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THE WEEKLY TIMES.
JOHN FOR SY T H—E DITOR.
JT. FOUSYTII, K, ELMS & CO.,
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Pro3p3otuj of til9 Soil of tha South.
THE undersigned, a Committee of Publication
on the part of the Muscogee and Rcsskli. Abiii
ccLTCßAt Sociktt. respectfully invite jiuhlic at
lention to the following Prospectus, of a Mu.vrii
ct JoumSAtto be published in this city, under the
susp ccs ofthe above named Association.
We believe the Agricul ural inlrrertof the Soul
demands and will support a wo k of this character
and in the hope of supplying that demand, and re
ceiving that support, we have determined upon
the publication of
ol'lll) 801 L OP THE SOUTH.’*
Tiie Work will be devoted to the interests of
Agriculture and Horticulture. Domestic and Rur
al Economy. Under these several heads will be
included all that concerns the i-u/ture of Crops, the
improvement ot the Soil, the management of the
Farm, the Garden, the Orchard and the Flower
Yard, and the H msesKeeper’s Department. Ir
their connexion with the interests of the Soil, th
other Industrial Pursuits ot the land, will receive
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tices written oy the Editors, cortribu l ions from
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South, and extracts from the ablest Agricultural
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lorial supervision ot Chahlkh A.Pkabodt Esq
and Col. Jam its M. Chambers. Mr. Peabody
has been for two years past Conner ed with th-
Agricultural Press, and is equal'y distinguished as
a Prac ical and Scientific, intelligent and successful
Planter in the South. The two furnish a combi
nation of Ed.toiial talent usmpassed by any Agri
cultural work in the Union. They will be assisi
ed by an able corps of Contributors, among the
practical Farmers and Planters ofthe lo.nd.
Each Number will contain sixteen Pages o:’
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R. A. WARE, C of
J. E. HURT. 3 Publication.
THE BRITISH PERIODICALS
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•‘FARMER’S GUIDE TO SCIENTIFIC AND j
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By Henry Stephens, F. R. s., of Edinbiirgn, aulhr..
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TO THE AFFLICTED.
DR a B. STROUD, cont Hues to devote his
undivided attention to the treatment ot
Chronic Diseases of every form and variety. He
is prepared to entertain pajiepts both wnite and
black, fer which his charges are very moderate.
Fertile* wishing treatment, should note down their
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ception, he will mail to their address a portion ol
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applicants. Postage on a portion of Medicines
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Pondtown, Sumpter co.. Ga. Feb 23. wSir.
ARTICLES es all kinds and to
-*■ suit all tastes, such as Pocket Handkerchiefs,
Cravats, {fecit Ties, Stocks, Socks (everv H ..ality
and color, silk and cotton), Silk, Cottos a .id Lin
en Under-Shirts, and in fact everything necessary
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’ *jstwtf WILLIFORD 4- DAM ELS*
VOLUME XI. 1
floctro,
WEARINESS.
BV ALICE CAREY.
Gentle, gentle sisters twain,
I am sad with toil and pain,
Hoping, struggling, all in vain
And would be with you again.
Sick and weary, Set me go
To our homestead, old and low,
Where the cool, fresh breezes blow—
There 1 shall be well 1 know.
Violets gold, and white and blus,
Sprout up sweetly through the dew—
Lilacs now are budding too—
pine to be with you!
I am lonely and uublest—
I am weary and would rest
Where all things are brightest, best,
In the lovely, lovely west.
OH, JUDAH!
by prsoper m. wetmore.
Jerusalem murne'h. —Jeremiah
Oil, Judah thy dwellings are sad,
Thy ahildren are weeping around,
In sackcloth their bOßoms nre clad,
As they look on the famishinaground
In the deserts they make them a home,
And the mountains awake to their cry;
For the frown of Jehovah hath come,
And his anger is red in the sky.
Thy tender ones throng at the brink,
But the waters are gone from the well
They gaze on the rock, and they think,
Os the gush of the stream from its gall;
How they came to its margin before,
Ani drank in their innocent rnirth;
Awaj! it is sealed ;.n i no more
Shall the fountains give freshness to earth.
The hearts of the mighty are bowed,
And the lowly are haggard with care,
T he voices of mother* are loud,
As hey shriek the wild note of despair.
Oh, Jerusii em! mourn through thy halls ,
And bend to the dust in thy shame,
Ftjg the doom that thy spir t appals,
Is famine, the sword, and the flame!
GOOD NIGHT.
Peace to all who taste of soirowl
l) ay now hastens to its close!
Till awakes the bright eyed-morrow—
Good night.
Go to rest:
Shut your eyelids;—darkness fallclh !
Hushed are all the streets around,
Save the watchman’s stilly sound.
Night to all the weary calleth,
“Go to rest!”
Slumber sweet;
Os your Paradise be dreaming
Who for love no'iea. e can find,
Let him see a vision kind,—-
Loved-by his beloved one seeming:
Slumber sweet!
Good night;
t>leep ye till the morning breaketh:—
Sieep ye ti'-i another day
Calls to other cares away:
Fear ye not,—.your Father waketh;
Good night.
Jtcms.
What is Fashion I — A beautiful en
velope for morality, presenting a polished
and gtiitering exterior, the appearance of
which gives no certain indication of the
i-cai of what is CCHtained theroi’d-
An apt Reply. —Husband, I don’t knoW
where that boy gets his bad temper—not’
trom me I’m sure.’
•No my dear, fur I don’t perepive that
you have lost any.’
