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31 tDcckln jTamtln Ncmspapcr—Dcuotei) to Ncids, politics, CUeratare, ©cncral 3ntclligcncc, Agriculture &c. &c.-~terns: tea Dollars in abtfdttce
NEW SERIES—YOL. I., NO. 22.
ATHENS, GA., THURSDAY MORNING-, DECEMBER 9, 1847. UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA LIBRARY
YQLUME XV. NUMBER 35.
R f THE LAItO BUT and C ■■ K A PE»T
APERS IN THE SOUTHERN STATES!
-ox:.. - / £ttf>l(s*c& Wtftls,
tl iAT TWO DOLLARS A YEAR !
- INVARIABLY IN AOVANCE.
J. H. CHRISTY X T. 31. LAMPKI.Y,
Letter* ofCi'uiion S3 75
Notice lo Debtor* and Creditors 325
r«Rf Month*' Nonce. 4 00
‘e ofPerv>nat Properly.by Executors. Adniinn-
Clan’s Speed).
SPEECH OP HENRY CLAY,
DclitrreJ before the Mass Meeting, at L-xington,
Ky., on Saturday, the DM ff Piatcmhtr.
After the organientrm of the meeting.
Mr. Clay rose and addressed it substan
tially ns follows:
Ladies and Gcntlenen,—The day is
dark and gloomy, unsettled and uncer-
iii i it i.- {lain, like the condition of our country,
3 ; in regard to the unnatural war with Mex-
*)'” J ^ 1 ico. The public mindfis agitated anti anx-
Other AdveriiKmenu will be charged 91(10for every | ious, and is filled with serious nppreben-
twelve tinea of «m all type, or lew, fir« m.crt'ion,and 50 gJonS IIS to its indefinite continuance, and
eenta for each weekly continuance. If j.uSli»N-d every i • .ii„
other week.62J cam* forescl* continuance. If publish.! ‘
cd once • month it will he charged 75
For a .ingle Insertion, 91 00 per equal
Advei
trator*. orGuardia
by do.
• of f>.*f
the consequences which
ils termination may bung forth, mean-'
the harmuny, if not the existence,
i ot «
Un
It is under these circumstances, I pre-
h l*tsent myself before you. No ordinary
occasion would have drawn me from
the retirement in which I live; but,
whilst a single pulsation of the human
heart remains, it should, if necessary,
be dedicated to the service of one’s coun
try. And I have hoped that, although
I am a private and humble citizen, an
i3U0fUC00 ©Crectory. i expression of the views and opinions I
----- - - - {entertain, might form
9y Notice of the .ate of Land* and N.
miniairatora. Executors, nr Guardians, mu.l be publish.
. , ad etxTv par* previous to day «f*ale
The sale of Personal Property, in like manner,
93r Notice in debtor, and creditor, of an dale mu.t
be pablished rorrv oar*.
tar Notice that Application will he made to the Court
of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Negro«a mu.t be
published rotm hosts*
little adtli-
A ALEXANDER & CO.,* Wholesale! *»o.i to the general slock of information,
• and Retail D«aler* in DRY GOODS. GRO- j and afford u small assistance in deliver-
CERIES, HARDWARE, &c., No ft,Granite Row, ing our country from the perils and dan-
Athens,Georgia. ho* 3, jg£L_ , gt . rs which surround it.
A J # BRADY, Wholesale and Retail, I havc come here with no purpose to
• Dealer in Groceries and Dry Good*, College attempt to make a fine speech, or i ny
Awnde, net door totb, l\»t Office, Alhpna, La ■ |,„ nl „„,, u , oralorical display. I have
A SA M. JACKSON, Attorney «t Law, l>rouglit with me no rhetorical bouqucisto
A WukiMville, G.. April 23 | throw into this assemblage. Intliecir-
• —-—-— ——!cle of the year, autumn has come, ami
A LIJON CHASE, Bookseller and Sin- j|| ie season of (lowers has passed away.
Jan 11 I In then - •
1Jl tionor, Droad street, Athena.
of year
_ _ ^ , my spring time
A ALEXANDER & CO., Wholesale i has gone by, and 1 loo am in the auturno
• and Retail Dealer* in Drugs, Medicines,! of Hie and feel lliefrosl of age. My tie-
Paints, Oils, Glass and Dye-Stuffs, sign of the , sire and aim are to address you, earncst-
! ly,calmly, seriously and plainly, upon the
' grave mid momentous subjects which
| have brought us together. And I am
i most solicitous that not a solitary word
may fall from me, offensive to any par
ty or person in the whole extent of the
C & W. J. PEEPLES, Attorneys at
• Law—Ollier* in Allien* and Gainesville, Ca.
