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established ibis commotion. That they Vwbich is to.operate tup gracior lege, on-
were free and independent States they ' L ' e ~ J '*
have affirmed in tiieir declaration, of
independence; and they have maintain
ed that declaration jby their wisdom in
. council and their galjantry in the field. . . „ ^
interfere—1 agree that ail the Icgisla-J That they were sovereign States war of which is to create obstructions in tiie a
lion of Congress conflicting with the recognised hy the'country of which exercise of such a right. All will, I si 1
mIh «c a."., t. m. ihey were Colonies, by a treaty in iMnlv n«n^ ih«i nlilinnnli rnntmM* !»■« j.
which they vrere*everally and by
Terence to this, it may be said, as was
said upon the Missouri question, that it
is an abstraction; that if we have the
constitutional right which wc claim, no
legislation of Congress can interfere
wuh it. I ugrec that it cannot legally
deri the constitution, n confounds these
ideas—a legislation by Congress intend
ed to facilitate the enjoyment of a right
which is derived from the constitution
and a legislation by that body the effect
** ' constitutional right of the citizen is in
valid; and I maintain that such legisla*
'. lion upon the pfcrt of C
interfere, and would
l»w invalid. But wbi
Would it so in.-fact, j
operation.and before the
. No,sir, the legislative<
'the Southern people afe*
milled lo go into those I
“their slaves, would prev
lion from the South, uutil
judicial deiermioalio
lion should be obtain)
Alto territories would be
Stce laborers, and, in i
1 hat right which wc nil i
iwell as tic North, concc
rple : of the States, when
|MOe, ifo-y come, under
^Congress, to form their <
.do so according to their
at that time, all emigri
£ouih having been necei
d by ibis legislative n
lion of ilieir rights wot
exclusively by tbeodvoc
l»r. We would bo agni
lion wo were in with rtg
ttia, ami wo should be t
arc with regard to it. C
of the South, it is nniCc
prevented yon from goir
and establishing your ini
it is the people of Califor
California is filled op
from tb© free Ciates, w
of the South have been |
emigrating by the doub
thrown upon their rigl
them their alavo propem
aer the legislative pro
produce its effect, and c
liny of the territories to 1
lie applied ns effectual
. had legal validity, eve
•validity might subseque
lislicd by the proper irit
Now, then, 1 appeal to
fairness: You assert y<
ny to us the privilege <
property into those Tci
We deny j will you leg
subject and thereby at
selves of, lb© intermedia
legislation, even if in the
be pronounced invalid)
is there.candor or mooli
this that feeling upon wl
ly for the preservation
.You know well it is nc
by the parchment upon
jstitution is written. Y
that its security is in ,tl
people.. Do you think t]
yourselves.of your num<
pass an act of inhibition
of slavery, in organizm
ments ol those Territor
J be eventually determine
and thus advantaging yc
imerifl of the direct effi
isjatlon, you will lay tb
harmony and good , fee
think that, by that dircc
cedure, you are cherish
Portia of affection for
which the safely of the n
I address the question It
ings of deep concern, b
cordiality. God knows
Cation 1 enieriain no d
jrrilatiug crimination of
And now, Mr. Pres
* gentlemen who differ f
subject in allow us to r<
question of this power,
cd on the one hand am
other. This is a tribuii
com^i us to refer ft me
to any other, 'll Op op
hie Senators who assej
Correct, it will bear 1
which I propose to 'sub.
cannof Ixdievc that ilroy would desire
ip adhere to it.
Well, now, sir, life South, as ] -have
oHore said, asserts the right , of any
pitizen of the United Slates to partici
pate in the benefits of aH public prop
erly, and m ihe Territories of the Un-
i'iu. It asserts ibis- in .relation to the
.citizen of the slaveholdiug Stated ns
well ns iii relation to those of. jhe free
Stales. That assertion necessarily in
cludes the denial of the richt and pow-
ct of Congress to pass any law prohibit
ing them from emigrating' into these
Territories ami taking with them their
properly, of whatsoever sort, or to in
terpose any legislative obstacle in their
- ..Now, sir, there are other propositions
^ involved.?ii this *intomf«L J^OAfCXU.
in ihe first place, the right to participate
in the common territories of ibis Union.
Asa consequence,it denies, the power of
Congress to interfere with the exercise
of that right ;/nn<l In the third place it
affirms thcriglu of the eiiizens of slave-
holding’.Slates .to t i migrate 'inio these
Territories with their property, ji0» ofr
sfautr, nil luws which pro said to have
« \isied in Mexico inhibiting siavory '
those Territories. ...
