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THE SOUTHERN. WHIG.
From the Augusta Constitutionalist. "
Hon. Iloirdl Cobb'* Lflicr. .
. • ' »•* • '*r • y
lief us now follow Nr. C«l»i/*in hi si
examination of the three plans of ;,djuit-
thent or compromise which' arcbffnro
the country. That of •• the late admin-
They Mlf infringe ifo'Thc one infrin
ges it in this, and this Only—-that it asks
Congress fo fix permanently, the paral-
lel'of 3C. deg. 30 min., to 'the' Pacific
Ocean,.as.the line between the slave-
holding and ifon-slavehoding States.^*
The other, violates it'in at least two
most important particulars': first, in the
ndmissiou of California, and secondly,
: MV ”V '.T *“' c a I * n *he proposition, to dismember Texas.
, JL r *'! Un ’ hc4re “'* Inlrrvenlion b>‘ CungrcM may . be
the silence it deserves. *. 1 committed in two ways; negatively and
Hcjdi£ufsc* ejabnmtcly the-relative; affirmatively--negatively, by withhold.-
tnents of the Nashville proposition and j ng#uc H legislation lrom the territories
lhe " adjustment bill,” of Mr. Clay; a3 may be necessary to cuahlc.all sec
ond while he expresses his willingness llotl l G f jhc Union to enjoy theirVieht-
to vote for either, he evidently nrefers r..i ../r
InA-nle for ciibcf, lie evidently prefer, feKpariicipadrer in ihcm—ajnrmalifeiv,
Inc latter. HtyttUnn for that prefer- |„ sll< .|, act, »I legislation as result t#
Mtcc,aorarnstiC!inbecnndfnsetiiiitoa',(; e< ,iclusi.u. ordetrimom of any one
»'"«!« adnicnce is Ibis—i) t utoni violate/, action. Tbe former bas already been ... ,.. c
vhik ^[ c in perfect accordance with perpetrated by Congress, in the neglect j cime before the Supreme Court for ad-
Ihe prtnctjdes <f- non-infcrcciUton. For to organize such territorial governments juration; trad in fine, it works all the
Ibt* t* the «touch stone by which he f ( , r California and New Mexico, as j practical injury to the Couth whicITthe
profcsScsto"inst llie soundness of the would opeu the door, to tree and safe most positive- Congressional restriction
proposed, mode* of settlement. . emigration to all the citizens of the Uni-1 of slavery would do.
In testing -those twoplans ny tins i«?«J Stales, with their property of every This view of the spirt* of Mr. Clay’s
sinndartl, it ll important, that the prin- description. This neglect lias l»een to bill is fully sustained and confirmed by
ciplc of non-intervention should he the wrong and detriment of the South, the action of the Committee, in rcler-
d«irfe defined ami un « cral "° d * W r * It has operated to the incalculable ad- ence to Deseret. The people whoin-
Cobb has*not told uawlrat he^ under- ; vantage of the North. The efficacy! habit this territory have just the same
•lands lit the term. But judging from which it has given to existing Mexican right to form a Stale Constitution, and
the whole tenor of his letter, no one | awa against slavery, has had all the apply for admission into the Union, as
i*an refill Inc conviction, llrm lie narcos r itrn n. . • « ^ ..e ...
there has been so much discussion and
diversity of opinion expressed by the
ablest men, that, thought Mr- Cobb still
believes that these laws are overridden
by the Constitution, yet such doubt Las
beerr produced in the minds of^he mas
ses *Xtfdbe people* . that they will not
hazzaxd tire experimeiii;. It is as rtfiec-
toal a barrier against emigration- to
these territories, as-would be the Wtl-
mol Proviso. 1 In addition -to all this,
the report of Mr. Clay expressly -de*
dares, that these laws are valid (5r the
exclusion of slavery ; and the Senate
has virtually adjudged them to' be in
force, by rejecting all amendments for
thcir.repcul. All this exhibits a spirit
of iuierference, throws powerful'moral
influences in the wayof the Southern
of the question, should it
i resist the conviction, that lie agrees
with Gen. Cass. Iris well known, ac
cording to the opinion of (hat distin
guished gentleman, that non-interven
tion is simply this—that Congress has
no right to legislate in any manner
whatevcr ( upon the subject of slnvcrj*
in the-territories, but that it apper
tains to tbe people thereof, either before
or after thev have been organized into
a territorial government, fo determine
the question oi slavery for themselves.'