05” A Western writer thigks that if the
proper way to spell the \
ate ‘eight,’and lm ‘beau,' u ™*i,,, . j
of spelling potatoes is poxtgn ‘•dftnix. I
05” Lucretia Mott says thav a young |
man who cannot persuade a 10., f foolish |
MKWrtlL 0 - bu - v ‘ v t ,a Ll l wai\\, ;
never expect to be £ e * e b rate d as a dry j
goods cltrk. Lucretia is an observing wo- I
man.
o^7““My daughter, why do you look at i
the moon so much'!” inquired a mother ot j
her daughter, a young lauy just entering
her sixteenth year.
“Why, ma, they say there’s a man in j
it,’’ was the innocent reply.
CO” A wh.te man not long since sued a
black man in one of the courts of a free
Mate ; and while the trial was before the
judge, the litigants came to an amicable
settlement, and so the- counsel stated to
the court. —“ A verbal settlement will not
answer,” replied the judge; “it must be in :
writing.” “ Here is the agreement ‘in I
black and white,’ “ responded thecounsel, |
pointing to the reconciled parties , “pray, !
w hat does your honor want more than !
this!”
Fashionable society generally lias but
two Jaults—first, in being hollow headed, !
and secondly, hollow hearted.
Accurate knowledge is the basis of cor- ;
reel opinions. The want of it makes most i
people’s opinions ol little value.
A man whose mmd is trained to find !
happiness in doing good, almost always !
has the u cans of happiness at command. J
A lover writing to his sweetheart, sat e: 1
“D leoable dear—You are so stveet that i
honey would blush in y >ur presence and ]
me asses stand appal.ed.
It is nut perhaps generally known, that
if one man steals another's donkey, the
remedy < I the aggrieved party consists m
at! action of ass sumpsit.
An inn-keeper in North Carolina, on
being asked what meaning he attached to j
the term “Aristocrat,” replied, “any man j
who has mote money than me, is in my j
estimation, an aristocrat.”
When Lycurgus, King of Sparta, was
to reform and change the g ;v ;rnsnent, one
advised him, that it should be reduced to
an absolute popular equality. “Sir,” said
the iawgiveT, “begin it in your own house
fi rst.’V.
“Never be critical upon the ladies,” was
the maxim of an old Irish peer, remarka
ble for his homage to the sex; “the only
way a true gentleman ever will attempt to
look at the faults ot a pretty woman, is to
shut his eyes.’’
“Th-re’s a barrow tone ior you cried,
an enthusiastic musician, pointing tea
wheel-barrow squeaking as if in the last
agonies.
Nature is an endless combination and
repetition of a very few laws. She hums
the old well-known sir through innumera
ble variations.
What is Death ! A sleep ; a rest from ,
earth’s toils and cares ; a separation of
the soul from the frail tenement of clay.
What is Religion ! The pilot ofthe soul
to the bright fields ol heaven ; a commu
nication with the Father of the Spirits.
|
(§!§(]£ Hftflfttt tt9uo
What is Immortality 1 An undying
name; an everlasting home fur the re
deemed sons ol light.
03“ Somebody says, the Devil never
troubles a busy man. This we know to
be false. Show us a busier man than the
edi'or, and yet he is fortunate if he has no
more than one devil to trouble him, espe
cially when copy is 3hort.
R are Epigram. —The history of a certain
William Smith, who lived at Penrhyn, is
thus pi hily summed up on a tombstone in
the churchyard ofthat place :
“ Here lie* William Smith; and, what is
Somewhat rarish,
He was born, bred, and hang’d in
This hero pari-h.”
Origin of the word “Journeyman.”—
There was, at one time—pm haps there
still is—a law in force in Germany, which
required all mechanics, at the expiration
of three years, to travel about from place to
place, not being allowed to remain more
than three months in any one place.—
They worked at their trade during their
tramp, but if it became necessary, they
were assisted at the expense jf the State.
At the expiration ofthe three years, it be
ingsupposed that the wanderer had seen
something of the world, lie was allowed to
settle down where he chose. He:nce the
word “Journeyman.”
OCT What more precious offering can
be laid upon the altar of man’s heart than
the first love of a pure, and affectionate
girl with an undivided interest in eight
corner lots, and fourteen three-story hous
es 1
Never Satisfied.— 41 How little money
would make me happy,” said a woman
who was employed in the house of a gen
tleman of wealth “How little ‘Martha!”
enquired he. “0, dear sir, one hundred
dollars would make me perfectly happy.”
“Would it, indeed! Then be happy, for
you shall have it here it is.’’ said he, as
he handed her the amount. Martha thank
ed him gratefully, and he turned away ;
but he was scarcely out of hearing before
she exclaimed 4 1 wish I had said two
hundred !”
55P Place a basin of cold water beside
your bed.— When you first awake in the
morning, dip your hands in the basin, and
sleep will not again seal you in its tr< ach
erous embrace. This is the advice of an
aged clergyman, who had been in the
habit of rising early during a long life.
“I'm glad this ci ft'” a- n’t owe me ariy
thingsaida financier at bis break fas;.
4 VVhy so, ii q tit red Ins wife, “because I
don’t believe it would tver settle,” he re
plied. ,
SP What kind of essence dees a yruntr
man like when he pops the question? acs
quiescence.
S*’ A Broker in Wall street got stuck
the other day with n ®l(M)c< unterfeit note,
in this way. A beautiful lady-like woman
called and asked ‘.o have it changed in
to small notes. The broker tells his own
story. “I wus lot king more at the woman
than at n.y business.”
ESP Southey tells n story of a lady who
ordered a book entitled “An on
Burns,” thinking it was a dissertation on
the g-'ti‘U3 of her favorite Scottish Bard;
but what was her disappointment when
she found on receiving the work that it
trea'ed on burns and scalds, and that its
author was a surgeon.
WEDNESDAY MOftKIKO, M.iT 31, 1601.