Will continue the practice ,>l Law in the rountirm „f
Clark, Walton, Jackson, Gwinnett, Hall, Habersham
and Franklin,ofihe Wealern Circuit; Cherokee,Lump
kin and Fur*yth. of >he Cherokee Circuit; and Cobb,
of the Coweta Circuit.
_ .... t Office over the Store of W.
C.Pnru,. Aihen., J w . 4 B . P . ci. r ion
W. Picric. Gain,, ill,. - ~
TAMES BANCROFT & CO., Denlers
9) in Dry Good., Groceries, <fc., corner of Broad
and Spring street*, Athens, Ga. Ap 23
t. tawrata. Jon
UN&COBB, Dealers
k Groceries, dec. wholesale and retail, No! it is
TI/TALfcORY, FERRY & CO., Whole-
JU. calf and Retail Dealer* in Hals, Caps, Boots,
Shoe*, Tratlks, dtc., Broad street, Athens, Ga.
FREDERIC W. LUCAS.
Un
War, pestilence, and famine, by the
common consent of mankind, arc the
three greatest calamities which can 1
fall our species; and war, ns the m
direful, justly stands foremost and
front. Pestilence and famine, no doubt
for wise although inscrutable purposi
are inflictions of Providence, to which
duty, therefore, to bow
obedience, humble submission and res
ignation. Their duration is not long,
and their ravages arc limited. They
bring, indeed, great affliction whilst they
last, but society soon recovers from their
remain,where hisown good sense prompt-
ted him to believe he ought to remain,
at the point of Corpus Christi; and, if a
negotiation had been opened with Mex
ico, in a true spirit of amity and concil
iation, war possibly might have been
prevented. But, instead of this pacific
and moderate course, whilst Mr. Slidell
was bending his way to Mexico with his
diplomatic credentials, Gen. Taylor was
ordered to transport his cannon, and to
plant them, in a warlike attitude, oppo
site to Matatnoras, on the east bank of
the Rio Bravo, within the very dispu
ted territory, the adjustment of which
was to he the object of Mr. Slidell’s mis
sion. What else could have transpired
but a conflict of arms?
Thus the war commenced, and the
President, after having produced it, ap
pealed to Congress. A bill was proposed
to raise 50,000 volunteers, and in order
to commit all who should vote for it, a
preamble was inserted falsely attribu
ting the commencement of the war to
the act of Mexico. 1 have no doubt of
the patriotic motives of those who, after
struggling to divest the bill of that fla
grant error, found thcm>elves constrain
ed to vote for it. But 1 must say that
no earthly consideration would have ev
er tempted or provoked me to vote for a
bill, with a palpable falsehood stamped
on its lace. Almost idolizing truth, as
I do, I never, never, could have voted for
that bill.
The exceptionable conduct of the Fed
eral parly, during the last British war,
has excited an influence in the prosecu
tion of the present war, and prevented
a just discrimination between the two
wars. That was a war of National de
fence, required for the vindication of the
National rights and honor, and demand
ed by the indignant voice of the People.
President Madison himself, I know,
first, reluctantly and with great doubt
and hesitation, brought himself to the
conviction that it « ught to be declared.
A leading, and perhaps the most influ
ential member of bis cabinet, (Mr. Gal
latin) was, up to the time of its declara
tion, opposed to it. But nothing could
withstand the irresistible force of pub
lic sentiment. It was a just war, and
its great object,- as announced at the
time, was “Free Trade and Sailors'
Rights,” against the intolerable and op
pressive nets of British power on the
ocean. The justice of the war, far from
being denied or controverted,
milted by the Federal parly, which only
questioned it on considerations of policy.
