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abolish siavert in the States under New
England construction of the Constiution al
ready patented for use. And what has the
great Union party done to counteract
these fanatic triumphs? They have *”ritten
letters,and gatheied meetings,and spoken
speeches, and eaten dinners! Indeed, if
wt> look seriously at the position of the
Union party, what help can we see? I o
be of any real service at a crisis like this,
they must have power; their fi st step to
wards power requiie# concert, and in this
motley assembly of every parly in the
country, how can there be an honest con
cert ot action, whereil there be any hon.
estv at all, there is an irreconcilable con
tradiction of opinion? ATnd if this great j
{ gglomeraiioir r s Ives itself, as it will in
evitably and i upon the approach ot the prac-!
tical political question, into its original ele
ments of Whig and Democrat, the Ab
olition party will again become the arbiter
between them, and dictate the terms of
party victory. The position, then, of South
Carolina is this: From the Compromise we
have gained nothing; •from the abolition
party we cxj eel nothing; from the Union
party we hope nothing. And better that it
is so, (or all the sooner will wo measure
our strength with the calmness of a fixed
purpose. The only party, then to whom
we are at ail bound to iook, is that third
Southern party, which, restless and uneasy \
istoo wise not to s>,e danger, but is 100 I
timid to meet it. What influence can this j
party of right claim in our couns- Is? The j
Non-Resistance Southern party has placed |
itself m this awkward dilemma. It has i
’eclated its dissatisfaction with the leading j
measures of the Compromise bill; it has I
declared itself aggrieve j by the encroach
ing and disorganizing spirit of the free
section of the Union; it Ins declared its
resolution to prevent all further aggrand
izement on the pa. t of the North; and re
cognizing the Administration as practical
ly the representative of the free-soil section
it has declared itself jealous of its power.
Now, it South Carolina act so as to bring
about a c- llision with the General Govern
ment, nnd thus force .upon the South the
simple issue, submission or resistance,
slavery or rebellion, what course is left to
*his Southern party but to sup; ort her? Can
there be a question that the defeat of the se
ceding State would result in an enormous
increase of power to the Administration
and as a necessary consequence, to the
free-soil section ol the Country? And can
a prolonged struggle be sustained between
the Government and any one Southern
State without dragging into its perilous
vortex the very interests, the threatened
dunger to which, is the strongest argument
by which this very party sustains its inne
tion? Independent of tins 100, a conflict
between the General Government and a
State will at once obliterate all those modi
fi.atoms of extreme principles in which j
weak men delight. The division lines of
party will be simplified and drawn with
pitiless distinctness, and undisguised sec
tional issues will stand single-handed in
the field. Between them the choice must
be made, and if Hue to the principles they
have themselves declared, that large par
ty hi the South, whose language hitherto
has been alternate denunciation and dep
recation, must fight or fly. South Caroli
na. then has nothing to tear from this South
era party. At the same time it must be j
admitted, that thus situated, this party is j
entitled to a voice in our counsels, and 1
that their wishes, so far as is consistent I
with safety, should be respected. Bu it
appears to us, tout all they can ask after!
their declaration of faith, is time; time to,
realize the necessity of the choice that is!
before them and to prepare for the sting- ■
gle that is at hand. And this has been !
given. Under the provisions of her legis
lation, South Carolina is pledged to a
year,s delay', and before they can make
any decisive movement, nearly 2 years
from the passage of the Compromise Bill
will have elapsed. Surely in that time the
slowest thinker will have reached a con
clusion, and the non will have entered the
torpid soul.
Under these circumstances—in this state of par
ties, wbat is the vvise.t ami lirecleet course for South
Carolina 1 It is admitted that the time for discus
sion lias been already dangerously prolong’ d—that
ihe lime lor action has come. Our object is not now
to he aigued; it has been distinctly declared, and
the tuith ol thu Slate pledged to its accomplishment.
The dissolution of the Union, and the formation, if
possible, of a Southern Confederacy. There are two I
ways in which this may beetfected. The first, and |
certainly the most desirable—is the united action
of the Southern States. Tt.e other, ihe separate j
action of a single Slate. Every effort has been I
made to invoke the instrumentality ol the first means, !
and so tar without etlect. The rnajorby of the i
Souther.! States, :u their separate capacities and in
their united character, such as it was at Nashville 1
have declared themselves unpre ared for separation !
It is true that in many of them large minoriiis have
manifested a strong spirit of resistance, and it may
even be admitted that at some indefinite point of
time, supposing the operative cause.- to be still in
action, those minorities might Itecone majorities,
and thus secure the concerted action of the slave
States. Whether, then, it be proper to wait for this
barely posstblo consummation, or to appeal at once
to the other and more difficult agency of State ac
tion, depends upon this question. Is the immedi
ate tii-solution of the Union a matter of prime im
portance, or in another shape, are there influences
at work, which if not avoided by prompt action, will
not only render the concert of the .South an impos- !
sibility. bu! prevail, in thp cou se of a lew years, ;
even the successful resistance ot a single Slate ! |
\Ve*beheve there are, and we are assured that thp \
postponement of a!l action which will force an is
sue, must to ruinate in an a lj im nnirnt stnerfr'e nt all ■
Sou'hern resistance. This it is our hope to prove, j
It is in the first place a tan objection to the pro
posed delay, that it ts indefinite, ami ihe disposition
to procrastinate is but a dubious security for future
promptness. And while our lack of pieparation is
Jealou-ly urged, tilde is no practical effort towards
that preparation, the necessity of which is so eager
ly Confessed. Nor is the slightest attempt riinle to
put the State in communication with those whose
sympathies are ruuiess.d, an I whose aid is ready,
and may be needed In the face of all this—in view
of the c.tu ion that now clogs lae once impassioned
of our political leaders, it may he fairly
issumed that indefinite and inactive delay is sub
mission, and is intended to be so- For, at the ter
mination of every year, the same argument will re
produce itself, and, encouraged by a well contrived
Pul temporaly lull in Congressional agitation, we
will bo asked : “How have you suffered ? D > you
not sce-the unreasonableness of your fears—the ex
aggeration into which yon have been duped by lo
cal politicians !” And iri the meantime what will
hove taken place in the country ?
First—where will be Those State minorities now
,-fi confident an I active? Hitherto they have had
something to oppose—something to resolve. But in
this armed repose to which we are commended what
will keep them together ! Men cannot and will
not meet month alter month, and year after year,
to pass sounding resolutions. A resolution is not a
series of abstractions—it is a living, struggling fact.