“STEFS BACKWARDS ”
It is but a few days since we warned tiie
i Savannah Republican, on the occasion o t
j its utterance of some very sound State
Rights sentiments, that there were, politi
| cians of its party who would take the back
track, and repudiate thos principles look
ing to futu e resistance, contained in the
“Georgia Platform.”
We did not think we should so soon
have occasion to produce ev.dence to
prove the truth of our pn plietic warning.
\ The Athens Banner and the Miih dge-
Recorder, two ofthe leading organs
„ f Xe Union party on the “Georgia Plat
cjrmY’ have deliberat ly taken strong
grou/nd against a principle of the conven
tiu/nof December. 1850, which beingstrick
e® fiom it, lea es it, not worth the paper it
is w ritten on, as an efficient remedy against
-ror OTTr-.xonrnTon aggressions.
The Georgia Convention distinctly as
serted the doctrine of the Right of Seces
sion, and a-’ distinctly declared that the
State of Georgia would exeicisethat right
on the happening cfseveral specified con
tingencies.
Thus the “Union party” of Georgia is as
ful.y committed to the doctnneof the Sov
ereign Right of State Secession, as the
Southern Rights Party is. But there
are politicians and leaders, demagogues
and office-seekers, consolidationists and
enemies to Southern Rights, belonging
to the Union party, who are not and never
have been satisfied with this part of the
Georgia Platform. They have intended,
always, to retreat from it, the first moment
it became necessary and safe ; and who
are now preparing to make that retreat,
although the G. orgia Platform was dis
tinctly declared to be the very last con
cession which the People ol Georgia would
make—in short, the “last ditch” in which
they would “die,” belore they would yield
another inch to Abolition encroachment.
And now suppose the leaders of the Union
Party, desert that “last ditch,” fall back
and make another list line, the question is,
will the Union people follow them! We
have heard men of this party say often,
not another inch will we surrender—let
our “platform” be trenched on, and we
are. with you for tesistanee in any shape.
W e know these gentlemen are sincere and
honest, and they mean what they say,
when in reply to our reminding them that
the Union leaders will back out from the
fighting line of the convention, they tell
us, they care nothii g for leaders and they
will stand firm. But we fear, alas! they
knotv not the power of party, and the in
fluence ot leaders. Three men (Toombs,
Stephens and Cobb) have caused Georgia
to submit, and they had it in their power,
by a mere utterance of a few words ot
breath to have made Georgia resist. When
Toombs w’as volcanic in Washington City,
it w’as easy to perceive the indications of
a violent forthcoming eruption in his po
litical ranks at home. But when Toombs’
mouth was shut—or rather was taught,
instead of breathing fire, and eructating
smoke, ashes and burning lava, to hymn
“glorious union” ditties, all these symp
toms vanished and his district settled down
into the m< st complacent and self-satis
fied compromise men in the world.
But is Georgia in earnest when she says
she will bear what has been done, but no
more ! Will Georgia stand to that solemn
resolution! We pray God she may—we
pray there may be no more disgraces in
“THE UNION OF THE STATES AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OS THE STATES.”
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA,
store for our “Empire State,” that come of
eating brave words and backing out from
deliberate resolves.
This question is to be tested. An'effnrt
will be made to back off the Georgia
Platform. It is already begun. *
The Athens Banner and the Milledgevillc
Recorder have broken ground in this siege,
and from this day forth the “Union Party”
will be pressqjj by its leaders to “take
steps backward” from the Georgia Plat
form. HmvellCobb ispreparingthe vvayfor
it. These presses and this politician have
declared against Secession, and at least
two of them (Cobb and his “Banner”) have
boldly intimated coercion, as the remedy,
if South Carolina exercises her Sovereign
right to secede. Thus while their Plat
form declares that Georgia hasartg-Af and
will exercise it, when she sees fit, of going
out of a Union, in which her rights are not
and secured ; these Georgia
Platformists, in the teeth of their own
recently made creed, turn round to
threaten South Car. lina with Federal bay
onets, if she in her sovereign capacity,
exercises the same right they claim for
Georgia. What is the inference from this?
It is the boldest and most direct step ever
taken in the South towards consolidation ;
and if they succeed in carrying the Union
party of ieorgia along with them, the lib
erties of the South are at an end ; and her
people and her property will be at the
rnercy of a despotism at Washington. It
is indeed a pregnat t sign of degeneracy
and corruption, when any man or press,
on Georgia soil — in the land of Troup— in
a State where all parfies have always
maintained the Virginia and Kentucky
doctrines ofState Rights—that there should
be raised the cry ofFoRCE to put down a
Sovereign State, asseriing her inalienable
and unalienated rights.
We call upon the people of all parties
to look to these things. They are full of
peril. If Georgia should be so mad, so
lost to reason and a sense of her own future
safety as to encourage- the Federal Gov
ernment to send its armies against South
Carolina, the horrors of civil war will be
atonce kindled—not in Carolina alone, but
in Georgia and its every Southern State.
And front such a war, after years of blood
and carnage, one of two results would
flow—either the whole South, divid’ and a
gainst itself, and cutting each others throats
to the infinite amusement ofthe abolition
ists, wo ,Id become the conquered subjects
of a Federal Government belonging to the
North ; or the Union must be destroyed
by the worst <.f modes, by violence and
bloodshed.
Such are the inevitable consequences ol
denying to any Southern State the right to
leave the confederacy, at her o'vn sover
eign will and pleasure. The People of
Georgia have a fearful responsibility in !
deciding this question. If, by their votes, i
they sustain tne doctrines of Cobb, the I
Athi.no Manner, anil the A-l 11 !e A 0 a „ill e Re.
ewer, as sure as these is a God above,’
they will plunge the South into a civil war. j
A Southern State cannot be coerced by j
the Federal Government in the hands of
ingrained Abolitionists, without the effu
sion of blood.