Or in other words, that the right of
• self government, to the fufiost extent
nnd for a*purposes, subject to the
Constitution of the U. States, is inherent
in tbp. people of a territory of the- United
States. . It is upon this ground, that
Gen. Cass sustained the right of Cali
fornia to establish n State government,
and to demand-.admission into the
Union.. It must he tiphn this ground
(for it can bo, upon nto other.) that,
‘while Mr. Cobb complains of the great.
irregularities which attend th^ brgnniza-
tionof her State government.’*.lie ut
ters no .words of .remonstrance or pro-
' test against her right to do what she
had done., But does he not expressly
sanction this exercise of right t»r power,
wbeh lie sBys, " We have the satisfac
tion of knowing, that the Constitution
which California presents to us; has
received the sanction and approval of
her people ?” This is the doctrine -of
non-intervention, believed in by Mr.
’Cobb and (fen. Cass, according to bis
late interpretation of his Nicholson let
ter $ and, iried by this, touch stone, I
freely admit .that Mr; Clan’s bill will
stand the test of lhe most rigid scrutiny.
But such is not the doctrine, ns advo
cated by lhe South, nor such as the
South supposed that Gen. Cnss main
tained, in the late Presidential election.
It is true, we knew .that he said he was
:** opposed to the exercise of any juris
diction by Gongre^s,” on the subject
of slavery, aud that bo was •« in favor
.of leaving to the people” of the .territo
ries, •Mbo right to regulate it for them
selves under the general principles of
the Constitution.” But we all suppos
ed, in .the simplicity ol our hearts, that,
ho used the terra *«people” and *• terri
tories’' in a political sense, and that
•* the right, to regulate it for thcmschcs under
the general principle* of the Constitution,”
ns field by - him, had • reference' to the
‘time at which they should, adopt n Stale
Constitution, preparatory to admission
into the Union. We. never dreamed
that by the term "regulate,'* he meant
to establish or abolish. )Ve never dream
ed, to use the language of Judge Tuck
er in his NashvilWr speech,that General
Cass could see " no distinction bdtween
a chottco assemblage of unconnected in
dividualssad a people;”' that ho ^im
agined,, that. a nation can exist where
there-is no family;” that he "attributed
to' a .multitude of ail venturers, sover
eignty over a country, in which not one
of them has a-home; that he '* recog
nized their right loshutout all others
from a vast region in wiiich notone of
them own a foot of soil ^ and that he
would {dace the final destiny of ac
try, which is to he the homo of milli
in tlso hands of a handful of marauders,
whoso only aim isto tear open tlie l>ow-
els of ihc canh, seize upon its hidden
treasure), and, like iMb eagle rciufmug
ta his cyry, laden wiih his prey, to bear
awayi heir plunder to the distand lands,
where lie their families and their hopes.”
