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COLTJMB T.T S: Saturday Morning, Sept. I*> IHSO. IjAROISST CITY CIRCULATION. Uev. Mr. O’Neil, of Savannah, will preach in the Catholic Church, on to morrow, at 11 o’clock, a. m., an' l at 4 i>. m. Mrs. Nancy Cummiug, a willow lady, resid ing a.'one, in a house on the outskirts of the south east common, near the brick yard, ou the Lumpkin road, was found dead yesterday mor ning. Jenkins and Nisbet- Appreciating the interest felt, generally, in the contest now going ou for the Presiden cy, and the anxiety which all feel to know the opinions of leading men, particularly of Geor gia, we last Monday published the letter of Mr. Jenkins, and have to-day, very much against our own inclination, encumbered our columns with one from Mr. Nisbet. We recog nize it as a part of our duty to the many read ers of the Sun, and without a word pro or con, we submit them, leaving every reader to make bis own comment. Wo will simply remark tbut these gentlemen, to the best of our know ledge, liavo been wliigs ever since the uamo of whig was applied to a political party in this country. Porter’s Spirit of the Times. The first number of this new sporting pape 1 ’, the prospectus of which we noticed a short time ago, Ims come to baud. It is neat and handsomely gotten up, anil is well freighted with interesting matter to the votaries of the turf, and miscellaneous readers generally.— Porter has a world-wide reputation, among turfmen, and his “Spirit” being a taking pro duction, it is useless to say its circulation will be wide-spread. Success to Porter’# Spirit. Judge Hopkins, of Alabama. This gentleman, nil his life, opposed to the Democratic party, has recently determined to support Buchanan for the Presidency. Out of it has grown quite a controversy between the Register and News, of Mobile. The News HU ggests whether Mr. Buchanan’s early feder alism hadn’t something to do with the change. Knowing the former proclivities of the Judge so well, could wo credit the “drop of blood” story to which so many whigs have sworn, we should be inclined to think it had some in ti uence. Cotton Prospeot. An intelligent citizen of Dallas county, Ala bama, who lias recently traveled over the rich er portions of the county, writes us that the cotton crop is poor, and that the falling off will be fully one third from last year. 11a further states that his intelligence from the Canebrake country in Marengo and Perry, represents the crop there as no better. We seo by tho Amcricus News, that Col. Hawkins, the America ‘ candidate for Congress ngaiust Judge Crawford last year, is now stumping it in the lower counties for Buchan an. In answer to the charge that he is a reu egade frpm the American party, lie says “the American pa. y has runaway from itself.” Tho Americans may truly exclaim, “deliver us from our friends.” The Dablonega Signal of tho fitli inat., says that owing to the sickness in Canton, Cherokee bounty, in this State, the Superior Court, which was to liavo set this week, lias been adjourned. Itecruits for Walker. The Steamship Tennessee lias sailed from Now York with 400 recruits ou board for Wal ker, in the sliapo of emigrants to Nicaragua. Cotton Crop In Mississippi. A letter in the Mobile Tribune, from Colum bus, Miss., dated Sept. 9th, says, tho damage done to the cotton, not picked, by the great tall of rain during the day and night of Friday the 6th, has been considerable. The least pos sible ‘oss, this year, of the cotton crop raised in the counties of Noxubee and Lowndes, I have been told by about twelve of the largest plauters in those counties, will be over au av erage of 26 per cent. Tho Tobacco Crop. Tli-’ Bainbridge Argus says the tobacco crop of Decatur and other counties in southern Georgia, has been nearly destroyed by ttic late gale. Many of the barns were unroofed, and their contents bio'"!! away or otherwise ruined. Mr. S. G. Swain, of Decatur county, lost six thousand pounds. Suicide. We learn from the Bainbridge Argus, that, Mr. William .1. Gray, a respectable citizen of Decatur oouuty, having a wife and two chil dren, shot himself on Thursday the 28th ult., blowing his brains out and dying instantly.— lie was subject to fits of derangement, brought on by a severe attack, some time since, of Ft. Vitu’s dance and while laboring under one of these spells he put an end to his existence.