If you want the people to move, give them some
thing to do. not something to say What his been
‘.he history ofall revolutions? Why,'hat the poo
pie have heen roused l y some ove.t act —some man
who became a hero, some deed lhat became a sym
bol. The calling of the Continental Congress—the
Declaration of independence, were great facts, but
Lexiugton, and Ct nenrd; arid Bunker Hill, were
greater. Every year’s delay, then, weakens us in
those States wnieh have not, by their Legislatures,
resolved to act with us. With the public home sen
timent against them—with the press of Cue Union
denouncing them—so bound that they c. nnot first
act, they l“ok to us for vindication, and we are wait
ing for old-iitned wisJom to inf. rin our counsels,
and old-timed courage to strengthen our hands; and
while we wait, the enthusiasm that meets no re
sponse grows cold—and the thousand selfish inter
ests of every day file counsel prudence, and one bv
one goes back to “his old party and when we do
start to act we will be, not only without help, but
without sympathy. ,
Secondly. In a few months we will be in the
snkist of a Presidential campaign ; and let it be re
collected tha the m xt electoral college will be based
on the a ppoilinment of the new census, and into
it the Suih enters, as a matter of course, with a
diminished vote, is it necessary to picture the wild
license of a Presidential election ? What cause has
ever yet resisied the seduction of its corrupt fasci
nations? What party has not, in the gambling ex
citement of the contest, staked its fortunes to find
itsell beggared in principles and bankrupt in char
acterl And dare we hope, behind the barrier of a
few States’ Right resolutions.to defy this invasion!
The question which, instead of boldly making now,
wi are nursing into a smail political capital to tel!
in this coming contest, will be blown like chaff be
fore the excitement of national politics, and it ano
ther Presidential election finds ua in the Union,
•siiguise it a* if® my, we will have bowed our neck
tq the accomplished servitude, and every son of ours
wifi be but”
One of a nation who henceforth mutt wear
Their fetters in their souls.
Thirdly. In the course of the next few years the
Isthmus connection will be complete, and in that
time all those great international questions, the con
trol of wrhich woulJ be the foreign strength of a
Southern Confederacy, will be settled by the di
plomacy of the Northern freesoil section. They are
ic lact the Government, and it would be strange if
they did not use their power. The Isthmus will
be opened-—the communication guarantied by
America and England to the world—the gulf under
the protection of the Atneiican and English flag
and when the long looked for day of action dawn®
upon the South, the key will be turned upon our
commerce, and Southern waters, breaking in scorn
upon our barren borders, will float wealth to the
farthest enJs ol the earth. Meanwhile, a Northern
anti-slavery policy wif undertake to arrange the
cooling perplexities of th’ Cuban question. Hayti
and Liberia wiH be recognized, and we will at last
know why we have wailed. Is it not e'ear to th e
simplest understanding, that if a Southern Confec/.
eracy is to be formed, now is the lira*—oow,beto ra
the great and novel interests developed by recent,
events within Southern borders, are settled by an
alien influence. The alliance of England wiih a
great Southern Confederacy, willing to minis er to
the commercial wants of the world, and yet, in its
position, strong enough to c< ntrol its domestic in
stitutions, is a proud and wi-e policy. But the al
liance of anti-slavery England with Northern abo
lition tn govern our Southern waters, is an ominous
conjun'tion In addition to this, the wonderful pm
gress of Califor ia must in the course ot a lew years,
exert an influence as yet inesti nable upon the Uni
sed Stales If it remains within the Union, and
tpeedy and certain communication be created the
power of the country will centre in the West, and
we, on the -Southern Atlantic border, as parts of this
vast Confeleracv, will be hut selvage on the skirts
of ihe Empire. If, as is mo e probable and more
desirable, California finds that her mighty and va.
ried interests are better cared for by home legisla
tion than amid the di-tant ami sehi-h strife of sec
tional parties, she will hecome an independent and
mighty power. Our relation to her through the
(®lf of Mexico should be settled by ourselves at and
not arranged on the basis of Boston manufactures
or New York commerce. But what voice will we
have in the national counsels, and, looking to the
fearful hurry with which, in cur day, great events
stiide onwards, who can say but that this delay so
anxiously sought, may force us to witness with im
potent indignation the settlement of this grave prob
lem.
But, fourthly and lastly. Delay, unJcr existing
circumstances, is rash and inconsiderate, trifling
with the highest and noblest of popular feelings.
The instinct of self-protection, the virtue of self
sacrifice; unquestioning and uncomplaining devo
tion to country for the cou.Urv’s sake—these are
the altered safe-guards by which God has guaran
tied the life of every ci> il society. None but the
Demagogue appe: Is to their high agency in the
small excitement of party strife. Like forbidden
spells on ilie lips of the ignorant and malicious,
they have sometimes roused the passions of a peo-
I!e to acts of fearful revolution. But it is deslruc
ti>e of national clia acter to hold in cold and hesi
tating suspense, the excited sentiment of a whole
people. None but weak minds and infirm purpo
ses are be in- perpetually agitated, and to check the
indignation of a nation at the very height of its just
resolution, is at once to do too much and too little.
Either the popular mind should never have been
deceiv ‘d into this generous excitement, or being
justly roused should be led to the inevitable strife
boldly and promptly. Otherwise there is born
among the people an.utler distrust cf tlleir leaders,
and a sneering scepticism as to the truth of any
cause. Populur devotion, like individual affection,
can suffer all things but neglect; and a chilled en
thusiasm dies in'o hard and selfish indifference.
If, then, we have nothing to hope from
the present state of parties; if ihe Southern
Slttes refuse to act in concert; if the state
of public affairs is such that delay is dan
ger; and tl ese are the poirts we have so
far attempted to prove, there remains but
one question for us to ask : Will the sep
arate action of South Carolina dissolve the
Union, and leaJ to the construction of a
Southern Confederacy? And if not, can
South Carolina maintain her existence as a
separate and independent power? And
when we talk thus of separate action, it is
necessary that the time and sort of action
should be definitely stated to avoid all va
[ gueness and uncertainty in the argument.
It is now of the first importance that we
should understand each other: not only
that we should exchange sentiments, but
that we should know how far we agree in
the serious practical details of the grave
business which lies before us. When we
speak, iherefore, of State action, we mean
a call of ihe SlateConventionatsome period
between the Ist Feb., 1852,and the proba
ble adjournment of the next session of
Congress—the t artier after Ist Februa
ry the better, for the sole and simple pur
pose of declaring South Carolina an inde.
pendent State, tree to control her own for
tunes, u hether they be for better or worse.
And this measure would be preceded of
course by the withdrawal of the Unit
States Senators and the members of Con
gress from their responsibilities at Wash
ington. In discu-sing the probable results
of such a course of action, we are not, it.