SOUTHERN EIGHTS MEETING IN MUSCOGEE.
The meeting ofthe Southern Rights par- !
ty of this county, which was adjourned over ;
from last Tuesday, convened at the Court i
House at 12 o’clock on Saturday the 17ih !
inst.,andwas orj anized by calling Col
John Quinn to the Chair and appointing
James H Warren Secretary.
The Committee appointed at the pre
vious meeting Charged with the duty ot
reporting to an adjourned meeting a series
of resolutions expressive ol thd principles
and policy of the Southern Rights Party
of M'Ki-pppß county onnunneed its readi- i
ness to report.
Mr Wm H Chambers, for reasons given, j
was exc used from the committee.
On motion the following report was sub- I
mitted: I
Resolved, That we recognize, to the full-1
est extent, the doctrine laid down by the
Georgia Convention of last December in
these words:—“The Constitution <>t the
United States is in its terms, a bond of po
litical union between separate Sovereign
t.es.”
2d. That this is but the reiteration of a
doctrine which has at some time or other
been affirmed in woids ot deeds by almost
every estate in the Union, and which has
been maintained with peculiar unanimity,
consistency and tenacity by the sla e- \
holding Stales ever since its first protnul- I
gatiun fiy Mr Jefferson in the Kentucky i
resolutions of 1798 and 1799, in the follow- j
ing words: 44 Resolved, Tnat tho several |
Slates composing the United States ofi
America, are nut united on tue principle of!
unlimited submission to their general gov- j
eminent —but that by compact under the j
style and title of a constitution for the j
United Mates and ot amendments thereto, j
tfiey constituted a general government for !
special purposes, delegated to that gov
ernment ceitain definite potvers, reserv
ing, each State to itself, ’he residuary mass
ol right to their own self-government; aud
tliat whenever the general government]
assumes undelegated powers, its acts are
unautliuritative, void aud ofuotorm; that
to tins compact each State acceded as a
State and as an inlet rai party—that this
government, created by this compact, was
uot made the exclusive or final judge * i
the extent of the powers delegated to it
self. isiuce that would nave made its dis
cretion, and not the constitution, the mea
sure of its powers—but that as in all other
cases of compact among parties havihg
no common judge, eacn party has an
equal right to judge for itseli as well of m
ira ‘tious, as of the mode and measure ot
redress.”
3d., That in no State, however, has this
doctrine been received with so singular
and marked lavor as in the State ol Geor
gia, at ieast ever since the reconstruction
of political parties therein occasioned by
the treat Tariff controversy of 1832 and
1833, when the foregoing resolution and
the others of the Kentucky series, and the
kindred Virginia resolutions of 1798 drawn
by Mr Madison, were specially adopted
by both of those parties and made the cor
ner stone of their respective creeus;
whereby was exhibited th rare spectacle
of two great opposing parties agreeing
thoroughly in doctrine and differing only
in the propriety of its practical application
to the case in hand.
4th. That i< i> a necessary consequence
from this doctrine, that each State has the
right to secede from the Union whenever,
in its judgment, the occasion requires it;
and that any attempt by other States or the
general government to prevent by anus,
the exercise of the right in a case in which
the seceding State deemed the measure
the only remedy to save itself, not only
merely from political degradation, but
from th 6 horrible late of St. Domingo,
would be an act of wrong and outrage, as
much greater than the attempt of Great
Britain to subjugate the thirteen colonies
after their Declaration of Independence
as the right of a “Separate Sovereignty”
to w ithdraw from a confederacy is clearer
than that of a coherent integral province
to break off fr.mi a consolidated empire,
and as the evil of the extermination of a
pe- p;e by the most horrible of modes, is
greater than that of a Lifting tax upon the
consumption of an article to be consumed
or not at option.
sth. That v-e rejoice to find in the fol
lowing resolution ofthe Georgia Conven
tion of lasi December, not only the strong
est implied recognition ot this right of
Secession, but .also the express and parti
cular recognition of the propriety of its
exercise in a number ofspecifie cases:
44 Resolved, That the State of Georgia,
in the judgement of this Convention, will
and ought to resist even (as a last resort,)
to a disruption ol every tie which binds her
to the Union, any action of Congress upon
the subject of slavery in the district of
Columbia or in places subject to the s,,ris
diction of Congress, incompatible v ‘th *e
safety, the domestic tranquility, the ng .ts
and the honor of the Slaveholding biams,
or any refusal to admit as a State, any
teiritory hereafter applying, because of
the existence of slavery therein, oi any
act prohibiting the introduction of slaves
into the teir>tories ofUtah or New Mexico,
or any act repealing or materially modify
ing the laws now in force for the recovery
ot fugi.ive slaves.” and we do not think
we are going beyond this resolution when
we say that if a State may exercise the
right in these cases, it may exercise it in
any.
6th. That whilst we can never forget or
forgive the authors ofthe measures which
despoiled us ot our share in the conquests
of the Mexican war, which curiailed our
Texas of a third of her fair proportions —
which degraded ourselves below the mean
est citizens ofthe North, by forbidding us
the right ot traffic in our slaves—ourchief
est property—on the common soil ofthe
district (A Columbia, under penalty of
losing them by emancipation, whilst that
citizen’s charter of traffic in all of his
property, even his most contemptible no
tions was left unrestricted. Still, as Geor
gia to whom wo owe our allegiance, has
in her highest sovereign capacity, decided
( that those measures did not constitute a
sufficient cause to j'ustify secession, unless
the North should fail in “the faithful exe
cution of the fugitive slave law;” and that
though not wholly approving, she would
nevertheless abide by ihe series of which
’ they made a part, “as a permanent ad
justment of this sectional controversy” we
will, as in duty bound, make no resistance
by force or violence to the decision, so
long as it remains the unchanged will of
the sovereign State to which we have ac
knowledged our al egiatice to be due.
