
Cass, 700 ‘lßl ! /93 418
Chatham, 330 200 507 008
Cherokee, 489 320 638 33-
dark, 372 593 3/3 oJO
Cobb, 679 333 *3O/ -—|
Columbia, 252 374 j l&\
Coweta, 719 1 550 719 bo;
Crawford, 479 255 485 304;
Dade, 139 24 184 21
Decatur, 280 310 250 j 382
DeKalb, 653 4?i(5 1 75 i su>o i
Doolv, 300 137 581 ! 294,
Earlv, 300 165 330 193 i
Effingham, 69 143 51 139
El her i, 79 905 242 1 847 j
Emanuel, 152 114 216 109 :
Fayette, 475 280 608 ! 259
Floyd, 330 183 404 j 241
Forsyth, 417 298 591 ] 313;
Franklin, 689 306 8/ 7 3021
Gilmer, 273 79 290 110
Glynn, 33 130 20 107
Greene, 71 786 92 7531
Gwinnett, 619 60S 682 63'J j
Habersham, 594 381 740 290;
Hail, 500 470 570 362
Hancock ! 301 370 320 400!
Harris 456 792 485 789
Heard, 389 264 413 290
Henry, ; 835 619 903 831
Houston, | 655 419 701 , 599
Irwin, 257 14 307 3
| Jackson, 520 500 634 497
, Jasper 507 440 501 474
Jefferson, 108 453 120 417
Jones, 503 447 I *Ol
Laurens, 5 i 389 21 495
■ Lee, 215 233 199 270
Liberty, 82 139 127 130
r a i ~ n o.in
Lincoln, 195 244 159 240
Lowndes, 224 349 355 319 i
Lumpkin, j 651 249 782 321
Macon, 317 243 333 318
Madison, 309 279 357 303 j
Marion, 224 332 7(>
Mclntosh, 128 119 131 102!
Meriwether 706 671 825 727 I
Monroe, 802 671 ; 770 742 j
Montgomery, 10 242 \ 130 !
Morgan, 322 460 j 329 425
Murray, 572 89 453 138 !
Muscogee, 050 861 j 878 836 |
Newten, 467 850 ■ 212 !
Oglethorpe, 104 479 : 159 585
Paulding, 231 213 ! 280 215
Pike, “ 492 349 774 538
Pulaski, 313 160 347 123
Putnam, 245 524 ! 331 420
Rabun. 295 11 321 18
Randolph, 508 499 *417
Richmond, 372 449 372 726
Scriven, 134 211 i 222 187
Stevvar', 793 751 ; 802 728
Sumter, 392 407 ‘ 60
Talbot, 855 787 ; 816 828
Taliaferro, 414 ’ 74 410
Tattnal, 08 273 : 81 248
Telfair, 139 174 !
Thomas, 203 312 175 346
Troup, 040 ; 940 i 426 898
Twiggs, 431 327 433 338
Union, 448 20 oil 75
Upson 393 544 j 327 533
Walton, 623 412 7">o 412
Ware, 225 7 j 75 212
Warren, 317 429 : 127
Washington, 514 583 j 511 543;
Wayne, 109 20 ! 110 56
Walker, j 471 237 | 568 325
Wilkes, j 303 426 ! 404 405
Wilkerson, - 490 331 | 535 319
*M ajorfty.
MEMBERS OF THE LEGISLATURE
Appling—Seaborn Hall; Win. Williams.
W are —Full wood ; Hilliard. i
For !he Times.
Mr. Edit jr : Asa vacancy has occurred in
the Georgia Delegation in the Congress of the
United Slates, by the resignation of J. C. Al
ford, and as several names have been sugges
ted through ihe public prints, as suitable to
fill that vacancy, we would also suggest for
the consideration of the voters of Georgia, or
for those who may make a nomination, the
name of W illiam 11. Pryor, Esq. of Harris
county, as a firm Democrat and a man of tal
ents and integrity, and one who would do lion
or to the State if elected—willing always as
we are, to abide by such nomination as a ma
jority of the party make.
Manv Democrats of Harris.
From an .Arkansas juq tr.
You remember that ‘ome tun since, f communica
ted to you couridemially, that J was engaged in con
structing an apparatus for the convenient production
of ice in warm vveallier. You seemed to be much
moie amused at the idea Ilian convinced of the prob
ability of my success. Aly dread of public ridicule
drove me lo perform all my work, and lu make m\ ix
perunen’. secretly. In consequence of this, it has ta
ken mo much longer to complete them. Ihe appa
ratus consists of a balloon lo winch is attached a small
but s:iong side line, one and a-half in ie, in long’ll, and
seve. al long india rubber tubes, which are Ulucheti to
the balloon; the lower ends being enosed and ilie upper
ends open. Their aggregate capacity is sufficient lo
receive about one arid a half gallons of water. The
balloon when inflated with hydrogen gas is capable of
ascending with twenty pounds, besides us own weight
and thaf.nl its appendages. IVly first effort was a tail
ure. 1 inflated the balloon with the gas and tilled the i
lubes with walei. 1 men perin.Ued it to ascend is
last as I could bear the slipping of ihe line through my
well gloved hands, until but a ftw feet of it w ere left. :
Tile wind was blowing freely and consequently the
so oblique that the baboon did not at'aiu
an elevation of more than haif of a mile, Af 1 1 r wait
ing several hours ( drew i; down and found very cool
water, but no ice. A few nights afterwards l repeated
the experiment, being then favored with quite a calm.