— He was 28 years of age. We see by the Clayton Bauuer, that the County Commissioners of Barbour county, Alabama, have determined that they will no longer tolerate the old and rickety edifice heretofore used in that county as a place of safety for oft'euders against good order. A great difficulty, however, to their progress in tho work, soems to be, where to locate the institution so that it will not be an annoyance to the good citizens of ‘Clayton. Os course it is none of our business. We will, neverthe less, venture to suggest, that the spot most proper is the location which offers the least chances of a Jail delivery without discovery. This is a duty the Commissioners owe to pub lic justice. The necessity for this precaution is plainly exemplified in the location of the Jail in this city. Instead of having been located in the Court Hou°e square, a reserve of four acres, it was put upon the public Common, entirely beyond tho proper surveillance of the city police, the error of which location has been demonstrated more than once duriug the short time of our residence here. Tho News from Kansas. The latest telegraphic advices from Kansas, says the Savannah News, are very brief and unsatisfactory. At last accounts, tho condi- j tion of affairs indicated the occurrence of im portant events in tho oour; e of a few days, and much anxiety is felt to know what has trans pired in that unhappy territory. The traitor Lane had collected his marauding hordes at the Abolition stronghold, Lawrence, anil the Southern party were preparing to attack him there, whiic arrangements had been made to cut off his retreat. Tho Missourians who had been summoned to the rescue by the settlers in the territory, who had been attacked and plundered by Lane’s men, were assembling in largo force, and we have looked daily for the news of a sanguinary retaliation upon the Ab olition banditti. The dispatch which we publish this morning informs us that writs have been issued for the arrest of Lane and his officers, and that Gen. Smith had detailed a force of fourteen compa nies to sustain tho civil authorities in serving the writs. This should have been done months ago. Had the infamous traitors, Lane, Keed er, and others who have defied the laws and inaugurated civil war in Kansas, been prompt ly dealt with by the United States authorities —had they been made to suffer the penalty of their treason, tho peace of the Union would not uow be in so great peril. But abolition fanati- | cism has been allowed to run riot in the land. Revolutionary committees have been publicly organized, immense sums of money have been raised, armies enlisted and equipped, aud sent into tlie territory to make war upon its inhabi tants. War, actual war, has been waged upon the people of Kansas—their blood has been shed, and their property plundered and de stroyed. And now when the proslavery men are aroused to the desperate necessity of self defence—when the hour of retribution is tit hand—we hear of writs for the arrest of the authors of the outrageous and disgraceful state of affairs in Kansas. We hope that it is not too late to retrieve the past, and that prompt and summary justice will be done to the lead ers of the rebellion against the constitution and laws of the country. If ever traitor forfeited his vile neck to tho halter, and his name to lasting infamy, Lane, Reeder, Brown, Eldridge, Pomeroy, and the rest of the murderous elan of marauding knaves now at the head of the insurrection in Kansas, have forfeited theirs, and unless the Govern ment brings them to justice, it will forfeit the respect and confidence of all honest, law abid ing men. Justice must be done. Nothing short of a complete vindication of the laws wil appease the outraged people of the South. — Nothing less will put an end to the present strife, and give peace and security to the South. There must bo no empty formalities—no tech nical shuffling. If treason and rebellion, ra pine aud murder, such as theirs, is permitted to go unpunished, then our Government is a mockery, and should be at an end. The Government did not interfere to prevent Lane’s formidable invasion of the territory— and if it interferes now, it must b” to suppress the insurrection which his party has inaugu rated, aud to bring its authors to certain pun ishment. Death of Dr. Huls9, U. S. N. The Pensacola Gazette, of the 2d inst., says: “It is our painful task to record the death of our much esteemed friend, Dr. Isaac Hulse, [Surgeon U. S. N., which occurred on the 29th ult., at the U. S. Naval Hospital, Warrington, Fla., after an illness protracted through a long period, and characterized by the most cute suffering. He lias at length found repose iu the gentle embrace of death. “ Dr. Hulse was born at Coram, Brookhaven, Long Island, August 31, 1797, aud entered the Navy May, 1823, consequently was at his death fifty-nine years of age, having seen thirty-three years of honorable, faithful and efficient service as Surgeon of the U. S. Navy. He lias spent many years on this station, and by his courteous and gentlemanly deportment he had drawn around him|a large circle of de voted friends, by whom his loss will be long and deeply felt. By liis disinterested benevo lence