Being deliberately anti constitutionally
declared, it was, 1 think, their duty to
have given it their hearty co-operation,
i But the mass of them did not. They
often prosecuted to promote alien and
other interests than those of the nation
whose chief had .proclaimed it, as in the
case of English wars for Hanoverian in
terest s ; and, in short that such a vast and
tremendous power ought not to be con
fided to the perilous exercise of one sin
gle man. The Convention, therefore,
resolved to guatd the war-making pow
er against those great abuses of which,
in the hands of a monarch, it was so
susceptible. And • the security against
those abuses which its wisdom devised
to vest the war-making power in
the Congress of the United States—be-
the immediate Representatives of the
People and the States. So apprehensive
and jealous was tlic Convention of its
abuse in other hands, that it interdicted
the exercise of the power to any State
the Union without the consent of Con-
»ss. Congress, then, in our system
of Government, is the sole depository
of that tremendous power. The Con
stitution provides that Congress shall
have the power to declare war, and
grant letters of marque and reprisal, to
make rules concerning captures on land
anti water, to raise and support armies,
to provide and maintain a navy, and to
make rules for the government of the
land and naval forces. Thus we per
ceive that the principal power in regard
to war, with ail its auxiliary attendants,
is granted to Congress. Whenever call
ed upon to determine upon the solemn
question of peace or war, Congress must
consider and deliberate and decide up
on the motives, objects and causes of the
war. And if a war be Commenced with
out any previous declaration of its ob
jects, as in the case of the existing wai
ith Mexico, Congress must necessarily
Prior to the declaration of the last war His lieutenants quarrelled -and warred
against Great Britaiu, in all the restrie-J with each other, as to the spoils of his
live measures which Congress adopted,; victories, and finally lost them all.—
against the two great belligerent Powers ! Ccesar, after conquering Gaul, returned,
of Europe, clauses were inserted in the j with his triumphant legiohs to Rome,
several acts establishing them, tender-1 passed the Rubicon, won the battle
Pharsalia, trampled upon the Iihertte
of his country, and expire.! by the
triot hand of Brutus. But li<
cd to be free. War and conr
eneivated anti corrupted the i
The spirit of true liberty was e
iguish-
tnperors sue-
ere the most
vt-r existed in
_ to both or either of the belligerents
the abolition of those restrictions if they
would repeal their hostile Berlin and
Milan decrees and orders in Council,
operating against our commerce and
navigation. And these acts of Congress
ariably communicated, through j cd, and a Ion
the Executive, by diplomatic notes, to
France and Great Britain, as the basis
upon which it was proposed to restore
friendly intercourse with them. So;
after the termination ofihe war, various
acts of Congress were passed, from time
to time, offering to Foreign Powers the
principle of reciprocity in the commerce j Thiers, proud Albion
and navigation of the United States
with them. Out of these acts have
sprung a class, and a large class, of
treaties, (four or five of which were ne
gotiated, whilst I was in the Department
of State,) commonly called reciprocity a wretched captive, and far rem<
treaties, concluded under all the Presi- J from country, family, ami frie
pa
st had
has been the fruitful cause of dissatis
faction and discontent between the Irish
and the English nations. Is there not
reason to apprehend that it would be
come so between the people of the UnH
ted States and those of Mexico, if they
were united together? Why should Wef
seek to interfere with them in their mode
of worship of a common Saviour? W0
believe that they arc wrong, especially
in the exclusive characterof their faith*
and that we are right. They think that
they are right and we wrong. What
other rule can there be than to leave
the followers of each religion to theif
own solemn convictions of conscientious
duty towards God? Who, but the
great Arbiter of the Universe, can judge
in such a question? For my own part*
l sincerely believe and hope, that those*
who belong to all the departments of
the great church of Christ, if, irt truth
and purity, they conform to the doc*
reded, some of whom u
execrable monsters that i
human form. Ami that
dinarv man, perhaps, in all history, af
ter subjugating all continental Fair
occupying almost all its Capitals, i
sly threatening, according to Mr.
self, atid deck-
brows of var ious members of hit
family, with crowns torn from the heads . ...... ... „
of other monarchs, lived to behold his ! trines which they profess.will ultimately
own dear France itself in the possession j secure an abode in those regions of bliss*
of his enemies, and was made himself. which all aim finally to reach. I think
vedjthat there is no potentate in Europe*
whatever his religion.may be, nir.re en-*
possess the authority, at any time, to de-1 regarded as concurrent, Congress can
clare for what purposes it shall be fur-1 previously decide the objects to which
thcr prosecuted. If we suppose Con-’
the voluntary work of | continued to oppose anti thwart it, to
P LEASANT STOVALL, renews the
tenifelrof hi* services in the Storage *ni] «i)e
of COTTON and other Produce, *t his fire-prool
Warehouse, August*. G». Aug 7,1847
PEEPLES & CAMP, Wholesale and
JL Retail Dealers in Groceries, Drv Goods, Hard
ware, Crockery, &c.. No 7,Granito Row, Broad St.