I lot out (as before) nearly all the line and made the
lower end fast to a small post. Four hours alter, I
drew do vii the baboon as rapidly a possible and had
the exquisite pleasure of finding all the water in the
tubes except a small portion in tier lower end of each j
converted into ice. On ibis occasion the ihtrmom
eter was standing at 65. On to morrow rrght 1 shall !
| make anolher experiment, lettj. g out only two-thirds !
| of ihe line for the purpose of ascertaining how much
higher ihan necessary the balloon ascended. I shall
now be able to tell you how far above us it is to frecz
ing point, while we are warm enough b low. This
apparatus costs so little, that every genteel fami'v j
who find themselves far removed from ice-houses can i
afford to have one, and by the use of i‘. supply them
selves in summer’s heaq with that incomparable lux
ury.
I havem t yet contrived a convenient mode of effee- 1
ting a rapid ascent and descent of the balloon, but this j
can be easily accomplished.
I prefer to withhold niv n me from the public, until
1 see wnether I shad not be the last out suspected of
sending up such cattles in the air.
j Ax incident in court. —-Oa Saturday, in
I Court of General Sessions, a man named
John Maxwell, who had been convicted of
stealing a promissory note, was called up to
receive his sentence. Judge Barton, addres
sing the prisoner, told him that if he would
contess his guilt, and restore the note toils
j owner, he would sentence him to but nine
j months imprisonment; but that, if he did not,
I lie should sentence him to an imprisonment of
three years duration. The man replied that
from the first, he had wished to restore the
note, but that his lawyer who had it, had re
fused to let him pursue that course. The
Judge called upon Daniel McLaughlin, Esq.,
his counsel, to give up the note. Mr. Me-I
Laughlin refused. The Court then ordered
“Daniel McLaughlin to give security in the!
stun office hundred dollars for his appearance
at the present session to answer the charge of
receiving a promissory note knowing it to have
been stolen.” The proper security was en
tered, and then the Court directed a rule to be
entered lor Daniel Me Laughlin, to show cause
why he should not be stricken from the roll ot
Attorneys. The prisoner, Maxwell, was re
manded to prison, in order that he might tes
itify in the case--Phik U. 8. Gaz.
From the N. V. fc'jjirii ol the Times.
CHALLENGE 1- OR §45,t00.
B STON AGAINST ANY TWO HORSES IN THE
would. —We are desired to publish the foi
lowing challenge, which was made by James
Long, the owner of Boston, at the dinner of
the Alexandria (D. C.) Jockey Club, on the
Bth inst. being the day on which Boston walked
over for the purse offered for lour mile heats,
on the Mount Vernon Course :
“I will run my horse Bost'.u, Four Mile
I Heats, against any two horses in the world,
lor twenty thousand dollars each heat.
That is, 1 will run Boston one heat against
one of the two horses that may be matched
against him, while the other remains in the
j stable ; and run the second heat against the
i fresh horse. Should there be broken heats,
I the choice of the two horses must start against
; Boston for the deciding hca'. To secure the
j Match, I will run it over any course in the
United States the opposite party may desig
nate, and I will also hot them five thousand
dollars more, that Boston wins the Match in
j two heats.”
It will be seen by the report of the Alexan
dria Meeting that the Jockey Club Purse for
Four Mile Heats was awarded to Boston, all
the other entries for it having been with
drawn. The weather being unpleasant, the
Club did not even require that “ Old White
nose” should be led out on the course ; on in
vitation given publicly from the jurig;s’ stand,
the Club and its guests visited him at his sta
ble after dinner, previous to which, however,
| Mr. Long, with characteristic liberality, pre-
I scuted a purse ol S3OO to be run for, at four
| mile heals. It was announced as “ The Bus-
I ton Purse” and was won by Mr. Gibbon’s
Dundrige. A well known turfman who heard
the challenge and who visited Boston the
same day writes us to the following effect:
* * * “1 have had the pleasure of see-
ing “Old Whitenose” once more. He looks
quite himself again : if any thing altered. I
tiimk lie has rather improved in appearance,
and most assuredly lie is now ready to match
any horse alive. Mr. Long is very desirous
to obtain a race with him. lie remarked to
day in his usual bluff, straightforward style,
(alter giving a free purse to be run for, lour
mile heats) that the papers, letier-writers,
&c. had been making a grout fuss about fast
| horses, fast racing and the quick time at New
j Orleans and other places. Now, without the
(slightest intention of bantering, or of calling
! in question the merits of the horses named, or
j of reflecting upon the sectional partialities of
] any gentlemen he would, at the same time be
| glad to run Bost m, four miie heats, vs any
] two horses in the world, for $20,000 on each
; heat, and $5,000 nu re ‘.hat lie made * a short
j rub’ ot it. That is to say, he would run To—
j ton vs one horse before the other was brought
jon the course ; after cooling oft’ the proper
; time, he would start in he second heat again.-1
| the fresh horse. To secure such a match he
; would run it over any course in tiie United
- biates.”