This may be .the non-intervention of
Mr. Cobb-and Geo. Cass, but is not,
never has 1 been, never will lie, that of
the South., Gen. Cass, hy.his late ex-
positionnf his Nicholson letter, may sml-
ti ly his Sourtheru friends, who support
ed him in 1849, but he can cnrry witli
him, in his jargon of absurdities, only
such as are willing to presorve the in
tegrity of the national democratic par
ity, at the expense of their count ry.-*-
But the doctrino of non-intervention, as
then and now understood is.thisThat
immediately after the execution of the
Mexican treaty, it was the. duty of Con
gress, according to all previous usage, to
have organized temporary governments
njurious cfiects of the Wilinot Proviso, have the people of California. Like
so. far ns concerns the South. It has-California, she lias formed herCoaslilu-
deterred our people from and invited lion, and at the early part of this ses-
those of the North to imigralc to Cali- sion of Congress, she presented her
fornia, who have congregated there in application to become a member of the
sufficient numbers to form a State Con- Confederacy ; but unlike California,
sliiution, which forever prohibits slave- she finds no sympathy—she is remand-
ry. Is not this intervention, or interfe- ed back to the territorial condition, and
rencc of the worst kind ? Does Mr. her name changed to that of Utah. Now
Cobb think it less odious or. unjust to why is this? The whole secret lies ir
the South, because it consists in negative, [ the fact, that the Constitution of Cali
instead of affirmative acts 1
| fornia prohibits slavery, while that of
Turn we now. to affirmative acts ofi Deseret dues not.
intervention. How happens it, that j Such then, is Mr. Clay’s bill tested by
California has adopted a State Consti-1 the " touch stone” of non-intervention.
lution, ami now knocks at the doo^ for {'Who. can deny, with truth, that almost
admission into the Union? Is it not no- its e'very feature does violence to the' . —
torious, that it is the result of the poli-; doctrine? Is is not obvious, not only | equal chance, with the North, in the
th£ zone of slavcholding Stales along
the parrallel of 36 deg. 30 min., from
lhe,Atlantic to tbe Pacific, aud afiord
ingress aud egress for the commerce of
both oceans. It will'forevor paralyze
the arm of fanaticism,- and- leave the in
stitution of slavery to-work out its own
appointed destiny, under the operation
of the laws of climate*’soil and produc
tion. Jt^will restore shaken confidence
to the popular mind; it will heal up
the bleeding wountls of broken ties, it*
will perpetuate the Union, and. sweep
away every object which might obscure
the unutterable glories that will illus
trate its brilliant (bture.
It may .be thought by some,' without
e reflection, that it is a fatal admis-’
sioa'lb say, that both plans violate the
doctrine of non-intervention. It is
even so. I do not hesitate to concede,
that, . as .an original proposition, the
Missouri Compromise is unconstitution
al. But I advocate, it as a measure of
compromise, in iheVpirit which animat
ed the Fathers of the Republic, who
conceived and adopted it. Nor should,
the admission awaken auy misgivings
in the minds of those disposed to give
it their sanction. For the day has
passed by, when this controversy can
be adjusted upon the principle strictly
of non-intervention. As I have shown,
it has already been grossly violated by
the non-act ion ofCongress—by the re
fusal to adopt, immediately after the
ratification of the treaty of Guadalupe
Hidalgo, such legislation, as would
place the territories under proper reg
ulations, and all the Stales on an equal
footing, in relation to the safe occupanc}’
by their citizens. This has already re
sulted in irreparable injury to the South.
California is irretrievably lost. The
condition of things was very different,
wljcn the “ Clayton Compromise” was
on the lapis... Then the treaty had just
been ratified ; and if that hill had pass
ed, the South would have enjoyed
cy of a co-ordinate department of the ; from tlie provisions of the .bill itself.
Government? Is it not known tliatj but from the anti-slavery sentiments
Gen. Taylor “ moved and instigated” j contained in tlie report of Mr. Clay ac
hy the Counsels of his freu-soil Cabinet, companying its presentation, and in his
sent out the Hon. Thbs. B. King, with j speeches, from the dogged pertinacity
“ the ricios of the President ,l - in his head, i with which every amendment was voted'
urge upon the people of California to ' down, which looked to the.protection
form a Stale Constitution, and settle the | of Southern interests—I say is it'not
question of slavery for themselves? Is obvious from all these things, that its
rt not known, that in violation of all aim, policy and necessary effect were
principle and alt precedent, the Execu- to exclude slavery from the territories,
live scheme was successful, the Consti- aud hem it in by its present meies and
tution was formed and slavery cxclud- • bounds? Is it not amazing that Mr.
pd? Perhaps Mr. Cobb would respond, Cobb, a Southern man, calmly seated
that he condemns all this ns much as in bis crimson cushioned chair of office,
any man ; that these are the "greater- with all these fuels and considerations
regularities" of which he complains, but
thnl Congress is not responsible for it,
nnd therefore, it cannot properly be con
sidered a violation of the-doctrine of
i-intcrvention. But does not Mr.