Aihen*, Gtu Nov 6,1847
T BISHOP, Wholesale and Retail Gro-
• ccr, No I, Broad street, Athens, Ga.
II. a. WHITE, Merchant Toiler,
• next door to Alexander’s Drug Store, Col
lege Avenue, Athens. May 20
WILLIAM A. LEWIS, Attorney at
If Law; Cummin", Forsyth county. Georgia
wilt practice in the counlie* compotinp the Cherokee
Circuit. All profetsionsland -athcr business entruairtj
to bis management, will meet with prompt i»n<l laiihfu
attention. tVcrmlwr 3
TAN HOVTEN X BARRETT,
COACH-MAKERS, ATHENS.
Beg leave to inform their friends and th<
ihl c generally, that they occupy the OLD
‘ i tho South- went corner of the *qi
on which tht Methodiat Church stand*—whore t
have on hand several VEHICLE^, and are cmeta
mauufacniriax all descriptions of CARRIAGES.
lYalckei.
CONSTANTLY en hand,
splendid Rssortment of Gold and
Silver Dup!ex,P*tent Lever, An-
ress does not possess the controlling au
thority attributed to it; if it be contend
ed that a war, having been once com
menced, the President of the United
States may direct it to the accomplish
ment of any objects he pleases, without
consulting and without any regard to the
will of Congress, the Convention will
have utterly failed in guardinglhe nation
against the abuses and ambitionof a single
individual. Either Congresnor the Pres
ident must have the right ofdetermining
upon the objects for which a war shall
be prosecuted. There is no other alter
native. If thb President possess it, and
may prosecute it for objects against the
will of Congress, where is the difference
between our free Government and that
of any other nation which may be gov
erned by an absolute Czar, Emperor, or
King? .
Congress may omit, as it has omitted
in the present war, to proclaim the ob
jects for which it was commenced or has
been since prosecuted, and in cases of
such omission the President,being charg
ed with the employment and direction
dents, from Mr. Madison to Mr. Van Bu* ’ breathed his last on the distant and in-1 lightened or at this moment so interest-*
ren inclusive. And, with regard to I hospitable rock of St. Helena. The , ing as the liberal head ofihe Pdpatl See*
commercial treaties, negotiated without j Alps and the Rhine had been claimed j But I suppose it to be imposiule that
the sanction of prior acts of Congress, I as the natural boundaries of France*; those who favor, if there he any who f* J
where they contained either appropria-j but even these could not be secured in j vor the annexation of Mexico to the
tions or were in conflict with unrepealrtl j the treaties to which she was reduced j United States, can think that it ought
statutes, it lias been ever held as the ] to submit. Do you believe that the peo-:to be perpetually governed by military
republican doctrine from Mr. Jay’s j pie of Mncedon, or Greece, of Rome, or 1 sway. Certainly no votary of human
treaty down to tho present time, that of France, were benefilled, individually i liberty could deem it right that a viola*
the passage of acts of Congress was | or collectively by the triumphs of their j tion should be perpetrated ot the great
necessary to secure the execution of i great Captains? Their sad lot was im-1 principles of our own revolution* accord-*
those treaties. If in the matter of For-j mensc sacrifice of life, heavy and iiitol-j ing to which, laws ought not to bo efi*
ei«*n Commerce, in respect to which the | erablc burdens and the ultimate loss of, acted and taxes ought not to be levied,
Congress to regulate 1 liberty itselh j without representation on the part of
That the power of the United States j those who are to obey the one and pay
competent to the conquest of Mexico, i the other. Then, Mexico is to partict-
quite probable. But it could not be! pate itt our councils and equally share
achieved without frightful carnage, 1 in our legislation and government. Bat,
dreadful sacrifices of human life, and I suppose she would not voluntarily choose
the creation of an onerous national debt; | repres’tives to the national Cong., is oaf
nor could it be completely effected, in i soldiery to follow the electors to the
all probability, until after the lapse of j ballot-box, and by force to compel them*
many years. It would be necessary to [at the point ofihe bayonet, to deposit
occupy all its strongholds, to disarm its 1 their ballots ? And how are the nine
nhabitantSj and to keep them in con-j millions of Mexican people to be fepre*
ibjection. To consum-j sented ii^tlie Congress of the United
power vested
it and the treaty making power may be
a hands, and whatever reproach- i discourage loans and enlistments, tode-
s it may deserve should be directed to uy the power of the Federal Government
urselves. When it breaks out, itsdu- to march the militia beyond our limits,
iiiion is indefinite and unknown—its j and to hold a Hartford Convention,
ieissitudes are hidden from our view, which, whatever were its real objects.