and constant readiness to minister to the wants of suffering humanity, for which his acknowledged eminence in his profession so well qualified him, he bas endeared himself to the hearts of the poor and afflicted by ties which death itself cannot sever.” Punch on Headache. The female headaches ai'e innumerable, hut they arise piincipally from vexation and disap pointment. They may be divided into nervous and sick headaches. Tho nervous is irritable and cannot bear being spoken to. The sick is despondent or sulky, and bursts into tears at the least contradiction. When a lady cannot have her own way, a headache is the painful consequence. An unpopular visiter brought home accidentally to dinner will pro duce an alarming attack of headache and the symptoms that successively follow are, instant loss of appetite, deafness, peevishness, hysteria, and finally a precipitate retreat to the bedroom. The poor servants feel the effects of the head ache as much as any one, and do not stop in the room longer than they can help. These unfortunate headaches are very frequent about that time of tho year when every one is, or is supposed to be, out of town, and do not cease until the patient has beeu carried to the sea s' J e for a chi.ngo of air. The milder forms will vanish upon the application of a piece of jewelry ; or if tin forehead is wrapped up iu anew shawl, it is astonishing with wlmt rap idity the puiu disappears. Sometimes a shift ing of tho scene is requisite, ami thus a box in the Opera has been known to produce an in- i stnntaneous cure, even when the headache in question has been of the most stunning des cription, and the opera played has been one of Verdi’s. ♦ - ■ We understand from a gentleman who was present at the examination before the Magis trates, that Gabriel Ftubbs was on Monday last hold to bail iu the sum of three thousand dollars, to be and appear at tho next Term of Scriven Superior Coin t, to answer to an indict- ; ment for homicide on the body of a negro man by the name of Bill, belonging to Major Willis I Young, of Scriven county. The crime was committed on the 26th ultimo.— Savannah Re publican. The Mount Vernon hotel, which was burnt at Cape Island, New Jersey outlie night of the 6th inst., was regarded as among the largest hotels in the world, and able to accommodate three thousand persons. Philip Cain, the lessee, Andrew Cain, Martha Cain and Mrs. j Alberton, lost their lives in the flumes. Mrs. Cain was not among the victims. Letter from Judge Niabet. Macon, Ga., Sep- Ist, 1856. lion. 11. (i. Lamar! My Dear Sir: In your letter of 7th July last, you say ‘‘ repented enquiries have been made of mo’as to the course you would deem it your duty to pursure in the approaching Pres idential contest ?” And your father say, “will you favor mo by placing it iu my power to an- , swer these enquiries in the authentic form of a letter from yourself, with the privilege of its ! publication? ” Before the receipt of your letter, I had, in private ceiiversntiori, announced a purpose to vote for Mr. Buchanan unless it should become manifest that Mr. Fillmore would be more likely to prevail against Fremont. I have withheld my answer until I could determine with reasonable certainty, the probability of Mr. Fillmore’s election. 1 know that his ‘ friends are sanguine in hope that if not elec ted by the people, yet he may be elected by the House. After a careful and anxious survey of the whole ground, I am constrained tolelieve that there is no hope of his election iu any event. Such being ruy conviction, I feel it is due to myself and my friends of the American Party, to right, and to tay country, to avow publicly my determination to cast my vote for Mr. Buchanan. That this determination will be heard with regret by some and with sur prise by others, I suppose may be true; that others still will fail to appreciate my motives and censure my course, I have reason to ap prehend. Yet lam satisfied that the larger part of the people of Georgia who know me, will give me credit for honest motives and conscientious convictions. The times require sacrifices and justify a change of political po sition. The crisis of the American Union is now in action and that is the crisis of Protestant Christianity and of civil liberty. I shall not labor to demonstrate these propositions. To tho good and wise such labor is unnecessary, and to such as are on any account indifferent to the perils which environ us, unavailing. It is too late to reason with those who really de sire the destruction of the Union—it is with them a foregone conclusion ; they would not believe if one should rise from the dead. Do not the dead speak to them ? Speak in their preoepts —their recorded entreaties, and their mighty example? Washington and Ulay, Jackson and Webster, and a host of