Clay’s bill ratify all this unauthorized
intermeddling by tbe late Executive;
these unprecedented irregularities; this
stareing him in the face, can deliber
ately say to the people of Georgia, that
this bill "commends itself to his favor, by
the sound and salutary \irinciples of Con
stitutional light in which it is conceived?"
But—
are more things in that Cushioned Chair,
njuslice to the South ; 'this usurpation Than are drcarat of h you* philosophy.”
if sovereignty; this fraud npon the Now, as both the Nashville proposi-
Coiistitution of the United States? 1 • r ' 1 — -- R *— * -* ■ -
suppose,- if Congress had done all these
things directly, which have, resulted in
lhe. uliendislV^neUisemettUoLtheSouiH
of all her rights'!ivEalifornia, Mr. CobK
.would admit, that it' violated most gross
ly the• doctrine of non-intervention.—
But where is the difference, in principle
effect, bet ween the perpetration of
these things by Congress, or their adop
tion ' and ratification by Congress ?—
Whal hoots it lo tho South, whether
Congress pass the Wilinot Proviso di-
rcctly or. indirectly by sanctioning its
passage by die individuals, not the peo
ple, who; for purposes of public plun
der, have congregated temporarily upon
the,soil of California? Mr, Cobb, it is
true, can see '• irregularities" in all this,
but no violation of the principle of right
—no departure from the doctrine of non
intervention. It is all consistent with
Gen. Cass’ idea of "squatter sovereignly;”
and Mr. Cobb is perfectly satisfied with
" knowing that the Constitution which
California presents us, has received the
sanction and approval of her people.”
Iu passing, I will remark, however, that
Mr. Cobb is not, in truth, cntitledio
even this small morsel of consolation.
For il is notorious, that the people of
Californian-South of 36 cleg. - 36 mui.,
protestedagainst the formation of a State
Constilittjon, and prcfer/ccl .the territo
rial condition.
But r have asserted that Mr Clay ,
bill .violates^ the doctrine pf non-intcr-
vention in its proposition in disujem-
tion and the Clay adjustment violate
the doctrine of non-intervention
pancy of California. But how alter
ed now is the stale of circumstances ?
After two years of Congressional delin-
quincy have elapsed—alter adistinct re
fusal to extend the laws and constitution
of the United Siaics over these territories
—after Califoraia, under Executive frag-
matism, has adopted her Constitution
and excluded us forever—alter all this
intervention— ibis practical extension
of* the Wilmot Proviso over the richest
and most A’aluable part of the territory
—it is monstrous now, to.ask the South
to acquiesce in Mr. Clay’s hill, simply
because in letter, not in spirit, it accords
with the principle of nou-inlerveniion
as to New Mexico and r Uiah. Let us
scorn to pocket such an insult. Let us
say io the North you have got Califor
nia by means the most unfair, by fraud
the most flagrant, by practical inter
vention the most palpable, though ne
gative—now we will yield to no Com
promise which does not give us a fair
equivalent in tenitonj, and immunity
from further aggression. We demand
indemnity for the past and security Jor the
—without any security
ofit. '
. In thus presenting the Missouri Com
promise, we do-not ask Congrers.-as
some^ suppose, tq establish slavery
South of 36 deg. SO min. If we did,
however, it - would not he more unrea
sonable or unconstitutional than the de
mand of the North to prohibit, Northof
that bne, not to say, in all the territo
ries, We. make no such demand of
Congress. These territories are the
common properly <ff all tbe-States ; the
citizens of ; each have a ^constitutional
right to ren|ove to them, with their pro
perty of every description whatsoever.