, unlsl be remembered, discussing the genet,
al policy of secession from the Union.—
That matter the State has already argued,
and in her judgement, at least, settled.—
i We are now discussing only the merits of
I one special mode of secession—that is, by
; a single State at a given time. In this
! view, then, the .first advantage in this
I course would be, that seceding during the
| session of Congress, before the Adminis
; ‘.ration could, under the Constitution, act,
I the National Legislature would be called
on to settle the perplexed question of State
rights. Had we a purely freesoil section,
the solution, of course, would be as
prompt as positive; but the Southern Slates
still represented at Washington have a
fearful interest in the answer, and it
! will be for them to declare a civil war a
j gainst State sovereignty, and to abandon
] their traditionary hostility to a military
1 and Consolidated Gevernment, at the very
i moment Cat such a Government has grown
from a mere Constitutional possibility into
an aimed reality, before the Government
dare fire a gun. Now, is there any fair
ground for believing that the Southern
States are prepared to arm the Govern
ment against the doctrine of the political
inviolability of a single State. A civil war
commenced against the votes of the South,
j will, of necessity, unless human nature has
! changed its character, force lhat Southern
minority into ihe lines of the beleagured
State, and those whom they would at first
protect bv their voles, they will finally as
sist with their arms. Now, what chance
is there ofa Southern vote for the armed
repression of Carolina rebellion? Os course
it with the North against us. there was
unanimity at the South in the same way of
thinking, our cause would be hopeless;
but if the South were unanimous in their
opposition to views of the great questions
of the day,the present issue would never
! have arisen; long ago, before this gener
! ation saw the light, the question of
1 slavery would have been settled. But the
| irreconcilable difference between Northern
and Southern sentiment has aggravated its
I bitterness every year for more than a half
j century; and however much they may re
-1 gret tne uncontrollable current of political
I events, tne South must recognize in us, a
j little sooner or a little later, the necessary
i consequences if their own doctrines, pro
i sessions and practices. Every one who is
| at all iamiliar with the history of thecoun
| try, knows that the questions which the
! secession ol South Carolina would force
| upon Congress for settlement, are loose
i very questions which in theory, have di
! vided parties for years—that the party
; strife upon them, has waxed fiercer and
fiercer and what is more to the point, that
upon them, parties have assumed an
eminently sectional character; and we ask,
with confidence that the reply is not to be
found, what is there to cause the belief
tnat ou those questions, put in their most
aggravated lorm, and at the most critical
period of our history, the South will desert
her old creed,and in orderio gratify North
ern tanuticisin, desolate Carolina with the
ravages of war, and in orderto strengthen
the doctrine of State rights, will vote mil
lions to the destruction of a sovereign
State!
In the next place, secession thus timed
would be effected upon the eve of a Presi
dential election. It would be another dif
ficulty to be met—a new and dangerous
issue to be joined; an elemental mischief,
dangerous to be used, and impossible to be
neglected. . Confounding as such a ques
tion would be to the party tactics of Con
gressional legislation, no man can estimate
what results it would produce if thrown a
mong the people at such a juncture. South
Carolina seceded—the practical question
thus brought borne totvery Southern heart
—strong, able, ardent minorities at work
in every Southern State—the people injmc
mad ferment from Maine to Texas, with the
excitement of a Presidential election—
Congress in argumentative confusion,—
where would thegovemment find strength to
support a war, the very manifesto of which
would be a challenge to party strife in the
bosom of the belligerent Republic The
advantages then of secession at such a time
are: 1. That we give the question a prac
tical character, which appeals at once and
directly to tne sympathies of the whole
Southern people. 2. That our secession
is based on principles to which most of the
Southern States are committed, nnd to
which, upon the return of every Presiden
tial election, the great parties in the coun
try formally pledge themselves; and 3.
That tve strike at lhat very moment of all
others when an Administration is weakest
to resist. Their peiiod of power in the
last quarter of existence—every measure
tested inCorigress by reference to party ends
—the national council to which it must ap
peal for support distracted and divided; the
doctrines against which they must declare
war, proclaimed openly in the Senate—
the commerce of the Freesoil section of
country trembling in appreb?nsion ofeven
successful hosiiii'.it s Where in the whole
circle of Constitutional appliances, is the
Administration to find that relentless and
resistless strength—that terrible unity and
energy of purpose, which alone can give
to tyranny the semblance ofa just author
ity? If then, acting on these impressions,
South Carolina secedes at the time propos
ed, it will be for the Federal Government
to decide on the course they will pursue:
whether they will resort to force to drag
the seceding State back into the Union, or
whether they will leave us to ourselves,
satisfied that the results of our experiment
will soon bring ug back, craving once more
the shelter of the old fold. If resort to
force be the policy of the government, a
state of afTrirs will arise which we will ex
amine presently; but as our previous re
rrtaiks indicate, the difficulty lying in the
way of such a decision, and as the highest
political authorities of the Stale have been
quoted in support of the opinion that we
will be allowed to work out o.:• <*xperi
ment undisturbed we shall first examine
the position of the State under the latter
aspect. The argument of those opposed
to State action may in this case be .bus fair
ly stated.
The wealth of South Carolina is derived
from her imports and exports. A large
proportion, both of imports ad exports, is
neither produced nor consumed within the
State borders: very much of the Cotton, for
instance, shipped from Chaileston, is
grown inGeorgiaand Alabama;and a large,
indeed it has been said ‘he largest, portion
of her imports of dry goods, hardware, &c.
is consumed in the neighboring State.—
Now, if the State secedes, and the Federal
Govi rmnent does not direct an armed re
sistance against this measure, the}’ will at
least lay heavy tariff's upon all imports
from, and exports into South Carolina, by
the neighboring States, and these add< and te
the duties necessary for the revenue of the
State, will at once prostrate both the im
port and export trade of the Slate. And
it is a fair remark at the outset, that this
argument is, to some extent, x local one;
that it affects, particularly and directly,
inly Charleston, the commercial city of
South Carolina, and applies indirectly, to
the State at large, only so far as the State
may determine to raise her revenue by
duties on imports; and even th in, when it
is considered that all trade into the State
will be foreign trade, and duties would be
imposed, not merely on European impor
tations, through Cbrleston, but also on the
large domestic trade in cattle, grain and
pork, which takes place over the inland
border the force of the objection is still furth
er weakened. But we have no idea that
South Carolina would resort to a duty on
foreign impoitations as we understand them
at present, and we believe the imposition
of a discriminating tax, by the Federal
Government, on foreign goods imported
through Carolina, ut'erly impossible.—
In the first place, the Government cannot,
under the express language of the Con
stitutor), lay a heavier tax on goods import
ed through a fiontier town of Carolina, in
to North Carolina or Georgia, than it can
on ‘he same goods imported through New
York; for the explicit provision of Section
8. Article 1, is: “All duties, imposts and
excises shall be uniform through the Uni
ted Slates.” Suppose then, a merchant to
import at present SIOO,OOO worth of dry
goods, $50,000 of which is consumed m
Carolina, and the balance sept into Tern es
see, Georgia, North Carolina, &c. At
present he pays his duty to the General
Government at the port of Charleston.—
South Carolina secedes, and in necessary
policy makes Charleston a free port. Th
same'merchant imports again SIOO,OOO
worth of merchandize ; the portion con
sumed in the Slate pays no doty at all, a
clear gain of so much to the people; the
balance, il sent into the neighboring States,
cannot, according to the Constitution, as
quoted above, be made to pay a heavier
duty-than at New York, or those at Char
leston, it we were still in the Union; anJ
the only p.radical difference to the import
ing merchant is, that he pays the duty on
such of his cargo as he sends into the Un
ion, a few hundred miles moie inland, than
lie did before. Besides which, the Feder
al Government, in the attempt to collect
duties on such alne of frontier as the in
land line of Carolina, would be involved in
an expense, at once so immense and so
idle, as to baffle the ingenuity of an indeb
’ ted Treasury and an economical Adminis
tration.