7. But hat seeing iu events which have
transpired at he North since the adoption
ofthat series of measures, and since the
adjournment of our State Convention —
particularly the election ot so many Con
gressional Representatives from different
Noithem States pledged to the repeal or
material modification ofthe fugitive slave
law—of Senators from the great States of
Ohio, N York and Massachusetts —Wade,
Fish aud Sumner, under the same pledge.
The immense a'd ferocious mobs which
instantly rise up in New York, Boston and
other cities to assail all who go thither in
pursuit of fugitive slaves under that law—
the hostile demonstrations of various State
Legislatures, religious bodies, popular
conventions, numerous 4” influential pub
lic presses, party coalitions and popular
ity-hunting demagogues against the same
law. And a multitude of other facts of
almosti-Qual significance—evidence which
makes us greatly apprehend a total fatl
uie on the part of the North faithfully to
execute the law, and fear that tne ‘con
cessions’ made by the State on that deci
sion will not of themselves “terminate
the sectional controversy;” and will there
fore, unless re-inf'orced and strengthened
in some manner, turn out to be “vain,
utterly vain.” We respectfully invite all,
without distinction of party, to join with
us in the adoption ofsuch further measures
as are left to us in the Union to compel the
observance ol that law and to pul down
this sectional controversy.
Bth. And we suggest as suitable mea
sures to accomplish the object, the enact
ment by our L< gislature of laws which
shall discriminat in every constitutional
mode against Northern industry and capi
tal, manufactures and cumme ce and in
favor ot Southern —and especially such as
shall tosterthe mechanic arts at the South,
and encourage a system of direct impor
tation in exchange tor the hundred mil
lions of imports—and such as shall, to
the extent of the constitutional limit, re
taliate upon Massachusetts and Vermont
amt cither Northern States which have
forbidden to the people of Rie South ac
cess to their courts, the aid of their judi- !
cial and administrative officers and ot j
their private citizens, and the use ot their j
jails in the recovery of fugitive slaves ,by j
depriving the people of those States of the j
corresponding faciliti* a in Georgia for the ]
assertion of their rights ati t tne redress of !
their wrongs.
9tii. That we heartily commend the pat- j
riotic course of ihose Southern Merchants j
who have withdrawn th tir trade from j
Boston, and wo hope their example will j
be generally followed. )
R. J. Moses, Esq. moved to amend the. i
sixth resolution by inserting after the j
words “make n<> resistance” the words |
by force or violence ; which motion was car- ]
r ied.
The n-port as amended was then adop- i
ted. j
On motion of W. E. Williams, it was j
ordered that the proceedings of this meet
ing be published in the Times and Senti
nel of tliis city, and that the Southern
Rights presses throughout the State be re
quested to copy the same.
The meeting then adjourned.
JOHN QUINN Chairman.
Jas. H. Warren Sec’ry.
[From tlie Sou'io rn Prets.j
SOUTH CAROLINA.
The proceeding! of the Convention of
Southern Rig* ts Associations, at Charles
ton, from all parts of Son'll Carolina, in
dicate a fr-n ad fast adherence to the policy
of secession.
The report and resolutions are temper
ate in ianguage and dtcided in purpose.
Thus the case is presented for the first
time in our history of a State in favor of
secession from the Union.
Tne | pie of South Carolina are neith
er frivolous, fickle, factious nor turbulent.
N> State has been more consistent in her
politics, more united in sentiment, more
remarkable for law and for order. The
people of South Carolina are neither ig
norant nor aggressive. It was from S uth
('an tma that the original plan of federal
Constitution emanated. And she has al
ways contributed a brilliant quota to the
ci uuciia and the fields ofthe Union. Sou'h
Carolina feels no disappointed ambition nor
unsuccessful cupidity. She has never
asked for herself or her se tion, a solitary
favor from the government. She has had
fewer applicants for her federal patronage
than perhaps any other State. She ha
rejected m'’re offers of federal honor tlian
perhaps any other. So lately as 1845, the
most attractive gift in the federal power—
the English mission—was offered success
sively to three of her sons—Calhoun, El
more, and Pickens—and declined by all—
a fact without a parallel since the forma
tion of the Union.
Perhaps the most extraordinary trait in
the course of South Carolina on the pend
ing question, is the unity, the unanimity of
her people, On an occasion so important,
TUESDAY,. MAY 27, 851.
so vital, so new, her population, property*
and inttllect, seem to be in almost perfect
harmony. There is p.'mi st no difference
ofopmit n as to the< bject, the only question
is as to the time, the mode, and ihe tt eatts.
This is the no st solemn and impressive
protest that has ever been n ade against an
act of the federal government It goes to
the of the system at once
Now there are some county ci urt law
yers, at.d cr ss-road partv politicians, that
cun settle this difticultv compendiously.—
They would compel South Carolina to
“b y this government, and submit to a con
tinuance in this Union, under the pa ins and
penalties if treason. But no statesman
will be found capable of such folly, Mr,
Burke, who whs a statesman, and whocer
taioly did not lean 100 much to liberty from
power, declared he did not know how to
draw a bill of indictment against a who e
people.—and that it could never bo pre
sumed that a whole pe< ple could be sac
tious. or deluded, in reference to their own
rights and interests.
The course, however, towards Sou.h
Carolina begins to be indicated. It ig to
foment division and enmity among her peo
ple. The Nutionul Intelligencer of yes
terday, attempts to excite tne “muss ofthe
people of South Carolina,” against the
“aristocracy and hereditary wealth ol the
State,” fur using “its political power to an
sw r its personal ends’” Now, when such
a paper as the Intelligencer, the chronic
■ rgan of privilege, of corporation, of pro
tection, of class, comes out for the masses
against aristocracy nd hereditary wealth,
what is to be expected next. Will it pro
nounce ft abolition and socialism, like its
co-party friend; tin- Iribune?