Mr. President, the first of these pn>-
jxisuion? is the right of *becitizens of
the slaveholding States to participate in
die common territories of the Union.—
That right is based - upon the equality
. ^the. States. If they be equal in dig-
p" nily, in. right j if,they were so at the
* Jormationof tlie constitution, if nothing
** has intervened since to produce an in^
-equality, then the right which isjcjajro-
c«i rests upon the basis of their'equali
ty. It is .the inevitable consequence of
. . It. You can perceive that such an
* • equality of rights bet weeeu the members
of the Union must apply not puly to ac
tual possessions ni any.given time, but
also to all fulury acquisition*.',';. ' ‘ / ' -
Mr. President, jl is difficult* to prove
so self evident a proposition astbe equal-
% ■ jty of the States of this Union at the
formation of this constitution. ■ Bu\ let
01 !<ir a moment consider it. * Thirteen
iudepeodent State*,, loosely connected
by tie. articles of confederation, with a
/view to form* a'more perfect union,
paloe
acknowledged as free, sovereign,! and
independent. Well now, - «r, their
equality necessarily resulted from their
sovereignty, as sovereignly is correlative
lo equality. I do not know whether,
upon a question of this sort, it be ne
cessary to resort to authorities : but Vat-
tel tty s:
•» Since men are naturally equal, and
a perfect equality prevails iu tbeir right*
mid obligations, at equally proceeding,
•from nature—nations composed of men,
ami considered os so many free persons
Jiving together in a stateipf nature, are
naturally equal, and inherit from nature
the same obligations and rights. Power
or weakness doe* nov in ibis respect
produce any difference. A dwarf is
as much a man us a giant; a small re
public is no less a sovereign Stoic than
the most powerful kingdom.”
The iliirleeo States of this Union
then entered into the bond which now
unite* us as equals. The constitution
ol the United Slates recognises thai
equality as existing between the States,
not only by its grants, but also by its
reservations of power.
Ill the exercise of these their equal
right* they Conned a constitution and
established a government to ndminster
it. Now, is it* to be doubted—this is
the inquiry which l would address, to
the Senate—that a government so form
ed was to be conducted for the common
nd equal benefit of all those equal
and sovereign States who formed it ?
And I propound to Senators who main
tain the doctrine that they have the
right to inhibit Southern men from em
igrating to those territories with tbeir
property, whether that is such an ad
ministration of the Government for the
equal benefit of all the sovereign .inde
pendent States as was contemplated by
the act of their union? If it be said
that such prohibition would be legally
inoperative andjinvalid, 1 reply as before
that the same result would be accom
plished by such legislation indirectly a«
it it were legally operative and valid,
and that therefore it is a violation of
the spirit of our government and consti
tution.
Why, sir, 1 maintain, and if it should
he my fortuue to be called upon to main
tain it before another tribunal, I would
maintain there, that on express proy
sion in the constitution interfering with
the exercise of the equal right of free
citizen* would have been inconsistent
with that elementary principle—the
equality of. right—which is the basis
upon which the conslitunon rested, and
that it would for that reason have been
invalid, and null and void. I would
maintain, with even more confidence,
thot 'Oiidh a principle, which lie* at -the
very foundation q* the constitution,
without which it wpu)d never have been
formed, cannot be rendered.ineffective
by any implication of power, derived
from, the instrument of which it is the
basis and foundation.
My proposition is, therefore, that the
equality of right which result* from the
sovereignty and consequent equality of
of the States nt the lime that the const it u-
tiauforraed, and which lies at the was
foundation of that constitution, cannot be
destroyed by the exercise of any power
which is of necessity derived by impK
cation from that constitution; in other
words, that an implied power cannot
destroy an elementary principle of the
very constitution from which it is deriv
ed. I rest, sir, the opinion thar.l enter
tain ns lo the equality of right between
the Slates upon the principles I have
stated and the observations I have made.
And now I come to the consideration
of the question of the - power of. Con
gress lo prohibit slavery in the territo
ries. With reference to the sources
from which that power is derived .I
have denied tho extsteuce of the power,
endeavoring to maintain that it will
conflict with a principle which lies at
the foundation of the constitution—the
principle of equality. . .
What l am now to inquire is, wheth
er that power, looking simply to the
sources from whence it professes to be
derived, can be extended to the pur
poses to which it is intended lo be np-
of a citizen to remove with his slave eminent, as gentlemen are in the habit
property to a territory was ascertained,- of quoting the clause—but needful rules
power. An excercisc of ibis power will»and the existence of an obstruction - to; and regulations rc*pccti*g ihe territories
occur to every individual who bears me the enjoyment of that right should ap- or other property oj the United Stutes;
which would bis unquestionably beyond, pear to exist there, he who would, re-j^bd, secondly, „to the; proposition fbat,
■fa Ipmumni,. limiio. It ivr.nlrl nni tw, fuse to exercise the -power with which | for as much os this public property, in
legitimate limits. It would 'not be
within the competency of Congress to
establish a despotism in those territories.
It would not he.within th^ir competency
to deny to a man within these territories
the Jree exercise, .of his religion. It
would not be vyiihiu their, power to es
tablish within them the system of Mex
ican peonage. The power then is not
unlimited.
. J5ut Congress possesses, in many
instances the power of affirmative leg
islation over auii object without having
the power lo. legislate over it .negatively.