And so with t xports: the express lan
guage of the Constitution declares in the
same article ands- cinn: “No tax or du
ty shall be laid on articles exported from
Now, in the face of this pro
vision, how is it possible for the Federal
Government to prevent the continuance of
the present trade from Georgia, Alabama,
Tennessee, &c. We will be a foreign na
tion: they will be exporting States of the
Union, and under the provisions of their
Constitution, will trade with us so long as
suits their interests. There s Hot a soli
tary article which at present conies to
Charleston from the interior—not a pound
of cotton which the Government of the
Union can constitutionally charge with
one cent if duty on its way to us. We,
therefore, accept and return the argument
of those who oppose the action of the
S'ate. W e will admit that the weal'h of
the State depends on her imports and ex
ports. With those imports, whether frwm
the Union or abroad, the Federal Govern
ment cannot interfere; those exports, they
cannot control; or if by a technical adher
ence to the Constitution, they violate its
spirit and purpose in declaring one set of
duties o:i goods imported directly from Eu
rope, and another set on goods imported
through Carolina, what will that be but
saying to the people ot Tennessee and
North Corolina—it is as cheap and more
onvenient for you to import through
South Carolina than New York, therefore
we will increase the tariff on your impor
tations through Carolina, and thus make
you bear all the burden of our war on this
seceded State, And is it probable tb*tn in
the present disturbed slate ol Southern
sentiment, the Federal Government will
venture upon this broad and palpable im
position on such Southern States as remain
in the Union? A seceded State is a dan
gerous example to a discontented neigh
bor. Can any one doubt but that if during
the Creek Georgia had been
bounded by an independent and sympa
thizing State, she would have settled her
difficulties by a natural and profitable alli
ance; and can any one now doubt whether
if the Federal Government attempt to in
jure South Carolina, through her neighbors
by annoying them with vexatious burdens
on their trade, as must necessarily be done
on the above supposition, that they will
make common cause? We cannot there
fore, resize the dangers to Southern trade
wbich'the argument weare endeavoring to
meet, presumes, even supposing that such
a scheme of prohibiting tariffs should be
possible; it would only affect that portion
of our present import trade which looks
to re-export; all import for home consump
tion would profit necessarily. Take the
Planter: his cotton and rice would as usu
al go to Charleston and Georgetown for
sale; there would be no duty on its export,
and its market could in no wise be affect
ed by Federal Legislation; whereas, every
thing that he buys in return, negro cloth,
hardware, woollens, all the luxuries of life
coming here under a system of free-trade
would be so much cheaper as even to al
low for increased direct taxation for the
purpose of revenue. Take again the Man
ufacturer: under the Constitution no duty
could be imposed by the Federal Govern
ment on the raw material: the Cotton;
which no v comes from our neighboring
States, sO that bis condition would in no
wise be altered.. And so with the cotton
factor who now exports from Charleston;
there would be, there could be, no addi
tional co*t on cotton coming from tlie Un
ion; and how, il the Charleston market still
offend fair prices, could his business be
affected? Granting, then, ever; the al
most impossible case of an increased duly
by the Federal Government on goods im
ported into Charleston the import mer
chant only would be reached, and he only
to the excess f his importation over the
consumption at home; and it is a fair infer
ence that increased cheapness of supply
under a free port system would give an
increased home consumption. Where
then are the dangers to our industry? In
increased direct taxation for the support
of an independent Governmen t, an aymy
and navy, &c. &e. is the reply. Now
this r ply is based on an assumption as
yet unproven, in that we will n. ed a Gov
ernment so vastly more expensive than
ourp.esent one. We do not believe it.
As the State ol South Carolina we would
not surely undertake to play arbiter in the
affairs of the world; our object would be to
husband our own resources, perfect our
own institutions and show
How wide the limits stand
Between a splendid, and a happy land.
Against whom would ive require an ar
my and navy at the commencement of our
national career? The whole argument
we have been making is based on the ac
quiescence of the Federal Government in
our departure, and in what possible way
would we come in contact with the great
powers of the earth? And if we do, if
there is such a thingas political necessity,
dare the United Slates stand by and see us
fall in a contest with any foreign power?
The fact is incontrovertible, that in r-uch a
case our enemies would be our natural and
necessary allies. Our foreign relations
would certainly call for no immense ex
penditure, and the burden of new expense
would be called for onlv or chiefly for
government machinery, for the collection
of taxes, and the institution of a system of
post roads and offices through the Stat“,
for our present Constitution, with very
slight modifications, would answer all our
purposes. Our Executive, our Legisla
tive, and our Judicial Departments are al
ready organized and provided for. That
our direct taxation would at the outset be
increased, is certain ; but it is equally cer
tain that the increase would not weigh
heavily where it is in advance most decri
ed, that is, upon the commercial interests
of the State. And after all, it we grave
ly and manfully prefer independence,
we must not too eagerly count the cost,
and whine piteously, in mere’anticipation
of the self denial we expect to practice.
It is the inexorable law of nature, ‘hat
there is no enj >yinent lhat is not dearly
bought by endurance.
So much for the supposition ofa peaca
ble secession. But what if the Govern
ment appeal to war, that ultimate and
highest arbiter in national affair.'? We
answer first, that if they do, the more
unanimous the sentiment by which that
war is supported, the less support does the
argument drawn from itgive to those who
urged delay in order to i btain Southern
concert. Because, il at this moment, after
all the valiant nnd indignant rhetoric which
has echoed through the Southern States,
the South unitesWith the North in forci
bly preventing the secession of Carolina,
why this fact is proof conclusive tha’ the
state ol Southern sentiment is such, that
concert of the Southern States with a view
to the dissolution ( f the Union is an ascer
tained impossibility, delay wlut period of
tium we chons . But without Southern
support the Governin’ nt could not wage
war lor a day. The probability, tlierelore
of a warlike resistance on the part of the
Government, is at once evidence that our
position in the Union is that of a subject
and unconsidered minority, which has no
mode open to it but an appeal to that Bow
er who does not always give the race to the
swill, nor the battle to the strong. If the
S uitli will not support tis in secession,
there is no possible principle oh which it
can be reasoned that they will support us
in any other mode of redress. A Southern
Confederacy is only a multitude of seces
sions and tile spint which is to effect the
greater revolution will not surely lend it
self to the lepression of the less. The
possibility of a war,'then, on the pari ‘if
ihe General Government upon, our
contemplated secession, implies a unanim
ity on the part of the South with the great
Free soil section of the country, which
does not exist. And even supposing that
the Congressional support of the South
could be obtained /or a war, in which ev
ery conceivable loss would be borne by
th® Southern slaveholding section, and any
possible ga : n would result to the Northern
Free-soil section supposing such an incred
ible state of affairs, there is in every
Southern State, as can be demonstrated,
a minority large enough, and ready
enough, to organize for effective action, and
upon the first report of the cannonade of
Charleston, to commit the whole South, ir
revocably, to the issue of the struggle.