But ihe expedients of despotism are the
same. The Court ot Austria has long been
exciting the races and sects of Hungary
against each other, in Older to overthrow
the Constitution ol that kingdom —Croats
against Magyars, Catholics against Protes
iiints.
It is we!! now for ail the Southern States
to consider in time the effect of the influ
ence of a central government, in arraying
non.>lave!ioidets against slaveholders, to
put down all defence of Southern institu
tions. And it might be as wgll to consid
er now, also, the effects tis marching a fed
eral atnuy into a Sm them State in such a
contest, when it is obvious what sort of
people would volunteer.
There is, however, a party aspect of this
question, to which it becom es oitf duty
now to refer. The tendency of the events
wlnckare following each other in startling
succession, is to sectionalize the two great
mittonui parties—to make* the North Wing,
the South Democratic. None cun lament
such a tendency’ more than we, because
the questions now before the country do
not necessaiily involve part / issues. But
this prochvity was understood by Messrs.
Sleph mis and Toombs, when, at t e begin
ning of tiie last Cm gress, they demanded
ol tiie Whigs a pledge to abstain from
the Whig caucus, and refused to support
Mr. Winthrop for the speakership.
But Gen. Scott is now recognized as a
prominent, we may say’, the prominent
candidate of the Whigs for the Presiden
cy— having been nominated in Indiana,
Ohio. Pennsylvania, and elsewhere. The
t*l IC •> Ii UoII J<A r-._ U. to Ultv
the alarm. The fi m. Humphrey M tr
shi.il, late member of Congress from the
Louisville district, has declared his deter
mination no* t i support him. i.) any event,
without a p.edge m favor of the Fugitive
.slave law. The Louisville Journal adopts
the same position. On the other hand,
the friends of Gen. Scott in the North, in
sist that he shall run like Gen. Taylor, un
pledged—and like him, without subimt
ting his name to a convention, although
he would ticcepl a nomination front one.--
If this c.-urse sh mid be adopted, General
Scott may, by hi** refusal to pledge him
self iu favi r of the law, and by Ids milita
ry lame, get the vole of every Northern
State—or en ugh of them tc elect him.—
And it that event should occur during the
pet dency of the difficulty with South Car
olina, it i: not improbable that every South
ern State wou and secede from the Union.
N. r let it be supposed that the fear of
such a result would deter the North from
supporting Inm. The settled sentiment of
that section is that nothing can drive ti e
! S uth to resistance. Os this fact, the fate
of the leading compromisers is evidence
| If the compromise were considered by the
j North indispensable to the safety of the
! Union, if it had such high merit in the
j eyes < f that section, who so worthy of being
j President as one of its chum j .< ns, and above
i all. its contriver, Mr. Ciay? Yet, im ua ; e
]is no longer mentioned for the office. And
| Mr. Webster, where is he? Excluded fnorn
j Faneuil Hall. As for Mr. Fillmore, k,"“f
I yet some times referred to us a < andidate
| by the papers that get tne government ad
: vertisemenu, and by office seekers—-but by
| noboby vice.
i l'he assumption ofu Fiee-so ; l tone by the
| Whig party will drive the Democratic
j party in an opposite direction, and it wi!
j be compelled to re-adjust the compromise
|or fail. Hence there was force in ‘he sug
gestion of Mr. Chores to tiie Charleston
Convention—that the Democratic party
might yet, as in ’9B, save the Constitution
And, in such a struggle, it night get all
the Southern States, and a few oY the
Northern.
Among the indications, we are gratified
|to learn that the spirit ofthe Virginia
! people is high ub >ve the posiiioi assumed
! at the late session of the. legislature.—
I Every where the opponents (f the com
| promise are re-nominated lor Congress,
] and the prospect is that ali will be re-
I elected,
L-t then, every fretid of Southern rights
! stand fast to his f.ith and to his integrity,
and the South may yet be redeemed. But
let no coalition be formed with any party
on the basis of surrendering the simple
justice for which we have been coaten
ding,
If the Whigs oi Kentucky will not sup
port Gen. Scott unpledged, none of the
Southern Whigs will. And we doubt
whether the S -uthern Whigs will have in
fluence enough in the North to overcome
the combined tendencies in that section, to
Abolition, military popularity, and politi
cal power, which would all Le indulged
by making Gen. Scott a candidate. We
should, therefore, not be surprised that the
Southern Whigs,on reflecting upon the
consequences of his election, should come
over to the S lUthern rights party, whilst
the Northern compromise democrats may
i-e embarrassed by the desire to preserve
a Northern connection, and fail both In the
North and South.
When the Due de Choiseul a remarka
bly mi agre man, came to London to ne
gotiate a peace, Charles being
asked whether the French government
had sent the outlines of a treaty, replied,
He did not know, but they had sent the
‘utline of an Ambassador.”
Why is a lover popping the question
like a tailor running” a hot goose over a
suit of clothes 1 Becaue he is pressing a
suit.
| NUMBER 23.
One Step More. —TheFenate of Massa
chusetts passed unanimously ('except
four dissenting t he following:
Resolved , That Massachusetts affirms
anew her hostility to slavery and her de
vrtion to the Union; that, inspired by these
cherished sentiments, she longs for hir
mony among the different parts of our
common coun’ry; but she cannot conceal
the conviction that this can be finally and
permanently secured ottly. by the over
throw of slavery, so far as the same can be
constitutionally done,every where within
the jurisdiction of the national govern
mem; that the Iree States may be relieved
from all responsibility therefore, so that
freedom instead of slavery shall become
national, and slavery, instead of freedom,
become sectional.