You can pass no law abridging the free
dom of speech or of ibe press, «Jepy to
no accused person the right of trial by
jury in the common law courts, where
the matter in disp,me is over twenty dol
lars. Now, it is not to be doubted (hat,
to facilialo to citizens the enjoyment of
those rights, Congress may legislate
affirmatively, although the power to
legislate negatively is exprssly denied
by the constitution. This may serve
to illustrate. tho position for. which I
contend. First, that the proof of the
power to establish a government, which
think, agree that although Coogfessmay
have power to legislate over these ter
ritories, it is not necessarily an unlimited
from them? If his right was affirmed tion stands upon the principle acttol
and it became necessary to,remove any law of nations, and upon the authority
obstructions to its. enjoyment, the re- which has been adduced, .
moyal of such obstructions would be an Now, if you proceed to trace this
incident to the principal power which power up. to its-source,* you .will find
was exerted in affirmance of the right, that it is ascribed, in the first place, to , „
And permit.me to say, sir, with all pos- that clause of the constitution which issu
sible respect, that if this state of things authorizes Congress to make .all needful °
Correspondence of the Baltimore Son.
Washington, Feb. 25.
bstcr, as Surveyor of the
irt of Boston.
persona are startled at the state-
(ments and declarations made by Mr.
1 jfoqTE, iqu.the Senate. Mr. Foote de-
should occur—iftheconsiiiutional right rules, and regulations—not for the gov- commodationf It IYSect a red that unless compromise impossible. The events al-
- __ .1 • .1 I I.:. V - . \ • A • ....... in knvn l\BPn nFlt^n «nnltan
iBe constitution has investedhim for tfie
pur{>ose of removing these obstructions;
would have to choose between bis fealty
to that cbnstiiutibh aud the indulgence of
his. own speculative opinibns. -
[Mr. B. here gave way to a motion to
postpone the further coasideralionof the
subject until to-morrow.y ;
t» Sbut*. Tbwut, Feb.lS. 1850.
The same subject being again, under
consideration—
Mr. BERRIEN. I resume this dis
cussion at the point at which I left it
yesterday, submitting to the Senate on
ly one or two remarks necessary io pre
serve the connection of the argument.
I was engaged in -the effort to demon
strate that Congress had no power ao
prohibit | slavery in. the territories.. >: I
had presented as a consideration calcu
lated to deny to them that power, the
constitutional right of the people of the
United *$iaies. I . bad founded that
right npbij the equality which was the
elementary prnciple of the constitution,
and deduced it from Uie sovereignty of
the respective States. . My purpose now
the territory of the United States,
Whe scheme*be matured in ifep, course luded to have been often spoken of
ofawpk, the time will have passed in since MrACuxoMAN’s speech. It wa*
which any compromise can be- madei not. at the mornent, known thav Mr.
/or certain occurrence* may be expected Foote,xefcrred jo the^ neX'i .black Mon-
' Which will aggravate pre*ent difficulties, day, an<| personsiwofrdered where was
Mr Foote’s plan of a committee of to be the next outbreak.
, , thirteen Senators, who shall meet on aj Mr Foote s declaration presamed
not within the jurisdiction of any par- 1 common fair ground of adjusltnO 11 ** tj^pt the fhlrthern majority of-{he,'Hoh«e
ticdlar Staie. il must of necessity be un- seems to be the best means yet offered would,' next Monday, attempt to force
derlira‘control of ihe Uhited’Sta'tes.-^-i' for the' purpose.‘- ' ’ the questuin on Doty V rbsobifibn, in-
The right io institute those governments Wk;i« temoorizine and tri- slructing the Committee on Territories
is wjS* nest io the .watting .nd bring ia a BUl admit e.Ufdraia „
lually in danger. It is a singular fact a Slate. Inihat- case, the Sojihera
ibst Northern sentiment can be withgreat inetnbers would, as they dtd last Mott-
difficulty, brought m accept Qen. T.y-! *)"y ; reslst ■»</ "Struct, aoiton. by re-
lor’s proposition to do nothing at pres- somogto pnritamentnry means. It had
ent wiihreference In the territories. The | been hinted that the ntsjnrity. tmpn.tent.
North considers tint. a. a concession, as , would foretbly espel the res.st.ng mem-
evident from Mr. Winthrop*. speech b=™. Mr. Cltngman had said that the
finally lathe treaty making power.
A very brief remark upon each of
these will enable me to pass to that por
tion of the argument upon which 1 d,e-
sire more particularly to address the
Senate. It is scarcely necessary to dis
cuss the question with regard lo the
first power. The whole pnicle as well
as tke particular terms used^ manifest
ly confines the power , to be exercised
to the 'property of the United Stales—ob
viously showing that ibe power to con
trol and regulate ‘persons cannot be de
duced from the power to make rules
and regulations respecting property*—
The distinction is ,toq broad to escape
includes the idea ol legislative power is, in..fijriher support of the negative of
does not ttecessarily extend to the pow- power to the Congress of the United
which is asserted in this discussion.