In the sacrifice of human life, and in j bore the aspect of seeking a dissolution of the national force is, necessarily, left
waste of human treasure, in ils los-| 0 f the Union itself. They lost and justly to his own judgment to decide upon the
and in its burthens, it effects both j lost, the public confidence. But 1ms not objects, to the attainment of which that
belligerent nations ; and its sad effects i a n apprehension of a similar fate, in a ‘ • •• • " * ~
gled bodies, of death, and of ties- j state of case widely different, repressed
olaiion, endure long after its thunders | a fearless expression of their real senti-
ofour public men?
hushed in peace. War unhin^
ciety, disturbs ils |>eaceful and regular
industry, and scatters poisonous seeds
of disease ant! immorality, which con
tinue to germinate and diffuse their bane
ful influence long after it has ceased.
Dazzling by its glitter, pomp and page
antry, it begets a spirit of wilt! adven
ture and romantic e iterprise, and often
disqualifies those who embark in it, after
their return from the blood v fields ofliat-
me**ts in some
How totally variant is • the present
war! This is no war of defence, but
one of unnecessary and offensive ag
gression. It is Mexico that is defend
ing her firesides, her castles, and her
altars, not we. And how different also
is the conduct of the Whig party of the
present day from that of the major part
of the Federal party during the war of
1S12! Far from interposing any obsta
ll e, from engaging in the industrious and j cles to the prosecution of the war. if the
peaceful vocatous of life. j Whigs in office are reproachablc at all,
Wc are informed by a statement it «for having lent too ready a facility
which is apparently correct, that the i to it, without careful examination
number of our countrymen slain in this the objects of the war. And out of of-
lainentablc Mexican war, although it has I lice, who have rushed to the prosecution
yet been of only eighteen months exist-! of the war with more ardor aud alacrity
cnce, is equal to one-half of the whole i than the Whigs? Whose hearts hav
of the American loss during the seven j bled more freely than thoseofthe Whigs?
years’ war of the Revolution ! And I < Who have more occasion to mourn the
venture to assert that the expenditure loss of sons, husbands, brothers, fathers,
chor Esc*n*tneht. Lcpihe and {of treasure which it has occasioned, when
shall come to be fairly ascertained and
fiurictl up, will be found to be more than
half of the pecuniary cost of the war of
independence. And this is the
StVertiele WATCHES, selected
? with care and warranted prrlect
* time-keeper*.
Please call and examine our stock and prices, at
the new Watch and Jejjrelry^ Store^of
Jnly 30
than Whig parents, Whig wives, and
Whig brothers, in this deadly and
profitable strife?
But the havoc of war is in progress,
and the no less deplorable havoc of an
THE NEWTON HOUSE,
Athena, Ucsrfla.
Tn* subscriber sononnees to ihe public,
■ that he haseneased ihieelcsai.tand spacious
’and that it i* now open for the accommo-
\ daiieu of Boarders and Travslk-r*.
V Tbs House is entirely new, and unrivalled in convrn.
‘ ^ team of smngttweni. The room# are atl beautiful, and
eriU bs fined up .with Rtw and elesant furniture. It is
the purpose of the proprietor lo spare no pain* in ren
dering the accommodation# of this Uouse every way
satisfactory to those who may call apon him.
B.H. MARTIN.
;tioa and Commission Business.
[. W. SHACKLEFORD,
made such arrangements with A. &
BAXTER, ns to enable ]tim to meet
d« of sock a business, beg* leave to
_ fHends and tbs public generally,;hat be
is oow prepared to carry on the ■ £
Auction 6c Commission Business,
In all Its Branches,
And will keep constantly on hand a well-selected
1 flock of MERCHANDIZE, of every variety.
(7*fl6 hopes to receive n liberalshare of patronage.
Bartering and Halr-Drcetlng.
HANSEL DILLARD,
XI ESPECTFUU.Y informs the citizens of Atb-
JVens and tic pobliegenerally, that be will, at
«U time* be found at his Shop, happy to accommo
date thorn who favor him with their patronage.