Tne idea of a civil ,var, on such a subject,
confined within the borders of a single
State,is an impossibility. And supposing
the conquest of South Carolina achieved,
her final disposition would be for the tri
umphant government a more insoluble
problem than even the admission of Cali
fornia,
Upon the merely military question of
oar capability of defence, we cannot enter.
When a nation encounters the perils of
war, it is not always, nor often, on a mere
calculation of stragetic advantages. Ev
ery such line of conduct rests partly
upon moral and political considerations
and the question with us is—for the ad
vantages resulting from the secession of
the State, are we willing to run the risk
of war,and what are the risks?
1. Throughout the South there is strong
undisguised sympathy for our cause, not
strong enough to force other Stales to act
with us, but strong enough to prevent their
acting against us,
2. The question of war or peace is to be
determined in Congress by Southern votes
those votes representing interests identi-
purs, and already recorded with
ours in protest against the course of the
Northern section of the country.
3. The moral certainty that a hostile
collision will inflame public opinion until
the whole South bursts into one universal
flame.
4. The demonstrable injury which a
civil war would work upon the industrial
interests of the Northern manufacturing
section of country.
5. The utter Constitutional perplexity
into which the conquest of Carolina—she
refusing to resume her position as a State
—would place the Government.
6. The mi'itary probabilities of a pro
longed contest. Taking*these things into
consideration, with the additional fact that
from the nature of our staples, foreign
powers are interested in the regularity
of our commerce, it may be fairly doubted
whether the General Government can
hazard the consequences of war. And at
least it may be safely assorted that a war
conducted under the circumstances which
must hamper the concluding year of the
present administration, offers none of those
overwhelming odds, those desperate haz
ards, wnich have immortalized the early
struggles of such republics as Holland and
Switzerland. But if it did, now is not
the time, afier our loud and lolly words,
to blench from danger. W e have challeng
ed the future, and come in shape however
questionable we must follow it. ‘1 lie
sooner ilien the Stale determines on her
plans the better. The time for half meas
ares is gone. Men either believe that the
language of the State is the vaunting of an
idle, braggadocia: and our fair tain ‘ is
thus grievously wounefi a in the house of
our friends, or else believing that there is
some earnestness in our purpose, the public
mind of the Slate is queasy and restless,
discontented with the present, uncertain
of the future. This alwuld be ended: we
are called upon m some measure to contri
bute its determination.
If there is any strength in the reason
ing submitted to your attention, the se
cession of South Carolina from the Union
within 18 months is a judicious and honor
able policy, consistent with the character,
the professions, the safety of the Stale.
Without intruding upon the provin e of the
State Convtnti’ n, it is within the legitimate
duty of the C. nvention of to
aid in . establishing that conviction —in
bringing about that consummation. And
we close these remarks with the earnest
hope that the Convention will in its delib
eration and action, realize the ad vice given
by a great statesman, on an occasion scarce,
ly more solemn: “If ever there was a time
that calls on us for no vulgar strain, it is
the awful hour that Providence has no w
appointed to this naton. Every little
measure is a great error, •ml every error
will bring on no small ruin. Notliii g can
be directed above the mark we must aim
at; everything bdow it is absolutely thrown
away.” BE\U FORT.
Up and Down. —Chickens were sell
ing in this market yesleriay at a dol
lar and a half a pair, and middling
cotton at 9j cents a pound. If any one
has chickens to sell let him bring them
along now. Chickens are chickens in
tins region at present. — Mobile. Tribune.
The Methodist Church Suit. —Tr.is
much talked of case, a result <>f the-separ
ation of the church, lias finally been
set “down fora hearing in the United
States Court in N. York city, on the 13th
of this month. Counsel for the com
plainants, the Methodist Episcopal church
south, are Daniel Lord of New York,
lit vertly Johnson, of Maryland* and Dan
iel Webster, of Massachusetts. For the
defence, the Methodist E church North,
E L Faucher, and George Wood, °f New
York, and Rufus Choate, of .\Dssachu
elts.
Congressional Districts —As the day
is drawing mghforthe nomination of mem
bers of Congress, we publish the arrange
ment of the Districts, that the citizens of the
lespective counties may know in what
District they belong, and where others be
long:
First District- Appling, Bryan, Bulloch,
Camden, Chatham, Effingham, ’Emanuel,
Glynn, Liberty, Lowndes, Mclntosh, Scri
ven, Montgomery, Telfair,Tattnall, Thom
as, Ware, Wayne and Clinch.
Second District —Houston, Decatur, Ear
ly, Baker, Lee, Randolph, Stewart, Sum
tor, Dooly, Muscogee, Marion, Macon,
Irwin and Pulaski.
Third District —Butts, Talbot, Monroe
Upson, Crawford, Twiggs, Bibb, Pike,
Jasper, Jones and Wilkinson.
Fourth District. —Troup, Meriwether,
Heard, Coweta, Fayette, Campbell, Car
roll, Henry, DeKalb and Harris.
Fifth District —Dade, WalKer, Chattoo
ga, Floyd, Cass, Paulding, Murray, Gil
mer, Cherokee, Cobb, Forsyth, Gordon,
Gwinnett, Lumpkin and Union.
Sixth District —Rabun, Franklin, Jack
son, Hall, Madison, Habersham, Clarke,
Newton and Walton.
Seventh District —Morgan, Greene, Tali
aferro, Putnam, Oglethorpe, Baldwin,
Washington, Hancock and Laurens.
Eighth District —Wilkes, -Lincoln, Col
umbia, Richmond, Burke, Jefferson, War
ren arid Elbert.— Jeffersonian.
Q^7 = Once on a time, the wolves sent an
embassy to the sheep, desiring that there
might be peace between them for the time
to come. Why, said they, should we be
forever waging this deadly strife'! Those
wicked dogs are the cause of all; they are
incessantly barking at us and provoking
us. Send them away and there will no
longer be any obstacle to our eternal
friendship and peace. The silly sheep
listened, the dogs were dismissed and the
flock thus deprived of their best and surest
protectors, became an easy prey to their
treacherous enemies.
Will the Southern people act as the silly
sheep ! — Mont Al.a Atlas and Secession Ban
ner. M.
03“ The Hon W. L. Yancey, of Mont
gomery, has been nominated as a candi
date for Congress in the 2d Congressional
District, by a District Convention recently
assembled at Clayton, in Barbour county.
If Mr Yancey consents to run, the whig’s,
or rather the Union men, in tiie modern
acceptation of the term, will have to lead
out the Smiling Parson, for the “war stud
of Russell” won’t be no ichar in a fight of
that sort. — Guard.
Nashville, May 2— Heavy and killing,
frosts have taken place, in this section
which have caused much damage to the
cotton and tobacco plants. It i supposed
that a great part of them is destroyed.
We find despatches from numerous parts
of Mississippi, Kentucky and North Ala
bama announcing so heavy a frost on the
morning of the 2d as to kill the cotton and
tobacco plants. It was as low down as
Vicksburg, in the neighborhood of which
it is stated the cold was killing to the ten
der plants.