Second, that Congress may. have the
power to legislate affirmatively, and
might, to facilialo the exercise, .nf a
constitutional, right—the right to carry
our slaves into these territoriesr—be le
gitimately called upon for such legisla
tion^ for the-purpose of removing.any
obstructions which, may exist to the
enjoyment' off it, while the power so
to legislate as-- lo create obstructions lo
the enjoyment of it would bo denied
to that body. ; *
Now, I submit to the honorable Sena
tor from Kentucky (Mr. Clay) that here
is the true equivalent of which he is in
search. In a compromise each party
may retain the opinion which he had or-
iginally formed. He is not required to
sacrifice it, but he is required, retaining
that opinion, to j*iehl some portion
of the claim which he asserts under it,
in consideration of some similar con
cession of his opponent; and that is the
precise state ol things to vvh'ch we,are
brought at. this stage of the discussion.
We demand admission into these ter
ritories, with our property of every de
scription. We assert our right lo go
there. The Notth denies this right,
resists this claim. What then is the
next step? The North asks you to
legislate lor the purpose of enforcing
tbeir opinions. Weaskydu to legislate
for the purpose of. enforcing ours.—
Now the true spirit of,compromise
would suggest that the North should
.withdraw her demand for prohibition,
and that the South should recede from
her claim for protective legislation.—
Each party will then stand upon hi*
right* as be asserts them, leaving their
decision to tk‘e common judicial arbiter
of the Union. I repeal to. the Senator
trom Kentucky, that .in, these mutual
concessions is to be found the true spirit
of compromise ; that it is the equivalent
of which he has been in search.
Mr. President, there' is, I believe,
another and important error' upon this
subject. It is the source of the violent
opposition to what is called the exten
sion of slavery, which, be.it noted, is lo
reduce no human being to bondage who
is not already in.that condition, and of
which the effect is to.make no man a
slaveholder who is not already a slave
holder. It arises from confounding the
incidents of a power with the principal
power itself, aud^determining upon the
propriety of its exercise, by considera
tions which belong exclusively to the in
cident. It is this which produced the
impassioned declaration of the Senator
from Kentucky that no human power
could compel him to vote for the exten
sion of slavery to. territory where it
did not: now exist.
States, t» ad vet t to the. principles ol
international law applicable- to a ques-
tiou like this, and then briefly to trace
this power up to its source, according
to theSeveral means by which it has
been derived, for the purpose of show--
ing. as well upon the principles of in
ternational law applicable to a com
munity of interest, as by reference to
the sources of that power, that this
limitation is-a necessary result. 'It is
said by Valtel: • . ~
“When a nation, in a body, takes
possession of a country, every thing
that is not divided among its members
remains common to the whole nation,
and wcallbd public property.”-*— Vattel,
p. 109 s:236.
Sp a community may acquire proper
ty by conveyance:•
“All -the members of a corporation
(Ladd, all the citizens of a Stale) have
an equal right lo the use of its common
I repress the feeling^ wbicb socfa a-de
claration excites; but, sir,--it is* a start-
... .--j — t-rz — ling inference which this- avowal-pre-
plted. But, first, there is an obvious sents to the mind. What is it ? Slavery
error which it j* important- to correct, pollutes the land in which it exists.—
In the various discussions which have No human-power shall induce me to ex-
taken place up<>n the question of the tend this pollution to asoil that is now
power of Congress to proliibit slavery unstained by it. It is this confosion of
in [he Territories, all those who have! ideas-^this,confouoiliug of an incident
aegued ip its .^qpporl have considered] wiib~if**prih£i?mt tirdeciding upon
tbcmscl vc* a* laving accomplished their J the propriety «r exercising the principal
object when they have shown us tlic j power—this belief that our opinions io
property; but respecting the manner of
enjoying it, the. body of tho corporation
(as the State) may make such regula
tions as they think proper, provided
that 'those regalations be not inconsis-
tenr with that equality which ought to
be preserved in : a communion of pro
perty. Thqs, a corporation may deter
mine the' use' of a common forest or
pasture.^either allowing, it ti) all the
members according to. their wants, or
altnuing etfch one an equal share; bot
they 4 haje^aQltUMuriflhVtiqc exdwfe any
one of the number or -to make a .distinc
tion to his disadvantage, by assigning him
a lea* share than that of the others.”
The xJayebolders of jbe South
member* of the commuoity, having
equal right* with, others. .You cannot
exclude them from \he tue of the. pub
lic property which is common to all.