It istbercfqxc the duly of Congress, as
the .tnerc- trustee- of the States, to re
move all obstructions, in the way of
their freehand equal enjoyment by the
citizens of all the Stales ; to repeal all
existing Mexican laws wjiieh abridge
or disturb the right of properly, or any
other right of the citizens a3 known to
tfic Constitution. Can any .proposition
be. more self evident than this ? Is not
this distinction perfectly palpable, that
the protection of an existing right is a
very different thing, from the^creation of
that right? Is it not clear, that Con
gress can protect slavery in the territo-
as it does on the high seas, foils,
dock-yards, &c., without creating or
establishing it? This is the ground on
which the Nashville Convention place
the demand, for the protection of slave
ry South of 36 deg. 30 min. It is per
fectly reasonable and tenable. •
Moreover, the South never has been
willing to accept the Missouri Com
promise .upon any other condition, in
reference to our Mexican territories. It
is not v a new feature. It did not origin
ate, loj the first lime, with the Nash-
vill Convention. It was insisted on,
without flinching, fay the united South,
in the Senate of the United States, dur
ing the first session of the 30th Con
gress. The proof of this will he found
conclusive, by reference to the Journals
of the Senate. Oglethorpe.
ATHENS, SEfeSIA:;
Thursday Morning, August- 20, 1850. ■
ip* One of thqjproprietors of this paper will at
tend the counties of Jackson, HaU, Lumpkin, Hab-
sliam and Franklin, during the session of. ih§ eri- t
ing fall terms of the Superior Courts in those
unties, for the purpose of collecting dues to this
office; and we earnestly request all indebted to us
by note or account to be prepared to settle, as we
are in great need of the small amounts they sever
ally owe, and mnst collect them or suffer great
inconvenience. This is lhe last teaming to a
ber ti
r debt.
the doctrine ot non-intervention, in future.” The Missouri Compromise cf-
cboosing between the two evils, the fects thi* object Clay’s. bill sur-
South should by all. means prefer the'
former. First, because it violates it
less; and secondly, because that vio
lation is in favor of the South; whereas,
that of the latter is altogether against
the South, and amounts to a total sur
render of all our rights in the territories.
The Missouri Compromise, as proposed
by the' Nashville Convention* secures
all the territory South of 36 cleg. 30
min., to the occupancy of slaverv, if
slaveholders choose to go thither { and
il settles forever this painful controversy
about slavery iu the territories. Mr.
Clay’s secures absolutely nothing to
the South ; but, in the estimation of Mr.
Clay himself, very probably dedicates
all our public domain. to free-soil.-—
Yet Mr. Cobb says " that there does
not exist between the two propositions
such abroad difference as raauy arc
disnnsc! In lliinlr.” TI.O
disposed to think.” The difference
is just ihat between " half a loaf and
no bread at all.”
But Mr. Cobb says: « Whilst the
present bill (Mr. Clay’s) opens the
whole country; not included within the
limits of California,.to the operation of
our doctrine of non-intervention, and
thereby secures to our people the con
stitutional right to go into any portion
ofit with their slave properly, tlie other
plan positively excludes them- from all
that portion ofit lying North of 36 deg.
30 tnin^ leaving ouly the territory
ber Texas. Mr. Cobb contends that South of that .line accessible to them.”
the rightful boundary ol'”Texus »is the 'This is designed to show; not only
I—“thaLthere does not exist, between the
Rio Grande.. "In this lie. but expresses
lh$ unanimous - opinion of the whole
South. Mr. Cobb, wilt a iso admit that
the whole of .Texas- is nqw slave ter
ritory; and Mr. Clay and Gen. Cass
being judges, the existing laws of New
Mexico^proKibii slavery. - Now what
laws will-prevail over!hat portion of
Texas which Mr.-Clay’s bill proposes
to cede—the laws of Texas; or those
of New Mexico ? ' Certainly duise of
-tbe latter. r Whatlbcn is the difference
between this and tbe'Wiiinot Proviso?