really great men besides, have argued aud do now argue this question, with almost super-human power. They brought to discussion an order of manliness —a type of patriotism—a sublim ity of moral courage, and an intellectual strength unknown to tiie men of this day. I am not ashamed to sit at their feet. lam proud that my own poor sense of obligation impels me in the line of their illustrious exam ple. Neither my conscience, nor my children, nor my country, shall reproach me with hav ing failed to do, what little I may do, to perpet uate blessings so inappreciably great as the people of this country now enjoy. Among these things, not the least is the right to free dom of opinion—a l ight which I exercise in the communication which through you I now make to tlie public. I have shrunk from this duty with painful sensibility. I meet it sim ply because under all tiie circumstances of the case I believe it to be a duty. Y r our are aware that l have been for many years a whig. The noble old Whig Party, af ter years of honorable contestation under tho lead of as gallant and able and as pure men, as ever graced the annuls of any party, bas been disbanded. Whilst there are both at the North and the South thousands who adhere to the principles of that Party, yet they are with out organization, and without nationality.— Asa party, the whigs are impotent to control the destinies of the Union, and are in fact in tlie minority in almost all, if not all, the States. Their power to serve the country now lies in the control which they may as individ uals or as an organized minority, exercise over the action of the dominant party. That is by no means small. Their vocation is still high and holy. When the American Party was or ganized, finding many of tho principles identi cal with tlioso which as a whig, I had long held, and approving with unconditional hear tiness the distinctive doctrines which they avowed as to the naturalization laws, I became an American. 1 can foresee no event that can force me to repudiate the principles of that party. But scarcely was it organized before at the North it became subservient to freesoil policy, and with shameless prostitution, gave itself to tlie embrace of those wlio are the en emies alike of the institutions „f the South, the Constitution of the Union and the religion of Heaven. That was a declaration of its dis solution. It became at the North a sectional party; at the South it is what it always was, true to its own section—true to the Constitu tion, and true to the great idea of American nat onality, Mr. Filhnoro is the candidate of tho Amer ican Party South, and a just and honored and honoring exponent of its principles. Ido not suppose that any one can now question the fact that the American Party is without na tionality. Ido not mean to say that its prin ciples are not national—they are national al though they are Southern. 1 mean to say, that it does not pervade the Union—that it is without power to control the States of the North, and I sincerely believe is in the minor ity in all the Southern States. The conclu sion therefore is, that it cannot elect its can didate. This I think is true, notwithstanding the support the old line whigs will carry to Mr. Fillmore. That support, although it may be general, will by no means be universal.— There arc many, very many of the old line whigs, who, influenced by considerations above all party ties, will, like myself, lend their aid to the election of Mr. Buchanan. So much and no more for the extinct parties and my relation to them. What is now the condition of things? Dis- I ferent from what it ever has been, and such as i excite the most serious apprehension for the safety of the Union. Heretofore, the contests ‘■ of the Union have been waged between the Whig and Democratic parties—both national. Now, the .struggle for the Government is be tween a purely sectional party and all other parties. Heretofore, both of the great parties believed that the success of either wou! ’ rot involve peril to the Union, because they be lieved that the prevailing party would admin ister the Government; under the Constitution, with a .just regard to the interests of all* arts j of the Union. This is unquestionably true, notwithstanding real differences between them upon questions both of domestic and foreign policy, and notwithstanding the bitter mutuul denunciation of tlie party press. Now, without -topping to enquire what the | Froesou Party may believe of us, no man in the Union who is not himself a Frecsoner, can fail to know and believe that if tha f arty should prevail, the Government will be ad ministered in violation of the Constitution, upon principles strictly sectional, and with au already openly avowed purpose to aggrandize the North at the exponso of the South. Who can doubt