Match vs the lime oj Eclipse. — Wi’hin ihe
two taA years more than one attempt lias been
made to get up a match on the Union Course,
Long Island, against the time oj Eclq se—7,3/
I— 7,49 —8,34. As Southern gentlen eii a tie, 2
! to regard the match’ o’ Eclipse and i fenry as
| no great affair, after all, and as there will be
j assembled at Baltimore next week, a majority
jot the most distinguished horses in ‘.lie Un
; ioff vve hope someone may be induced to ac
; eept such a match, which has been offered
I here a thousan i times. 1; Boston, or any
! other horse, can beat Hie time of Eclipse, lie
jean carry 0ff553,000 from ‘hs city alone 1
The effect of poverty on the mind. *
i fJf- Gli.uiiiiiig tiiii? sensibly describes the n. r
j rowing and depressing effect of poverty on the
intellectual powers: ‘The conduit aof the
po a- is unfriendly to the action and unfolding
ol the intellect, and a sore calamity to a ration
al being. In most men, indeed, the intellect
is narrowed by exclusive cares for the body.
In most, the consciousness of its excellence is
crushed by the low uses to which i t is perpet
ually doomed. But still in must, a degree of
activity is given to the mind, bv the variety
and extent of their plans for wealth or sub
stance. The bodily wants of most carry them
m a measure into the lucure, engaging them
in enterprises requiring invention, sagacity
and skill. It is the unhappiness of fhtT poor
hat they are absorbed in immediate wants, in
providing lor the passing day. in obtaining the
next meal, or throwing off'a present burden.
Accordingly their iacuities ‘live and move,’ or
rather pine and perish, in she present moment.
Hope and imagination, the wings of the sou/,
carry ng it forward and upward, languish in
the poor; for the future is uninviting. The
darkness of the present broods over coming
years. Ihe great idea, which stirs up in other
men a world ej thought, the idea of a better lot
has almost, faded lrotn the p< or man’s mind.—
He almost ceases to hope ior his children as
well as himself.
Even parental love, to many the chief quick
e: er of the intellect, stagnates through des
pair. Thus poverty starves the mind. And
there is another way in which it produces this
i vfieef, particularly vvorthyof the notice of this
assembly. The poor have no society beyond
j their own class ; t hat is, beyond those who
are confined to their own narrow field of
; thought. We all know, that it is contact
I with other minds, and especially with the more
j active and soaring, from winch intellect re-1
ceives its chief impulse. Few of us could cs
| cape the paralyzing influence of perpetual in
tercourse with the uncultivated,sluggish and
: narrow minded; and here we see what I wish
! particularly to bring to view, how very poor
is the boasted civilization ol our times which
; is built so much upon the idea of property.—
In communities little advanced in opulence,
I no impassable barrier separates and die rent clas
| ses as among ourselves. The least improved
are not thrown to a distance from those who
I through natural endowment or peculiar ex- .
citeinent, think more strongly than the rest $
and why should such division exist any where!
How cruel and unchristian are the pride ana
prejudice which for the enlightened into \
caste, and leave the ignorant and depresseJ
to strengthen and propagate prejudice ata| I
error without end.”
From Isis Globe, Oct. la.
The Fresidfnt and Mr, Butts. —Satu.-N
day’s Globe contained, among its nuseeJlanefl
j oils scraps, a paragraph positively and author*
•ift/hely contradicting a statement made it)
Mr. Bolts speech, giving the particulars of aj
i conversation had by Mr. Bolts with the PresiJ
(lent, i:i which ihe latter is made to say that
I “ his opinions hod changed to this extent — tim\
a Rational Bank was necessary to the ipelfarA
and prosperity of the country, and that wc could
not. get on without one.”
The credit to this authorized contradiction
was accidentally omitted in the Globe, it
was copied from the Madisonian, which says
it was “ authorized .”
Commonwealth vs Semmes.— Semmes v n
indicted for the murder of Professor Dav • --
The prisoner in this cause who had bo; i ; :';J
crated on his giving bail in the sum of 8 id.oo !,|
failing to appear, in discharge r hi.-, ret -> ,-i.id
zance, at the present term of the S ipe <.rl
Court of Albermarle now in - >-;-n, h.i :,1
fault was entered on record an ! t tie uatermU
against him and the security s retunnbie at?
the next term to show cause w ! >. : iioionigj
nizanco of bail should not l e nod icq
judgment.—Char. Adv.