You cannot make a. distinction io their
disadvantage by the prohibition of slave
labor* . V~
It is unfortunate for the argument of
the North that the slavehoiders of the
South, notwithstanding the sin of slave
ry which attaches to ibetq, are by your
consent. a portion of the community of-
the United States. They, with you,
are . enjlUeil- to equal right*. They,
with you, live under this constitution,
with the full right* of using all the
means which they deem necessary for
the enjoyment of that portion of the
Union which they possess. You pro-
pose to do whaf? Not to exclude them
from this Territory, -©b, no. The
Territories of the United States* gentler
men tell us, are open to the South as
well as to the Nonn; but you propose,
in the very words-pf this author “to
make a dislinotioq . to. their disadvan-
tage,” In the manner in.which this pub
lic, and common property shall be used.
.While you “ keep the word of promise
to the ear, you break it to the hope.”
You tell us—go into these Territories,)
they ore, free.to you as to us. But, ip
ortfer to secure to yourselves the exclu
sive enjpyment.oT that, you make a dis
tinction to our disadvantage, the inevitable
result of which you know will be to.ex-
the other day, and that is the very pol
icy of delay and agitation which is
breaking down the Union. A continued
agitation for four months will be bad
enough, but if it i* to he kept open till
another session and till another Con
gress, there can be hut little hope of any
conciliation. The whole quesiion'musl
the roost careless observer. Again, sir,
notwithstanding the confidence with
which high judicial decisions have been
Spoken of, l venture fo say in this pre
sence that this power.has never yet been
exercised—I mean the power to organ
ize a Territorial Government under this
clause of {he constitution; and I ven
ture further to affirm that there is
judicial decision—of which political
suyists write so flipparitiy—rthat there is
no judicial decision upon a question af
issue before the court in which the pow-
er j.s ascribed to this source.
With respect to the second source of
power, that because it is hot in tho ju
risdiction of any particular State, there
fore it mu3t be in the jurisdiction of the
United States, I agree that if we could
trace the power with distinctness and
accuracy lo no other source, this might
be one upon which Congress, in the exer
cise of its power to govern, consequent
upon the light to acquire, and from the
necessity of the thing, might rely,
With respect to the war making pow
er, unquestionably territory might be ac
quired by conquest, not conveyed, by
treaty. There may be a continued hos
tile occupation unsupported by a treaty
of cession, which may, by lapse of
lime, destroy the right of the conquered
party, the right of postliminium, and
therefore the fruits of conquest may be
enjoyed without treaty. Iu that state
of things, unquestionably, as to territo
ry acquired by the exercise of the war
making power, the power, to govern that
territory.would be deduced From the
same source.
[To be concluded in oar next]
be settled now and the sooner the bet-
Those who have canvassed the opinions
of the Senators and members, are very
confident that a committee of thirteen
Senators can be found who will agree
upon a plan which would be satisfacto
ry to the Senate, to tho HoOse, and to
the country.
1 am inclined to believe that to-morrow
er the next day, that if the Senate-take
up Mr. Foote’s resolution for a commit
tee, it will be adopted.
Mr. Calhoun will speak on Thursday,
and Mr. Webster soon after.
To morrow, it is probable that the
Senate will go into Executive session for
the purpose of disposing of some nom
inations reported upon by the Commit
tee on Foreign Affairs and the Commit
tee on Commerce.
Correspondence of the Courier. v ~
WASHINGT02T, F©b. 26.
If any one, standing upon the brink
of this hiigbty current of popular pas
sion that is sweeping by, supposes that
it will ruu out, he i* mistaken. Like the
river, it rolls, and as it rolls, forever
will roll on. So far from noticing any
moderation of tone in Congress to-day,
after the* three day’s respite, it was
rather aggravated.- The card of Mr.
Hjlliard,in4he National Intelligencer this
morning, warned the editors of that pa-
Soutbern members would, in 4hai case,
resort to violence. Tn reply to Colonel
Bissel. the other dny, Mr, CIingmair~
staled that it was in case the majority
should attempt to expel the minority,
while the minority were acting within
the rules of the House, that they would
resist with violent means.
In case the majority .should, next
Monday, see fit to press Doty’* Resolu
tion, as they did last Monday, regard-
lesi of decency, courtesy* usage, and as
a mere provocation ' to a combat, the
Southern members will take higher
ground than they did last Monday. The
majority must desist, ofthe House may,
perhaps, be broken up in disorder and h
commotion, and perhaps may not soon
meet again for regular business. That
is what 'is now understood to be Mr.
Footes* meaning. In the present in-
ffamaiory condition of the House, a
spark may produce an explosion.
However, I am persuaded that the
more reasonable and moderate mem
bers, composing the majority, will pre
vent a renewal of the scenes of Mon
day, by giving the go-by to Mr. Doty’s
resolution.
President Taylor slated to-day, that
neither CoU • Bissel nor Col. Davis
were correct, in their assertions as to
the service of the Mississippi Regiment,
at the buttle of Buena Vista. He said
they each referred lo a different period
in the action, and were both right and
both wrong. J i
Ve*ml».
, Georgia has ’been called “ the model State of
the South,” and we think she is juatljr entitled to
the character. Her Legislator* and. her citizens
that they not only understand her true
power of Congress to organize Govern-;
ments. foe tbq ^Territories of the U,. S.