Athens, Nor. 12,1846.
Without indulging in an unnecessary re
trospect aud useless reproaches uj;
past, all hearts and heads should unite
the patriotic endeavor to bring it to
satisfactory close. Is there no way
that this can be done? Must wc blind
ly continue the conflict, without any vis
ible object, or anj prospect of a definite
dilion of the party whose arms have been i inhospitable and pestilential climate.—-
everywhere and constantly victorious! 1 W J
How did we unhappily get involved
in this war? It was predicted as the
consequence of the annexation of Texas
to the United Stales. 'If we had not Tex
as, we should hove no war. The peo
ple were told that if that event happen
ed, war would ensue. They were told
that the war between Texas and Mexico
had not been terminated hv a treaty or
peace; that Mexico still claimed Texas
! as a revolted province : and that, if
received Texas in our Union, wc took
along with her, the war existing between
her and Mexico. And the minister of
Mexico formally announced to the Gor*
ernmeni at Washington, that his natron
would consider the annexation of Texas
to the United States as producing a state
of war. But all this was denied by the
partisans of annexation. They insisted
we should have no war, and even impu
ted lo those who foretold it, sinister mo
tives for their groundless prediction.
But, notwithstanding a state of virtu*
al war necessarily resulted from the fact
of annexation of one of the belligerents to
ihe United Suues,nctoal hostilities might
have been probably averted by prudence,
moderation and wise statesmanship. If
General Taylor had been permitted to
force shall he applied. But whenever
Congress shall think proper to declare,
by some authentic act, for what purposes
a war shall commence or continue, it is
the duty of the President to apply the
national force to the attainment of those
purposes. In the instance of the last
war with Great Britain, the act of Con
gress by which it was declared was pre
ceded by a message of Pr.esident Mad
ison enumerating the wrongs and inju-
of which we complained against
Great Britain. That message therefore*
and without it the well known objects of
the war, which was a war purely ol de
fence, rendered it unnecessary that Con
gress should particularize, in the act, the
specific objects for which it was proclaim
ed. The whole world knew it was a
war waged for Free Trade and Sailors’
Rights.
It may be urged that the President and
Senate possess the treaty making pow
er, without any express limitation as to
its exercise; that the natural and ordi
nary termination of a war is by a treaty
of peace ; und therefore Uiat the Presi
dent and Senate must possess the pow
er to decide what stipulations and con
ditions shall enter into such a treaty.—
But it is not more true that the Presi
dent and Senate possess the treaty mak
ing power, without limitation, than that
Congress possesestlie war making power
without restriction. These two powers
then ought to be so interpreted as to
concilc the one with the other; aud,
expounding the constitution, we ought
keep constantly in view the nature
jotiation shall be applied, how much
stronger is the case of war, the power
declare which is confided exclusively
to Congress?
I conclude, therefore, Mr. President
and Fellow-Citizens, with entire confi
dence, that Congress has the right, ei
ther at the beginning, or during the
prosecution of any war, to decide the
objects and purposes for which it was
proclaimed, or for which it ought to be
continued. And, I think, it is the duty
of Congress, by some deliberate and
authentic act to declare for what objects
the present war shall be longer prose
cuted. I suppose the President would
not hesitate to regulate his conduct by
the pronounced will of Congress, and to
employ the force and the diplomatic
powerof the nation to execute that will.
But if the President should decline
or refuse to do so, and, in contempt of
the supreme authority of Congress,
should persevere in waging the war, for
other objects than those proclaimed by
Congress, then it would be the impera
tive duty of that body to vindicate its I ty of
authority, by the most stringent, and I a
effectual, and appropriate measures.—
And if, on the contrary, the enemy
should refuse to conclude a treaty, con
taining stimulations securing the objects
designated by Congress, it would be
come the duly of the whole government
to prosecute the war with all the nation
al energy, until those objects were di
stant fear and ^ w
mate the work, I presume that standing' States of America and the Congress of
armies* not less than a hundred thou- * the United States of the Republic of
sandmen, would be necessary, to be j Mexico combined ? Is every Mexican*
kept pe:!iaps always in the bosom of j without regard to color or caste* per
their country. These standing armies, capitum, to exercise the elective fran*
revelling iu a foreign land, and nccus-! chise ? How is the f^unta of repra«*u-
tomed to trample upon the liberties of a tation between the two Republics to bo
foreign people, at some distant day, fixed ? Where is their Seat of Coin-
igln be fit and ready instroritents, un
der the lead of some daring and un
principled chieftain, to return to their
country and prostrate the public liberty.