From the Sivannah Georgian.
A UNION MAINTAINED BY FOfcCE.
The federal press is gloating with per
fectly fiendish delight, over the prospect
of an opportunity of bringing tr.e naval and
military power of the General Government
to t e punishment and subjugation of
South Carolina. What a shout of triumph
will ring through the federal camp.—how
ali the hosts of Abolition, with their Sew
ards, and Greelys, and Garrisons, will
hold a jubilee of rejoicings—in case S>uth
Carolina, in attempting to extin ate hei
seif from the meshes of emancipation
which are weaving around her, shall he
drenched with blood, crushed in spit it,
humbled into the dust, and tailing in men
and means, be brought unconditionally
to submit to her Northern oppressors!
We quote as follows from the most
influential of the New York papers:
“We are glad that this {"Charleston)
Convention is held; because it must make
an end of the wearisome stupidity of disun
ion. Either the Chivalry will do nothing
more than talk, and straightway collapse
into insignificance, orelse they will attempt
rebellion, and straightway experience the
strorigarin of the National Government.
Our own opinion is decidedly that they
will stick to gasconade and eschew action.
But in either case, good will result from
their Convention.
“1a is time that two things were gener
ally understood, namely: first, that South
Carolina does riot govern the entire coun
try: and second, that this Union is some
thing more than a legal fiction which a
breath can make and unmake. The lat
ter fact, especially, seems to need a defi
nite demonstration. God forbid that it
should be established through anything
like riot on a scale large enough to be call
ed rebellion! Nor do we fear any such
necessity, though should it arise, it will
bring benefit enough with it to diminish, if
not to counterbalance its evils.”
But it seems that the advocates of force
are not confined to the ranks of the aboli
tionists of the North. Vlr. Cobb and his
leading organ, the Athens Banner, seem
to have quite as keen a relish for the car
nage, in the wish that South Carolina
may be reduced to submission, as any of
the Federal myrmidons of the North.
Our hope, with that of the Richmond En
quirer, is that the Central Governmei t in
case of South Carolina’s secession, will
not resort to an experiment which will so
inevitably result in the final doom of the
confederacy, as the attempt to coerce her.
The Enquirer quotes as follows from a
Washington letter:
“No such fcoercive j measures are in an
ticipation by the Executive. Mr Webster
signified in his Annapolis speech that he
should oppose ny such measure. South
Carolina will be let alone and it is even
said that the few companies of U S troops
stationed at the forts will be withdrawn
by order of the Executive, when South
Carolina shall secede.”
The Enquirer then adds.
- “We trust that this wri er may be cor
rect, and that the Federal Government may
have the wisd >m and prudence to refrain
from force and coercion—f ir if they are
brought to bear, the Union will be broken
up, amidst civil war. Far belter allow
Squill Carolina to secede quietly, thougn
sullenly and thereby endanger the good
wishes of her Southern S.sters, than by
force, thrust in the fire brand of civil war
and shatter the confederacy! The times
are out cl joint and it requires the utmost
prudence and foresighq North and South
to meet the coming storm.
l’he Enquirer was once high authority
with Messrs. Cobh and Hoisey, it is now
however far from being sufficiently federal
for their taste.
From the Savannah .News
Havana, May 1, 1851.
ic..U’ e are living indirectly under a horrid
Liw. Things are going on v.-iy
badly with us.—-our skies are cloudy. The
people are cruelly trampled upon and ar
rests are constantly being made. The
“good” Concha and his minions not only
commit the abominable violation of open
ing all letters from tho United £ tates, but
they enter ail the houses without respect
to per.-ons, in seaich of prohibited arms
and suspicious papers; and the persons ol
individuals are often searched for the same
purpose. What an atrocious inquisition!
The people are in despair because Lo
pez does not arrive. excitement in
creases every day, and all eyes are fixed
upon the North in anxious search for the
lone star which constitutes the hope ot
Cuba, and which is destined to shine
among those which form the great Ameri
can constellation. Encomiums on the no
ble and valiant Georgians and Kentucky
ans are beard on every side. The troops
are getting mutinous on account of the
continued parades to which they are sub
jected, and they do not hesitate to drink
publicly to the health oi Geu Lopez and
the pirate?. Our-Capt. General being
aware of this is exceedingly anxious to
send all mutinous soldiers to Spain
before General Lopez re-visits the Is
land.
Our newspapers continue to lavish
praises on the Qsovernmenl which robs,
imprisons, exiles, and assassinates us by
the vile Garotte. They say that we are
all contented and happy. What sarcasm!
what irony! Make n known to our breth
ren the people of your great Republic,
that these editors write thus because they
are forced to do so by the despotism under
which we live; but that our real situation
is exactly the reverse, and that we have
resolved to die in defence of our liberty.
Fro no the Charleston Sun*
Translations of Extracts from Spanish Letters
Received in this city by the Isabel.
Havana, May 8, 1851.
My Dear Sir:—l send you again by
private hands another account of the slat*
of affairs on the Island, and I assure you
that they are thef truth, and nothing else.
The valor of the Great Gone ha lies in his
boots, and not in *• is hearb _ Papers here
are compelled to publish * such ac
counts as they do, Or be ssjSpyesMki, %ad the
editors run the risjf “of beifcg garottod. Will
the time never come for your embarkatioaf;
Hourly, nay minutely, have we been anx
iously waiting to hear the joyful tidings
of your being landed on the isle, oral least
on your way. Do notbtlieve for a mo
ment the rumors that you willjreceive noaid
here on the Island, Many Spanish offi
cers and soldiers, independent of the Cre
oles, will join the Patriots as soon as they
land: and could l do so without endangering
the lives of uianyof my friends here, l would
give the names of some of the moist influx
ential and wealthy planters on the isle who
have pledged their lives, fortunes, and MM
cred honors in the contest—such namesas
wi uld make the throne of her R >yal Maj
esty tremble. The day will come, and that
too ere long, when Cuba witl be free!