They have .proceeded upon the pr inci
ple that the power to organize those
governments (which of necessity inclu
regard in slavey are alope ip determine
the mode of the exercise of that power,
that in the discharge, of our public duty
under this constitution we may 'give
Gen* Tnylor pt Richmond.
In contemplating the scenes which
were trauspiriug at Richmond on the
22d,' the Richmond Republican, in tl.e
article which follows, beautifully alludes
id^ihe position occupied by General
Taylor three years previously, in con
trast with his position on that day.—
Whflst.a careful perusal oF it, will serve
toVekiadle the feelings oi adjniraiior
and affection ui the hearts of Gen. Tay
lor’s friends, it will furnish, matter for
kindly Vefleciioas to his enemies, if they
aVe not “ lost to virtue, lost to every
manly ['thought, and alt the finer feel
ings of the Soul” : ‘ .
Old Zach.—-Three years ago there
wits a grand celebration qf the birth-day
of Washington. It took place amid
the-ravines of Buena Vista. The notes
of preparation were louder and more,
animating than they HaVe been fibre.
Tiro orator of the day was one Zachary
Taylor. Demosthenes said that the true
secret of oratory was “Action, Action,
Action/* If that -wii* correct. Old Zach
proved himself superior to Demo*-,
thencs, for that geutleman. upon a sim
ilar occasion,' took to hi* heelsi Nor : to.
Rough trod Ready. He Mood up like a
man and faced the - music. He pro
duced a greater effect than any of'ibe
ancient Or modem masters of eloquence.
He induced a packed jury of 20,000
men to give a verdict in his faVor.' He
cdnvinced Santa Anna that it wat'im-
possible for four thousand Americans to
be run over by four times their number
of Mexicans. He persuaded 20,000gen-
tlemen, with s wo nets by their sides, wfio
o’ J ^ It,., ; have shown that they not only und
z;::‘: ,e .^sszsrxtr t rp p r ^
urea that shall exclude her people from 8tant increase o( manu r actur ie 8) are developing h er
residencemthe tefritortes acquirea troro • .. - .•?? .
Mexico. We learn, too, from an ex
planation made by Mr. Turney* t» the
Senate, that the position of Tennessee,
in regard to the Southern Convention,
resources, anl building tier up in wealth, popu
lation and power, nt « rate which will
her riuter southern States hr behind her, unless
they sronse themselves. awUMiW* her example.
No time i» to-be lost in doing so, if they expect er*
to overtake her, for she' will otherwise hsvs ao
grist a start th»t she wilT defy mil Tdture
r- . .. .* l*. H kind. Jiyery dew, roadilfttaHikes. and •».
In Canada, this subject and its result* „ r „ M ^ iduLD Uaii^ui ...i— ^
suoderstood, and that she ‘will
maintain all the constitutional guaran-
speculated upon. Col Gugy,
an anti-annexation speech, refers to the
commotion in the United Slates, and
says that this ferment of passion, when
a little more developed, would over
throw, as it has always overthrown,
any power opposed to it. The saga
cious editor ol the “ AlhionP says that
*• the North will be overruled, and that
the storm will, for ibe present, blow
over.” I hope it may blow over, but the
signs are not particularly favorable.
Mr. Calhoun has been mare unwell
during the last week, and has not left
bis room. His cough ts very bad. 1^doubt
whether he will be able to speak in ihe
Senaie this session. , ^. _
He has committed his iutenifed re
marks to paper; and they will be read,
on Tuesday, by Mr. Butler. Mr. Web
ster will also speak very soon. .
A proposition was made to-day; and
strenuously urged, by Mr. Foote, to com
mit the whole subject in controversy,
to a select Committee of thirteen ; six
to be chosen from non-slaveholding,
and six from the slaveholding Slates j
and these twelve lo-selecl a thirteenth
member* He urged that, if in a week,
some project of compromise .was not
produced; it -would be , too taur, for
events would occur which would render
compromise hopeless. Wfrat evdnts be
referred to, I do not know. ' Mr. Foote
'Seid. be bad consulted with taro third*
« . hich of necessity inclu- scope and operntiontp our own peculiar
ded a.power on the part of Congress to] speculative opinions; it is from, this
legislate, over the Territories, because , cahse thai.wqal is called the extension
it Wat^ only by fegislaj'uui that. Uroy of slavery is so [lerseveringly resisieiL
coold be legitimately formed) would
necessarily extend; this power of ieg-
ijdalion to the Infitbitioh of slavery. I
pray; gentlemen to consider whether the
grasp of power which is nsseKed uoder
the establishment of. this legislative au
thority to e»»veni, fias not been exten
ded beyofjd its legitimate Jimits ? fhear
it said that Congress has- the power to
Let me explain. If i[ i* ,shown
submitted that these States are sover
eign! and therefore equa!>tbat they have
equal rights under the constitution j that
in order to the enjoyment of these rights,
it is necessary ihat Congress shall by
legislation,remove certain obstructions
which exist in the Territories of the.