Supposing the conquest to be once
made, what is to be clone with it? Is
mon Government to be established -
And who can foresee or foretell, if Mex*
ico, voluntarily or by force, were lo
share in the common government what
would be the consequences to her or to
Unprepared, as I fear her popu-
it to he governed, like Roman Provinces, lation yet is, for’ the practical enjoy-
by Proconsuls? Would it be qompati- meat of self-government, and of habits,
ble with the genius, character, and safe-j customs, language, laws, and religion*
ir free institutions, to keep such j so totally different from our own, we
country as Mexico, with a pop-* should present the revolting spectacle
ulutiou of not less than nine millions, in I of a confused, distracted, and motley
a state of constant military subjugation? ! government. We should have a Mex't-
Sliall it he annexed to the United can party* a Pacific ocean party, an At-
States? Does any considerate man be- lantic‘party in addition to the other
Iieve it possible that two such immense j parties, which exist, or with which wc
countries, with territories of nearly i are threatened, each striving to execute
equal extent, with populations so incon- f its own particular views and purposes,
gruous, so different in race, in language, | and reproaching the others with thwart*
and in laws, could be blend-1 ing and disappointing them. The Mex-
tajned by a treaty of peace. There 0 # . w .. . ~
be no insuperable difficulty in Congress ed together In one harmonious mass, ican representation in Congress, would
making such an authoritative declara- and happily governed by one common | probably form a separate and impenc*
tion. Let it resolve, simply, that the war ' authority ? Murmurs, discontent, in- 1 trable corps, always ready to throw it*
shall or shall not* be n war of conquest; I surrections, rebellion, would inevitably I self into the scale of any other parly, to
and, if a war of conquest, what is to be . ensue, until the incompatible pans would ‘ * ' ■ 5 *
conquered. Should a resolutionLpap, | be broken asunder, and possibly, in the
disclaiming the design of conquestfpeaVcJ frightful struggle, our present glorious
would follow in less than sixty days, if j Union itself would be dissevered or dis
the President would conform to his con-1 solved. We ought not to forget the
sutntionalduty. Here,Fellow-Citizens, j warning voice of all history, which
I might pause,.having indicated a mode ' teaches the difficulty of combining and
by which the naRpo*jhrough ils accre-J consolidating together**conquering and
dited and legitimate i^prescntatives in j conquered nations. After the lapse of
Congress, can annoance<for wlmt pur- eight hundred years, during which the
poses and objects thTswar shall be longer j Moors held their conquest of Spain, the
prosecuted, and can thus let the whole j indomitable courage, perseverance and
people of the United States know for I obstinacy of the Spanish race finally
what end their blood is to be further
shed, their treasure further expended.
stead of the knowledge of it being
locked up anti concealed in ihe bosom of
one man* We should no longer per
ceive the objects of the war varying,
from time to time, according to the chan
ging opinions of the Chief Magistrate,
charged with its prosecution. But I do
not think it right to stop here. It is the
priviledge of the people, in their primi
tive assemblies, and of every private
man, however humble, to express an
triumphed, and expelled the African
vaders from the Peninsula. And. even
within our own time, the colossal power
of Napoleon, when at its loftiest height
was incompetent to subdue and subju
gate the proud Castillian. And here in
our own neighborhood. Lower Canada,
which near otic hundred years ago, af
ter the conclusion of the seven years
war, was ceded by France to Great
Britain, remainsp foreign land in the
midst of the British provinces, foreign
feelings and attachment, and foreij
advance and promole Mexican interests.
Such a stale of things could not long en
dure. Those whom God and geogra
phy have pronounced should live asun
der, could never be permanently and
harmoniously united together.
Dn we want for our own happiness
or greatness the addition of Mexico to
the existing Union of our States? If
our population was too dense for our
territory* and there was a difficulty in
obtaining honorably the means of sub
sistence, there might he some excuse
for an attempt to enlarge our dominions.