(£7- Talking French—walking Spanish
—fainting gracefully—and dancing, are
said to be the sum total of modern female
education.
03” The influence which woman exerts
is silent and still, felt rather than seen, not
chaining the hands, but restraining our
actions by gliding into the heart.
PHINTEn’s KISSES,
Print on my lip another kiss—i-
The picture of my glowing pessioij ;
Nay. this wont do—nor this—nor this—
But now—aye, that’s a proof impression.
Pennsylvania.—Great use has been
made by the Compromise press, of the al
ledged loyalty of Pennsylvania to the Con
stitution, in the repeal of anti-Southern
enactments. In point of fact, the Legis
lature had before them a bill to repeal all
the provisions of their Abolition enact
ment. but tney reduced it down to a simple
repeal of the section which prohibited the
use oi the jail and prisons of the State for
the detention o.f fugitves from labor. In
this shape the bill passed both Houses, and,
after due consideration, was disapproved by
the Governor. Th>s is the amount of Penn
sylvania loyalty, and these are the speci
mens of Northern justice and Northern
kindness, for which the peace-loving peo
ple of the South are so ready to he grate
ful.—\_Charleston Mercury.
FRIDAY MORNING, MAY 9, 1851.
03-The communication from the Charles
ton Mercury , signed “ Beaufort ’ is on a
question than which no other is superior
in interest at the present moment, to-vyit!
the probable course of South Carolina in
the trying struggle with the whole power
of Abolitionism and the Federal Govern
ment, in which, to the deep discredit of
her Southern sisters in outrage, she has
been left alone to meet its brunt by herself.
We invite a careful perusal of it. May
God give that people strength and courage
nobly to acquit themselves of the high and
patriotic duties, devolved upon them alfce
by the fatal apathy, insensibility towrongs
and dangers, and poverty of spirit, which
has seized on all the other Southern
States, except Mississippi.
(gy- We are requested to state, that the
Warm Springs, Meriwether county, will
be open for the reception of the travelling
public and visturs, oti and after the first of
June. For furth''r particulars see adver
tisement in the next issue of this paper,
SOUTH CAROLINA.
We find iq the Richmond (Ya.) Exam
iner, an address to the People of South
Carolina under the signature of “Citizen
of Virginia.” Would to God, Virginia had
more such citizens. He views the case
as we do, that the liberties of the South
are suspended on the action of the Peo
ple ot South Carolina. Their heroism
is the last plank to which they can cling
for salvation. If they quail now, in the
language of the London Times, the “in
stitutions of the South are doomed.” —
Shame on the other Southern States, that
one gallant sister should lie left, undefend
ed, unsupported and without sympathy in
the deadly breach, baring her breast to
the assaults of their common enemies !
Shame that in Georgia, and Virginia and
Alabama should lie found public men and
presses, joining in the abolition bowl that
transmutes her self-sacrificing devotion to
their common liberties, into rebellious
treason ! There stands Sou’ll Carolina
alone—like a lion at bay, heroically con
fronting her world of enemies and prepar
ing to execute those resolves which Vir
ginia and Georgia have made but to aban
don. The eyes of the world are on tha*
Slate. Her enemies are straining to catch
at every symptom of relaxation in the en
ergy of her high pm poses, and her friends
m the South, with burning hopes that she
may prove equal to the high emprise, cour
ageous in the crisis, and bravely throw
down the wager of battle which is to dev
cide whether the South is to be the home
of a free or an enslaved people. Carolina
must make the issue—the practical issue,
and draw the line boldly and distinctly be
tween the enemies and the friends ofState
Rights, Sovereignty and Equality. That
line will tea terror to the politicians by
whose acts the people have been
into a false security, and terrified only by
libellous portrayals of th‘> principles and
purposes of their true Southern Rights de
fenders.
We believe this day, that the hearts of
the people of the old Dominion rebel
against the truckling course of the Legis
lature ofVirginia. We believe that Geor
gia, despite the 20,000 majority for sub
mission in Novemb- r last, is sound at
heart and true to her principles and her
destinies, if that heart could be reached
through the thick coat of deception and
falsehood with which the trained bands of
party politicians have conspired to overlay
it. There are thousands even in the Union
party, who are restive under their wrongs,
and whose consciences upbraid them as
disloyal to their instincts of patriotism.—
Let Carolina unfurl the banner of resis
tance—not in words to be eaten—not in re
solutions to be retracted—but in deeds, and
then, and then only wiil the direct appeal
be made to the People of the South to take
sides in the great sectional battle, whose
forces have been mustering, and whose
antagonisms have been coming to ahead
for twenty years past. Let the signal be
given—let the battle begin. It werebet
tertobe conquered in a manly struggle
for freedom, and die free, than live the
minionsof power and the slaves of a despot
ism, consolidated of fanaticism and cupidi
ty. We have striven hard to repress these
sentiments, when speaking of S. Carolina.
Asa Georgian, we have blushedfor the de
grading position in which her politicians
have placed our State, whenever we
have thought of counselling our brave
friends beyond the Savannah. Butin the
name of the People of Georgia—in the
name at least of a large, able, true-heart
ed, ardent and patriotic minority, we ap
peal from the decision of party politicians
garbed in the voices of the people through
the Novemoer convention, to the People
themselves; and in their name we say to
Carolina, lead us on to fn edoin ! Blaze
the path, and the People will follow it
through weal and through woe, to escape
from the degradation of submission.
But we took up our pen, only, to com
mend to our readers, an extract from the
appeal the Virginian (worthy ot the once
proud name) makes to the People of South
Carolina. He speaks as eloquently as
truthfully:
“Permit me to say to you, in all sincerity
and frailkness,that, unlessyou presentsuch
an issue to the Southern people, as shall
startle their corrupt party politicians, you
will never secure co-operation. The peo
ple ot Virginia, and ot the South general
ly, are, in the main, honest and faithful to
the principles oftheir forefathers. All ig
norant batch of small caucus politicians,
as they call themselves, speak only the
behests of their leaders, and labor for them
only. The late disgraceful scenes in the
Virginia Legislature find no countenance
amongst the people. I have not met with
a man in the State who does not denounce
them as contemptible and dastardly.
Such is the universal judgment. You will
ask why the people do not rise and vindi
cate their tights and character! I answer
—they have so long submitted , so long
yielded their judgments to the control of
small partizan hacks, that they have near
ly sunk down into hopeless imbecility.