v ; —. .w., United States, jt .would follow inevita-
proliibit. and therefore will'have thei bfy that Congress would be .bound so
power to establish'. I hear it- said that . to exercise its pouers, without 'constd-
Soothern.' men might invoke Congress .eriug the quesiiou of the guilt or iuno-
to exercise its power to establish slave-', cence, the social and political evils
fy by removing any obstructions t<Yit. [er benefits' of domestic' slavery. Its
and that the power la prohibit is correj-! allowance would be an IncTdent to the
flliv* wilh ika nnnra, ... L e**:. lla. -1.1 ‘ f ; .1' ‘
had walked some hundreds of miles on, and with'many ttember*
... , | lioh.”?fl^ pnaeijial bbjecfvool^ fe W
In the first “place it assumes lor the organiz e a government. The .question
legislative power unlimited extent ; ilj would not be, wether slavery should be
o~ ~ ~ * ... . - asserts a power of unlimiied legislation,' allowed, but whether the rights of V°
0* for * moment consider it. Thirteen which every man will, admit cannot be ] American citizen should be secured in
- .VAiMAnilrat Innselv n,nnfi4Mt affirmed. In the next place looking-to! these territories; wheiberaslavebold-
the fact'that the legislation of Congress | er, because he \vas a slaveholder, and
results in the establishment of a law: lor that cause alone/should be excluded
cluJe us froth alt participation In that ea-! a visit to SaliiUo, to go home again af
joyment^-* beg SenRtorv to cousiderj ter lhey toad gnt witWnYix nSfleri^theT
whether , this be a proper exercise of ■ destmatiop^ On the-wMe. Ohl Zneh’
power in relation to other matters than j oration on the 22d of Feb* 1847, was a
slavery.. Will you revert your recoSlec- tnaster-piece of argument and eloquence
tions to the period of our colonial vas-l We know it is said that Old Zacb
aalage lo Great Britain? . Wilt yon re-'is’nv much of t» speaker* Perhaps, or
member .the series of law* by which ! a mere holiday occasion be may be sur-
Great Britain sought to limit onr efforts passed io the power of tongue by infe-
to the cultivation of the soil, by which ! rior men. But in great emergencies,
she designed to makeC.tbc products of and when those deeds, a re. perfomed
our labor exclusively, agricultural, to be ! which bring holidays after them, Rough
transported in'the form of raw materi- .and Ready is eminently at home!—
ats only to her. Do you believe , that' What a mighty corner-sion© of glory
you.posess such a power as that in the ; he l^id at Buena Visia. Whot, an effect
territory of tbeUnited States? ^ ibe proiluced on the- audience when he
Ifyouchooseto make Califprniaaho-; : mb6n;ed tbc rostrum. How thousands
get her an agricultural cnunfry.do you -rof^ eyes grew brighr.nnd thousands of
believe that you can inhibit the manufac- hearts beat, higher," a*~tfie. mere glance
turer of Massachusetts from taking nut' of this plaio-.-pld m)aui.,fe.U along, the
and erecting and working his machine-1 bristling line. • What, magic was there
./y there? Do you believe that you 'in„ his. simple" presence J-How, at „ his
ers. without 'consul- could inhibit the inhabitant of Maine or "slightest Word, men, horse and cannon
New Hampshire from‘cousTructfeg bis]bquudeti frpjn the earth as if hurried,
ships and navigating them to whatever! forward by an electric shocks ' With a
porta he might think proper? Could]thunder storm raging‘over his head and
you forbid one branch of industry or! the mar of artillery echoing the. clan-
anoiber? You have just as much'ami 1 gor of the skies, Old Zach —*- t —‘
no more right to make a distinction to the 22<1 of F^b’y
the. disadvantage ’ of Massachusetts, j bimselt.and w
New Hampshire or TSfoini', by inhibit-
one she extends, add* to-the value of her
productions, and consequently to her weaJlh
ry manufactory »he MUWuhe^ incr^aea her popu
lation, and creates an imereaaed and mor* valoaUe
home market tor her staples and her bre*<Mulu,
’ery dollar which she' thus retains at homo
increase* her eapiut, and eoaUea tier twpMl for
ward her improvements. , Mx *“■
Money make* money,•* is a homely proverb,
rods the one which aaya 4 ‘ tha ca»«ialitho
poor la poverty.”-; Georgia and her sister aonihetn
Stales, if they continue in their present respective
course of policy, will probably realize both ot .IJiRe
proverbs—'Georgia the tormer, and her bister Ptpln
of the South the latter, - f . .