But still Hear for our friends here, for God
knows if the least suspicion is thrown out
they will suffer and that terribly, Tb*
officers under Ci neba are in a dreadful
state, aid one bold leader like Lopez now*
would cause the island to burst forth like
a volcano. Every Vessel that arrives is
supposed to contain a Cargo of pirates, &c,
Havana, May 8, 1851:
“Montes de Ocu, the uuioriuiiate indi
vidual who was the victim o( the barbar
ous government of Spain, met his fate like
a hero, and, though young, he said he was
willing to die a martyr of his country for
the independence olCuba.
“Previous to his execution, the Captain
General Concha give him nine days to de
nounce all the pati tots on the Island, and
promised him his liberty and a large sum
of money—but he nobly replied that he
would sooner die a thousand deaths
denounce his friends, fir, said he. Cuba
will be free, and after generations wiHl
shed a tear to the memory of one who fell
in behalf of his country, and our friends
in the l mted Slates will now know that
Cubi has thousands who will perish by
the garotte rather tii. n five in bondage.”
LT F rum the Rome Journal tve extract
the following notice if the new work on the
United States- by Lady Wortley. It will no
doubt when compared with previous works
on the same subject, illustrate the differ
ence between good breeding and vulgari
ty:
A Noble differino from a Trollope.
—Lady Emim-line Smart Wortley, who,
with her daughter, made the tour of the
United Slates last yeai differs from Mrs.
Trollope in her estimate of the manners
of the Yankees. We have not yet seen
her Ladyship's volume of Travels, which
we understand is in press, but the Christian
Inquirer gives the following extract from
it.
“I like the Americans mere grid more:
either they have improved wonderfully
lately, or else the criticisms on them
have been cruelly exageera’ed: They are
particularly courteous and obliging; and
seem, I think, amiably anxious that for
eigners should carry away a favourable im
pression of them. As for me let ether
travellers say what they please of them. I
am determined not to be prejudiced,but t*
judge of them exactly as! find them, and
l shall most pertinaciously continue to
praise them, ("if ■ see no good cause to jit
ter my present humble opinion, ) and most
especially for their obliging civility and
hospitable attention to strangers, of which
1 have already seen several instances.
“I have witnessed but a very few iso
lated cases, as yet, of the unrefined habits
so usually ascribed to them and those ca
ses decidedly were not among the highest
orders of people; fur there seems just as
much difference in America as anywhere
else, iri some respects. The superior class
es heie have almost always excellent man
ners, and a great deai of real and natural,
as well as acquired refinement, and are of
ten besides (which perhaps will not be
believed in fastidious England) extreme
ly distinguished-looking. By the way,
the captains of the steamboats appear a re
markably’ gentlernan-like face of men in
general; particularly courteous in their de
portment, and very considerate and obli
ging to the passengers.”
B.trUSS FOE HOME EDUCATION.
The following rules we commend to all
our patrons and Irien Is for th *ir excellence,
brevity and practical utility.—'|’l).ey are
worthy of be.ng printed in letters of gold,
and being placed in a conspicuous position
in every household. It is lamentable to
contemplate the mischief, misery and
ruin which are the legitimate fruit of those
deficiencies which are pointed out in the
rules to which we have referred. Let ev
ery parent and guardian read, ponder and
inwardly digest*
J. From your children’s earliest infan
try inculcate the necessity of instant obedi
ence.
2. Unite firmness with gentleness. Let
your children always understand that you
mean exactly what you say.
3. Never promise them anything unless
you are quite sure you can give them wha
you promise.
4. If you tell a little child to do some*
thing, show him how to do it, and see that
it is done.
6. Always punish your children for wil
fully disobeying you, but never punish
them in anger.
6. Never let them perceive that they
can vex you, or make you lose yopr self
command.
7. If they give way to petulence and
temper, wait till they are ca'ni, and then
gently reason with them on the improprie
ty of their conduct.
8. Remember that a little presmt pun
ishment wh *n the occasion arises, is much
more efF'Ctual than the threatening of a
greater punishment should the fault be re?
newed.
9. Never give your children anything
because they cry for it.
10. On no account allow them to do
at one time what you have forbid
den under the like circumstances, at anoth
er, ‘
11. Teach them that the only sura
and easy way to appear good t$ to be
good.
12. Accustom them to make their little
recitals with perfeettruth.
13. allow tale-bearing.
14. them that self-denial, not self
indulgence, is the appointed, and the aura
method of happiness.
15. Guard them against the indulgence
of an angry and a resentful spirit.
If these simple rules were reduced to
practice, daily practice, by parents, and
guardians, how much misery would be pre
vented-—how many in danger ts ruin
would be saved, and how largely would
the hap; iness of a thousand domestic cir
cles be augmented! It is lamentable to seo
how extensie is parental neglect, and to
witness the sad anddreadfu! consequence}
ift the utter of thousands!
BP* A retailer of slander is a pest to any
oommunity.
The Cubans,— Captain Brown of Brig*
Umira arrived ori Saturday from New
Orleans, reports having seen on Sunday
last, 20 miles to the eastward iltiEey West
a strange steamer with a large number of
men on board, standing before the wind
and having neith-r steam nor sail on. He
asked where she was bound, and was
ins we red, “did not know, v jShe was
painted dark and had no colors up, but
looked like a Spanish vessel,
A number of men, supposed to have
been connected wi*h the Cuba e*p#diti©a
arrived heron Saturday an- yesterday hjg
the steamers Wm Gaston and Weiakj
fromFioriis.