this when abolition is the cement of its platform, aud “Freedom” is the cry that stirs the North and North-western mind into such prodigious activity, and lias rallied to its bantu, ioe conservatism that has so long resist ed its treasonable and infidel poliey. Who can doubt when holding power in one branch of the National Legislature, the Freesoil Party to inaugurate the reign of “ Freedom,” have perpetrated revolution by withholding sup plies. Iu this the beginning of the end ? | Heretofore both parties have believed that the President elect, clothed with the executive powers of a great people, sworn to maintain the Constitution, influenced by the moral con siderations of almost overwhelming magnitude i and stimulated by motives grand enough to create and ennoble capacity, would be the President of the Nation. Should Freemont I be elected, his alternative will be to abide the instructions of liis constituency and become the tool of a revolutionary f action ; or through a national administration reach the distinction of treason to his friends He will not hesitate : which of the two to choose. With a majority | in the House—with the Executive branch of j the Government and all its appliance of in fluence wielded by a willing tool, a few revolv ing years will enable the Freesoil Party to command the Senate. When that is attained it is manifest that they will proceed at once to consummate their avowed purposes. If not by some bold and wanton act of aggression upon the Slave States, yet by legislation equally decisive in its results—for example : the repeal of the fugitive slave law, the repeal of the Missouri Compromise repeal, the abo lition of slavery iu the District, and the prohibition of slavery in the territories. To such legislation the South will not submit— ought not submit. The election of Fremont will be the first scene in the drama of disunion ; anti-slavery legislation tho second ; the third and last will be fratricidal war. If our Union could be peaceably dissolved, however deeply to be de plored, the event might be contemplated with some degree of resignation. I confess that I have no idea that a peaceable severance is at all practicable. Such are my views of the results of the triumph of the Freesoil powers in the ap proaching election. That it will triumph, all concede there is imminent danger. To prevent that triumph is in my judgment the highest ob ligoßnnJ of patriotism. To fulfil that obliga tion I can perceive no practical way, but to vote for the democratic candidate. If Mr. Buchanan can defeat Fremont and Mr. Fill more cannot, and the successofFremontwillbe followed by the dissolution of the Union, the case is fully made out without further argumen tation : if these statements are true, I do not perceive that for mo there remains any altern ative. In a contest between the Union and my party principles—l go for the Union. In an inevitable struggle between sections, and that apparently a final struggle, my fortunes and my efforts are with my own section. What are my principles worth if 1 am to lose the Union ? And what avails my preference of Mr. Fillmore, if he, and I, and the South, are to bo sacrificed ? I assume that Mr. Bu chanan may be elected, and that Mr. Fillmore cannot. I may possibly be mistaken, but such is my opinion, and I must act upon my own judgment fallible though it be. It may be said that Mr. Buchanan can be elected with out your aid, aud why swell the triumph of an ancient opponent ? To this I reply, that it is of vast moment, not only that Mr. Buch anan should be elected, but that he should be elected and go into office with the moral power of the entire South to sustain him. and with the sanction of an overwhelming popular ma jority. Farther, it is not certain that he can be elected without my aid—without my single suffrage, and lam determined that sc far as my vote is potential, he shall not be subjected to the remotest chance of a defeat. Too much is at stake to rely upon contingencies. Again it is said that the people will fail to elect, and in the House Mr. Fillmore can be elected. The devolving of the election upon tlie House is an event to be deprecated. I look upon it as a calamity only less than the inauguration of Mr. Fremont. At any time it would be unfortunate—no wit would be dis astrous. The passions, prejudices and rival ries of the Union are there concentrated.