For twenty-five years they have been
taught to believe that the election ot Presi
dents and other popinjaj s, was the only
matter of interest to them. Party strug
gles for place and plunder, have been the
only engrossing questions; and as these
have given birth to legions of small cau
cuses and conventions, charged with the
management of party .concerns, they have
almost ceased to think for themselves,
much less to act. Some issue of over
whelming importance is necessary to rouse
them from their torpor, and force them
lrom the shameful trammels of their lead
ers. Eight months since, and this might
have been easily done; but procrastina
tion has given time to the managers to re
adjust their machinery—to fix their saddles,
and with bit and bridle-reins to ride boot
ed and spurreu as usual. The extraordin
ary Resolutions of the fate Legislature
show the principle and the policy agreed
upon. First, to surrender the South un
conditionally —and, secondly, to win the
Presidency as they best may.” Both cliques
agreed on this, though they never yet
could agree on anything else. Both pre
ferred to yield up the rights, honor, And
interests of the South, rather than to furn
ish their antagonists with a word to alarm
the people they designed to betray. State
Rights were liable to be mistaken for dis- 1
unionism,-and those patriots thought 11
wiser to put principles in danger thanp
notwithstanding these developments
—the fungus outbirths of contemptiblepar
tizanship,—the people are, in *e m’ •
honest and patriotic. They wiHnot con
sent to surrender their inalienable rights,
or sacrifice their honor and interests with
out a struggle. Could the question be
now fairly brought before them, ?
whether a solitary member who toted tor
the resolutions of the last session would
ever again be returned to dishonor the
’ Putting aside, however, these considera
tions, it seems to me that you have but
one question to determine. Are you pre
pared to surrender your rights, to yield up
your political equality, and to put M peril
your peace, your property,and your lives,
tor the mere purpose of securing place
and plunder for a few corrupt and ambi
tious individuals ! If so, speak openly,
practice no disguise,—shelter not under
the poor pretext of securing future co-op
eration. Procrastination is destruction. 1
They who advise you to this course de- 1
ceivr themselves and others. Ihcre is no .
hope from this line of policy. Die rights j
which you claim belong tq yourselves ex- |
clusively. You need no co-opetation in j
order to assert them. If they do not be- ,
long to you exclusively, they do not belong j
to you at all. When the devouring ele- :
ment has seized 011 your own dwellings |
will you hesitate to extinguish it, because j
your neighbors, in their consternation, aie 1
incapable of lending yon a helping band.
I tell you, it you wait for the co-operation .
ot other States, bound down by the tram- j
mels ot party, you will wait in vain, A oi n j
liberties will be irretrievably lost, and ,
* with them all that is sacred in our once j
fV“e institutions. Strike one decisive blow,
raise he banner, and give out .the trumpet j
call, and the friends of Constitutional Lib
erty will rush forward and rally by your j
side. Let your motto be, “ Equality in j
the Union, ok Liberty out of it.” Less
you cannot demand, and bfe tree. A ow ,
is the time to secure to yourselves and j
your posterity that inappreciable blessing,
won by* the blood, and bequeathed to you
by the patriotism of your brave ancestors, j
Falter now, and all is lost, and lost forever.
Stripped of your equal rights, deprived of j
your just portion ot the public property,
surrounded by Abolition States, wired oui j
by your own blood and treasure, assaulted ,
by your oppressors, and baely betrayed,
sold out. in the political market by y r our j
own representatives, you will become,—
you must become, —the most degraded and
oppressed people that ever existed on the
globe.”
The Episcopal convention for the
Diocese of Georgia, assembled in this city
yesterday. We understand theaftendance
of delegates, lay and clergy, is quite large
During the sitting of the convention—the
residue of this week—there will be ser
vices in the church, every morning at 10i
o’clock, and evening at 8 o’clock.
Death of Judge C. B. Strong. —We
regret to learn from the Macon Telegraph
of the sudden decease of the Hon. Chris
topher B. Strong. This event occurred
on Friday, 2d inst. On the evening pre
vious to his death he retired, apparently
in his usual health. At 5 o’clock he was
no more. “Judge Strong (says the Tele
graph) was a native ofVirginia, where be
was educated to the bar, and emigrated to
this State, about the commencement of the
present century . With the exception of
an interval of a few years, which was
spent upon the Bench, he has pursued his
profession during that long period, and
was probably at the time of liis death, a
veteran of longer service than a try other
lawyer at the bar, in the State. But it is
not our purpose to attempt even an out
line, of the professional career of the de
ceased. That task we will leave to others
better qualified than ourselves to do jus
tice to his legal attainments, and the ex
cellence of his character asa man, as well
as to sketch the services which connect
him with his country’s history.”
“The Glorious Union.” — It is difficult
to say who are most vociferous just at this
time for the “glorious Union,” the South
ern Union submission men or the North
ern abolitionists. The Southern Sub says
it is “ lolly and madness to think of dis
solving the Union,” and Seward and Cos.
echo “a lunat e asylum for the disunion
ist.” The one cloaks his fears and deser
tion of his rights under real or pretended
idolatry of the Union, and the others their
knavery and hostility to the South under
the same convenient rrantic. It is also a
significant fact that these two parties—the
Southern Union submissionists and North
ern Union abolitionists, perfectly agree in
their denunciation of Southern men wlig
are true to lheir section, and would main
tain their honor and rights at the sacrifice
even of the so-called “glorious Union.”—
Greenville Mountaineer.
Tiie Price of a Slave in Massachu
setts.—The National Anti-Slavery Stand
ard, says : “The surrender of Sims is said
to have cost the General Government ten
thousand dollars, the City of Boston about
the same amount, and Mr Potter, the clai
mant, about twenty-four hundred, making
altogether something more than the pretty
sum of twenty-two thousand dollars as the
price of a slave in Boston.”
Montgomery and West Point Rail-
Road.— We understand (says the Mont
gomery Advertiser , of the Ist inst.) tha 1
the cars passed through from this city to
West Point on Monday last, the 28th inst.,
thus still closing the breach in the iron
road between the cities of Charleston, Sa
vannah and Montgomery. By the Ist of
July, we are informed, there will be but
forty mil s left open, which it is contem
plated to close up entirely within the suc
ceeding twelve months. We congratulate
the company and the city of Montgomery
upon the completion of the West Point
road, being the first road of importance
ever constructed ip our State.
s-W In nearly all the towns of the inte
rior of Massachusetts, it is slated, ther*
™' S cF reat ;t V ,icln ” oVt,r l!le election of
Mr Summer to the Unit, and Slates Senate
Out of Boston there is hardly any ,ra ar d
for the claims ofihe south, and those
papers which tell us that Sumner is not
approved by the people of the Stale -that
is the vast majority—err, and this will
presently he shown in such a way as tn
leave no honestly inquiring mind in
d,ubt - rhe Boston Commonwealth
say:
“The Voice ok tiie Country. —There
is. a voice coming i” from the country—
the rural haunts of free labor and free
schools—which ILsUo cannot any better
aflord to despise, that she can do without
southern trade.
And this trade, vast as it is, will have
small influence* as wi'l also be known
present y. in checking the full expression
of the public sentiment of Massachusetts.
From the Southern Banner
BEMI-CENTEHAB.Y OF THE UNIVERSITY OF
GEORGIA.
Athens, April 7, 1851.