But we have no such apology. We
have already, in our glorious country, a
vast and almost boundless territory.—
Beginning at the North, in the frozen
regions of the British Provinces, it
stretches thousands of miles along the
coasts of the Atlantic Ocean and the
Mexican Gulf, until it almost reaches
the Topics. It extends to the Pacific
Ocean, borders on those great inland
s, the Lakes, which separate ui from
f Great Britain, and it
termination? This is the important sub- (and structure of our free government,
ject upon which I desire to consult and j and especially the great object of the
to commune with you. Who, in this i Convention in taking the war-making
free Government, is lo decide upon the j power out of the hands of a single man
objects of a war at its commencement, i and placing it in the safer custody of the
or at auy time during its existence?—i representatives of the whole nation.—
Does the power belong to the Nation, lo j The desirable reconciliation between the
the collective wisdom of the Nation
Congress assembled,or is it vested solely
in a single functionary of the Govern
ment?
A declaration of war is tbe highest and
most awful exercise of sovereignty.—
The Convention which framed our Fed
eral Constitution had learned from the
pages of history that it had been often
and greatly abused. It had seen that
war had often been commenced upon tbe
most trifling pretexts * that it bad been
frequently waged to establish or exclude
a dynasty; to snaicfi a crown from the
head of one potentate and place it upon
the bead of another; that it had been
two powers is effected by attributing to
Congress tbe right to declare what shall
be the objects of a war, and to the Pre
sident the duty of endeavoring to obtain
those objects by the direction of the na
tional force and"by diplomacy.
I am broaching uo new and speculative
theory. The Statute book of tbe Uni
ted Slates is fttR'of examples of prior
declarations bir Qpngress of the objects
to be attained by negotiations with For
eign Powers, and tbe archives or the
Executive Department furnish abundant
evideuce of ti s accomplishment of those
objects,-or tl > attempt to accomplish
’them* by s tbseeptent negotiations.—
- n - posses:
opinion in regard to the purposes for inlaws, language and religion. And ■'embraces the great father of rivers* from
which the war shall be continued ; and what has been the fact with poor, gal-! its uppermost source to the Belize, and
lant, generous and oppressetf Ireland? i the still longer Missouri, trom its moutfi
Centuries have passed away, since the ! to ihe gorges of the Rocky Mountains,
overbearing Saxon over run and subjn-1 It comprehends the greatest variety of
gated the Emerald Isle. Rivers of Irish ■ the richest soils, capable of almost all
blood have flowed, during the long and j tbe productions of the earth, except tea
arduous contest. Insurrection and re- and coffee and the spice9* and lo-
bellioti have been the order of the day; eludes every variety of climate, which
ami yet, up to this time, Ireland remains tbe heart could wish or destfe. Wo
alien in feeling, affection and sympathy,! have more than ten thousand millions of
towards the power which has so long-acres of waste and unsettled lands*
borne her down. Every Irishman hates, enough for the subsistence often or
with a mortal hatred, his Saxon oppres- twenty times our population. Ought we
sor. Although there are great lerritori-! not to be satisfied with such a country ?
al differences between tbe condition of Ought we not to be profoundly ibank-
England and Irelrnd, as compared to ful to tbe Giver of all good things for
that of the United States and Mexico, \ such a vast and bountiful land? Is it
there are some points of striking resem-; not the height of ingratitude to Him' to
blance between them. Both the Iri.*b seek, by war and conquest, indulging
and the Mexicans are probably of the ; in a spirit of rapacity, to acquire other
same Celtic race. Both the English lands, the homes and habitations of a
and the Americans are of the same Sax- large portion of his common children ?
on origin. The Catholic religion pre-‘ II wc pursue the object of such a con-
dominales in both the former, the Pro- quest, besides mortgaging tbe revenue
testant among both the latter. Religion aud resources of this country for ages to
such an expression will receive just s<
much consideration and consequence as ,
it is entitled to, and no more.
Shall this war be prosecuted • for the
purpose of conquering and annexing
Mexico, in all its boundless extent, to
the United States?
I will not attribute to the President of
the United Stales any such design; but
I confess that I have been shocked and
alarmed by manifestations of it in va-*
rious quarters. Of all the dangers and
misfortunes which could befal thU na
tion, I should regard that of its becom
ing a warlike and conquering power the
most direful and fatal. History tells
the mournful tale of conquering nations
and conquerors. The three most cele
brated conquerors, in the civilized world,
were Alexander, Cassar and Napoleon.
The first, after overrunning a large por
tion of Asia, and sighing and lamenting
that there were no more worlds to sub
due, met a premature and ignoble death.