— Sectionalism is more incontrolable in the House than among the people. A single man there casts the vote of a State, and that State as potent in the choice of Presidents as New York. It is corruption’s fairest field. Vio lence, if not madness, would rule the hour. Disruption would be the probable consumma tion, and if that should not ensue, the founda tions of the government would be shaken in the fiercest of the struggle. But there we encounter tho same danger of the success of Fremont that we now meet be fore the people. Let it be conceded, however, that he could not be elected by the House, what then will be Mr. Fillmore’s position ? Suppose that Mr. Fillmore goes into the House with the support of four States aud Mr. Buchanan twelve, and this is a supposition most favora ble to Mr. Fillmore—is if to be expected that tlie twelve would yield to the four? The rea sonable conclusion is that the four would yield to the twelve and Mr. Buchanan he elected ; and thus would be effected through the dangers of the House, what may be effected peaceably, through the Electoral Colleges. Is it claimed that the Free States will go for Fillmore when all hope of electing their man is lost ? The claim is unfounded; they will stand upon their can didate. Upon the hypothesis that they will choose between Mr Buchanan and Mr Fillmore, I see no reason for believing that they will prefer the latter to the former. Upon their principles Mr. Fillmore is quite obnoxious to them as Mr. Buchanan. But yield the point that Mr. Fillmore can be elected by Free States in tlie House, then I say that it is not desira ble. In that event he will go into office by the suffrage of the Freesoil power. As the friend of Mr. Fillmore I would not subject him to a j position of such painful responsibility. I do verily believe that lie would meet it firmly, | wisely and justly. Yet elected by the North, j it is clear that he would encounter there im perious exactions, aud on thepart of the South ■ jealousy and distrust. In any event his elec tion under si:rh circumstances would perpetu uto the distressing agitation cf the country. \ ou perceive that the principles upon which 1 base my course, do not require me either to disclaim or affirm the Platform of tho Demo cratic Party. 1 have a thorough disregard for Platforms. They are redecinlcss humbugs. I do not therefore judge of a Party by its Plat- i forma, but by its action when in Power, aud its relations to the country. Tho Democratic Party is the only national party which the troubles of the times have left to honest men. If it be a sectional Party, it is tho Party of my own section. I will not dis guise ilit- fact, that Mr. Buchanan commends himseit to me as the exponent of the most con servative part of the Democratic Party—as an able and experienced Statesman, and as a gen tleman of Unimpeachable private character. He and liis partyare fully with us ontho great 1 slavery issues of the day. My hope—nay, my belief is, that, if elected, he will administer the government upon Constitutional principles —that being raised to power mainly by South ern suffrage, and indorsing as he has done, Southern views, he will protect Southern rights —that during his term of office the conserva tive elements of the nation will have time to come into legitimate action—that the storm of . fanaticism and sectional folly will the Federal Union be preserved. Respectfully, your friend, E- A. NISBET le. From New Orleans. New Orleans, Sept, p The demand to-day was fair, and sales fr . up 600 bales, without any change in p r j c .. Fair Sugar OJc. From Charleston. Charleston, Sept, p The sales of the week foot up 700 bales advancing rates. Good Middling ; dling Fair 12c. Later From Kansas. New York, Sept. 10.— Tho authorities „j Lecompton have issued writs for the arrest ot Lane and his officers. Gen. Smith has tletai ed 14 companies to assist in serving the writ! Tecuniseh has been sacked. New York Markets. New York, Sept. 10. —Cotton is firm, witi, prices favorable to sellers. Sales to-day of 1,000 bales—for two days 4,000. Middlin’ j Uplauds quoted at life. The Maritime Proposition—English Opinion upon Mr. Marcy’s Letter. The English press take various views of the proposition from the United States govern, ment, to make the private property of citizens of belligerent powers ou the high seas, exetup> from capture or seizure. The London Time, seems disposed to favor it, the London Post assails it, the Chronicle likes the principle but doubts the policy. The Post, after comparin’ England’s vast naval force with that of the United States, says: “ Now, in these days, wars are rapidly be coming matters more of exhaustion than of mere fighting—that is to say, victory belon : uot to that nation which sends forth the belt soldiers, but that which can longest support, the exertions necessary to maintain hostilities —science having made them more a question of endurance than of vigor. This was forci bly illustrated by the last war, which waster minated by the complete exhaustion of Hus sia, whilst France was already exhibiting symptoms of distress, and England was hard, ly affected at all; and it is to this power ot endurance that we must look for success in ail future wars. We do