Ihe undersigned committee, after due
consideration, have determined to pub
ish theproceedmgsofthe Alumni Socle
tv, at the last Commencement, as best Cal
culated toafford to all concerned.’ the prlp
“narvTl'h” ‘ • rdal ‘°? ‘ ° thl
y celebration of the XJpiversitv of
Wgiaatthe next annual ConuJncc
The committee are happy in having j t
in theirpower to announce, that
erqor George R Gilmer has consented to
de’iver the Historical Essay upon t| le
progress of literature in Georgia on ‘Hiu rs .
day! August 7 1831, which day has been
generally yielded by thg Demosthgnum,
and Phi Kappa Societies.
The committee hereby invite all ih &
persons contemplated in the Aid resolutioa
below, to attend* the next College Com
liiencement, beginning on Sunday, Ati<ry S j
the 3d, 1851, and participate in the |q er .
ary festivities of the and a din,
ner to be served at 0 P M-, 1 hursday Au
gust-7th l§sl at the Town Hall or other
suitable place, with the request that the
Alumni arid all others interested, will take
sufficient pains to procure the publication
of this notice and the proceedings below,
tri the papers convenient to them so as to
o-ive timely information of the contempla.
Ted jubilee, to the many citizens embraced
in the invitation, and scattered principal
ly throughout the Southern and South,
western States—this being the only prac-.
ticab'e method of reaching them.
VVm L Mitchell, ]
Wm Rutherford,
Henry Hull* Jr. Committee.
James YV Harris,
Stevens Thomas. J
August 6, 1850.
The Alumni Society met according to,
he constitution, Hon H Hull, one of the
; Vice Presidents in the Chair—YVrn.
Mitchell, Esq., was requested to act as
Secretary in the absence of that officer.
It was then announced that the orator.
hud failed to attend,
The following resolutions introduced by.
Wm L Mitchell, Esq. were unanimoqs|y
passed, viz.
1. Resolved, That the year 1851, being
the semi-centenary of the University of
Ge-wgia, be duly celebrated at the next
Annual Commencement as a literary jubil
ee*
2. Resolved, That a committee of 5 be
appointed to give the necessary notices arid
make all the necessary arrangements for
saiii celebration.
3. Resolved, That all who have been,
or are now connected with Franklin Col
lege, either as Alumni, Students, Trus
tees, members of the Board ol i isitors,
members of the faculty, recipients of the
honors of the the college, or in any other
manner, be invited to attend the next Com
mencement, and to join in the celebration
of the contemplated literary jubilee.
The chair with the advice of the.
Society then appointed on the Committee
under the second resolution, Messrs. Milch
ell, Rutherford, H Hull, Jr., J YY T Harris
and Thomas.
Rev. Thomas F Scott offered the follow
ing resolution which was also passed viz :
Resolved, That the Committee be re
quested to confer with the literary socie
ties of the University, and if agreeable
to them, to request them to suspend their
usual oration and that there be delivered
an Historical Essay on tha : day upon the
progress of literature in Georgia.
The committee were then instructed
1 1 procure the services of some fit per->
son t i prepare said Historical Essay.
The society then proceeded to the elec
tion of the annual Alumni orator, and upon
counting out the ballots, it appeared t! at
Rev David Finlev, of Montgomery, Ain*,
was duly elected. James Nishet, Esq., of
Macon, first a lie mate, and Josiah T Irwin
E*q. of ttie county of Wilkes, second al
ternate.
Tne subject of a dinner at the Semi.
Centenary celebration next year was re
ferred to the committee of fire.
The si ciety then adji urned sine die.
Wm. L Mitchell, Sec’y pro tern.
The papers generally will confer a fa
vor upon the Alumni Society by publish
ing the foregoir g.
[From the Augusta Constitutionalist ]
THE MACON REGENCY.
It will be very interesting to the good
people of Georgia to know that they are
to be blessed hereafter with A Regency iu
Georgia similar to the famous Albany Re
gency of New York, projected and man
aged many years with so much tact by
the little magician of Kinderliook, and his
immaculate junto. Macon is to he the seat
of government of the new regime, and they
are to manage the affairs off ur people, a
hi Van Buren, but wit hold any of the cor-,
ruption ‘ filial world-renowned coterie, the
Albany Regency.
How very grateful should the good ea
sy people of Geotgia be to those kind, pure
and disinterested patriots of Macon, who
have thus kindly volunteered to assume
the troublesome business of managing their
political affairs, and have undertaken to
distribute for them the various offices in
their gift. What a world of trouble and
expense it will save the people by ena
bling them to dispense with the perplexiiie
operation of thinking f ur themselves, and
to avoid the cumbrous and expensive ma
chinery of county meetings, and district
and State conventions. All that will be
necessary, in future will he for the com
mon folk's to send to the Regency located
at Maci n, that seal of political purity, and
of all the patriotic virtues, lor instructions
is each election is at hand, and deposits
’ Leii volt s accordingly. Or perhaps The
Regency w II semi around timely circulars
instructing their iiege and loyal subjects
how to vote, and who to vote for. What
an admirable simplification of the art of self
government !
Some member of this new oligarchy, or
perhaps an outsider who has got hold stir-.
leplitiousjy of the pregramme, has furnish
ed it to the A tw Fork Herald in a lettei,
the political part of which will be found
below.
The nr initiation oI Mr. Bu< hanan is a
smait idea. His name is to be used to gull
credulous derm crats with a view to get •
their votes next October for the Regency
pominations. I his purpose accomplished
Mr. Buchanan will be laid aside, anti some
mode Lnii n Compromise Wing,’ Fillmore
probably, taken up f„ r the Presidency, ft
is a schelne to carry the State over to thi
support of a Whig candidate next year.—
Mr. Buchanan’s name is used as a’ decoy
duck to entice Democrats. He has open
ly repudiated this National Union Parti y
sc )eme, and refu-es to detach himself front
the National Democratic Party The lab
ter, he asserts, j s the true Union Parly.
Moreover, he is well known to have bed.
in la enrol the division of California by the
Ime of 3G deg. 30 min. between she TNorUi
and the South. This was a platform <J
compromise and settlement that the lion.
A. H. Stephens, one of the Regency lead
ms, declared in a public speech last U
yember in Augusta was “the meanest and
most contemptible platform” pfaH that had
been p 10posed for the S„ u th. (The italics
are his words.)
pp Macon Georgia, April Jj, 1,851.
1 he .Macon politicians exercise the dams
weight and influence in the Empire Stats
0 U eoouth, as the Albany regency did
I in your noble Slate, but wiihohfany of the
corruption of that world renowned ‘cctc
rie. •
It is here that the Union movement first
commenced; it was in Macon tWjOfo har
dest battle was fought—and it was here
the fare-eaters received their death-blow.
Mr. Howetl Cobb will be the candidate
of the Union party f or Governor, and the
convention tyhich nominates him will also
nominate Mr. Buchanan for the Presiden
cy. A Southern whig, probably Jones, of
I Tn See A' V ' ll be placed upon the ticket
with Mr. B. Georgia will not go into a na
tional convention, but act ns a “guerilla”
*” the next Presidential campaign. -Ma
nama, Mississippi, and Tennessee, will
join 111 the movement, and by this means
t e election should btf carried into the