Whilst she is rapidly increasing her capital pod
population, (the latter the very beat kind of we*kh)
by hot system of public impiovementsj *nd extsf •
sire mahtrfactories for the supply of her own
wants, the others are neg)ectiqg both, and tbpa
keep down the value ol tbeir lands Aqd pro4ooe ly
the abaence of good and economical means of tr
porta tion ami intercommunication, and by a
abroad for all their supplier allowing thee
to be annually drained of millions am) mill
which, are paid to Old England and JVeie.Eng!_^,,
which would be as readily retained at home by em
ploying that portion of tbeir own populatioasfbifh
are nbw living iri idleness. It is witfi deep regttt
that, we say, that to no Suto of the South do these
remarks apply with more force than to Louisian,
who, th«S far, has dune so little in the wiy of poV*
Kc improvements or mannfactiires towirda tho de-
velopement of natural resources, that it may be
said she has done nothing. ' If the present *tat#bf
things is to eontinne, and the present policy td be
continued, the best generation wilFaee Loaiaiana
. .. bat lito* advanced beyoOd her^prisriiit''yRtoffti,''
of: the House, ami \va* assured that-a wh«W*Georgia will be the greatest Stats' roathof
‘ “* " * Aho-f»otomnc t ia weahh. -iaieHigenoe, >ns*Hdja
apd<H^e 0 ce. WecariisU r wtabu,U,,»hfc < ,fc
crease and alt the ohccese which she M {My
merits, but we wish alto to •ee Louisiana nobly
contending with her in honorable compet|6oxl*r
thesame objects.—iV. O. Bulletin.
Death or she Hon. Ihnsrr
After a protracted illness, this lamented gentle
man recovered sufficiently to make the effort to
reach Greensboro, his place of residence.' ffe foft
Milledgeville on Tuesday last, and after reachiig
Mr. Tarner’s. some sixteen miles of bodi«, |>»aaak
under tha effect ot hi* long prostration, and -tfri on
Thursday last, surrounded by hit revives, and by
hit friend* Who ministered.to him in bis last boors
with kindred kindness and unwearied attention., Jt
is not the place, and we. leave toothers the rim*
would W effected ptbaVD
Committee would agree rfpoo »plan,
which the Senaie and House, End the
country would ratifjr. Mr. Clemens
said that, if the sul^ect was agitated
three weeks’lohger v it would be impos
sible lo.save the Union.
Mr. Bdtterj aml otbers, could not see
what good a Committee could do.—-
Tfiey \voiild’probably fail, bik! the fail
ure would aggravate the difficulty* He
thought ni better to goon and consult
upon ihe question, witb'eafotoess and
forbearance, and gradually we might
dra w nearer to the object. The Senate
hesitated, anti the matter was laid over
for to-morrow. .... [isnot the pl«*,*nd Icxve taotbqrs&|ia« •
teotoe the Mississippi delegation ] of writing* smuble obituary notice of ihe deceas- ‘—
have entered into a correspondence with | eJ. He had iong represented hw county in the
C«l. Bisfelh and other* of tfie Illinois! Legislatnfe; and been most favorably known tu
this commuoity, by which his death is'sincerely
lamented. Peace to his ashes—Southern Rear* >
delegation, Ah. regard to Col. BtsSellV
statements on the subject of the cbndufit
of i he Mississippi regiment, at tha battle
of Buena'"Vista. * c .V \ ~
WashincIton, Feb. 27r
This has been a quiet , day in Con-
i . .AUBMljtoaeL . „. ;i ,
We learn fan, W. ! l,in C to D , t h „, ctul „^| l
P«s«ed yesterday between Col. Blsae’,1, Member
the House, from Ulinbie, and CokiMl ot an ,0i.
uoie Regiment io Uie Meeica wm. u.0, Col }«f.
are accustomed to direct ihcir prodii^; both handsio welcome him.] Her proud ; House, by members'from New Hanj^* ^ to
live labor, as yon have to make a dis-J heart swells with newpride a nd joy.asshire, and were accompanied with eu*' u f Buena^VUta. The mitterwas n hJSr *'•
linction injuriinis to the people of .the]she looks upon the grey haired patriotriogies'rfn lhe;ohafac'ier and s^rv\pe* ofiei, amicably adjusted ti-d*v throturh
South, by requiring that labor within l and hero,: Who has. reiurned toils hh-Tht ,'feceased:-[ fl'Z' m
the Territory of California shall be.ex-Ttive soil to fio honor to. the m^toory pfr The Senate, in executive sessiop^te- ’ was accepted, andihe dnehwas to be fought atfiU
clostvdy free labor. So tliis proposi- j Washington.' • ' . ^ ; ceived and confirmed the nomination of 1 icch'paccs, with mudccts.^Coas'. 'zd 'ujt". ‘. ..
another? You have just as much ami ’ gor of ihe skip?, Old Zach celehrated gress. The civil and military'-funeral
... -A-A-et-w - tbc^2<l'6f Ffeb*V id a sfvlc peculiar, to ‘of Gen. McNeill occupied some hour*.
bitoae1?,aVfiIwbmV^-* ’ t-*. ---*
ing that peculiar industry |o which jhey j
ccivcd and confirmed that