not want a war with America; but we must look upon it us an even tuality not impossible, and we must consider how it is to be carried on; not by land, for there she is unassailable ; hardly against her war navy, for with such disproportionate num bers it could do but little mischief. It is in her commerce that she is chiefly vulnerable, and that alike the source of her greatness: and tho security she give the rest of the world that she will keep the peace is precisely what Mr. Marcy asks us, in the event of a war, to consider inviolate—that is to say, in case tlie American government chooses to quarrel with us, we are to abstain from doing what would be ruinous to the Union—distasteful to every itidiviual of the sovereign people, especially those whose property was captured—and cer tain to bring the war to a speedy and satisfac tory termination ; and all this to induce an expiring Cabinet to accept from us tlie relin quishment of the maritime advantages which are inherent in our maritime superiority.” The Manchester Standard argues—“ There is no disguising the fact that America would gain by vastly such an understanding, and that the security thus provided for her vast com mercial marine would more than compensate for the loss she might sustain, abandoning the right of privateering ; but it is an advantage, notwithstanding, which would be shared in a very largo degree by this country. Our mer chant service would be uninterrupted during war, and our navy wculdconsequently be freed from the duties of protection and convoy and would be wholly available for operations of of fence and defence against the enemy. War would thus become a conflict of armies against armies, and navies against navies—not a sys tem of plunder and profit of individuals, as privateering made it within the memory of many now living amongst us. Wo have a strong impression that the commerce of Eng land would profit as much as that of the the United States by the adoption of the con dition proposed by the President; and we trust that it will not be rejected by our Gov ernment without careful and mature consider ation. Possibly France might object to it; but a separaxe convention might be concluded between England and the United States, abol ishing the right of capture of private property in any future war between the two countries The London Chronicle remarks: “The theo ry laid down by Mr. Marcy in liis dispatch on privateering, is perhaps destined to exercises most important influence on the future desti nies of mankind. It embodies the enunciation of a great principle, entirely in accordance with modern British police, and generally with the spirit of the age. Mr. Cobden was not so far wrong, at least in principle, when he ar gued that peace must be the complement of free trade. Although, in carrying out that theory, lie assumed an attitude ridiculously in advance of public opinion, or of the practicable means at tlie disposal of statesmen, yet it is remarkable what strides have since been made, and in how short a time, towards the accom plishment of his dream. * * It may be urged that America is peculiarly interested in the adoption of such a principle. She is scarcely more so than England herself; for vast and numerous though our naval forces be, ! there lias been a corresponding increase in j those of other maritime powers, and we luigbt j find that our hands were too full to provide ! convoys for our gigantic commerce. On the whole, therefore, this proposition of Mr. Mar : deserves to be regarded as something better , than an ebullition of arrogance, and it ®*. v | thus prove of incalculable advantage to man kind should American isolation and American pretensions lend to the erection of another great landmark of the advance of civilization. The Lanes. We find the following in the New York Times, which gives us to understand which is which: There arc three Lanes, and each of them very unlike either of the others. The first i j Col. Jas. 11. Lane, the leader of the Free State men in Kansas. Tlie second is General Lane, delegate in Congress from the Territory of Or egon—who was the friend of Col. Brooks in his affair with Mr. Burlingame; both these were formerly Democrats. The third is Hen ry S. Lane, of Indiana, an old Henry CIJ Whig, and one of the ablest stump speaker- - iu the West. It was he who presided over the Republican Convention of Philadelphia. There ..<.ro forty seven deaths in Charlesß' 3 last week—of this number sixteen died fi'°® yellow fever, four from bilious and one fie® typhoid fever, and the balance from other di eases. Sixty nine old line Whigs of Detroit 1> :I ” issued an appeal to their Whig friends of Mi’* 1 ’ igan, urging them as they value the Union the Constitution of their country, to supp yl ‘ the election of Buchanan and Breckenrid£ e ’