Is it not all the same in'principle and
effect, whether Congress place a por-
-lion of Texas under anti-sla.vcry laws,
two propositions, such a broad 'differ
ence,” but that the contrast is in favor
•ot Mr, Clay’s bill. Now -I ask evety
candid man, of what value, under the
circumstances, would be the-privilege
of carrying our slaves into’New Mexico
and Utah ? With California
West, Oregon the North, and with the
great doubt resiiug upon the ppbli
mind, as to the validity of Mexican
anti-slavery la^s, what Southern man
would risk his slaves in either of these
territories? That properly is timid,
has passed into a political axiom ; and
instead ol attempting to allay the minds
orextend anti-slavery laws over u' por-1 of the people of Georgia . into. a doubt-
lion oi Texas. Either is a violation of ( ful security, Mr. Cobh ought, as
the. doctrine of non-interveutiun, and Southern tuan, to stand ready to demand
that the constitutional rights of his con
stituents -should -be relieved' by Con
gress from all hazards and all uncer
tainty.- ‘ This would be.but a-fairequiv-
alent, in a plan of compromise, - for tfie
unconditional -surrender of the whole of
California. - There is no sensible - man*
not qnder some improper influences,
but would infinitely prefer theunequiv-
for the territories, in such ainanner.us to theone.asmuch-sq as the other. > Ifa
have citizens of all the- rp an tljes with smalLpox, it -matters not
States, to .t iefuJUaml secure enjoy- -lnWin whether he confracied the dis-
tnent of all t heir Tights under the Cgn- c<ise hy being decoyed to where' it pre-
jUlulion. Wllh Ihw lhe &vuih would vait«l. or wliolhcr it was brought lo
have been conical vvoald.slid ho con- bis house by some persua labo'rjnoun-
icnl. Asevideeg«.oChcr s..rec.nly.she drriu-infccrtou. . , °
voted tor the ^Clayton Contpromise,” \ . ; nn m. n
and has sustaiuril every oilier-inminn j fu nmnr .-«--^ r *
or resolution which lookcd.to suchn re- ,.f'L r |, n ri!i£rn m ie , °JS ,l, ” za M on
suli. Bui .ml being nbl6lo..bioin socl.
legislnlinn from Congress she is now of n(ln . in(Prven , i( ,f, j„ reference"reTbe
,n. bos ever beco u.ll.ng 10 n fmr ond Sllll j ec , n f slavcry,”^^is-indee “rue oo- - , ..
cording ,he loir, .bnl no, S*S£ «««l W .ho sn ealled' adjSIlmen,
offering upon 'bo.bar of lhe U™,- Jn IeIle it icoves'be ones, ion of save-thill.” There is. indeed, a vdrj' “brand
ayo willing even though the doclrme of _ „ . . u,,.™
to carry hjs slavcs into all .the territory
^ Sdutli of 36 deg. 30 min., to any vague,
slavery,” is-indeed true ac-j^ u ^* ou3 an ^ theoretic privileges -
aye willing cvciv though tii
non-intervention be infringed bv the ?aine position in- which the.** C lav ton • a » ( h go far os the South is concerned, it
immense advantages which such at just- Compromise” placed it. But. the con- is > n favor of the Missouri Compromise,
ment may givo to the North. : dilion iif -ihhnrs IA *- 1 * ••»*« u™. a » n„i,i;'.A .u. L_. !
Now, according to this interpretalioo since that’time.
^ non-intervention, it U quite certaijl, the South would not have been deterred"! ‘lu'a political point of view, a" seltle-.
that neither the Nnshvu.e proposition, from emigrating to these territories, .by'ment upon the Nashville .basis, is of ihe
The following is the bill which passed
the Senate on Tuesday last, the 13th
insl., for the admission of -California as
a State:
Whereas the people of California have
presented a constitution and asked ad
mission into the Union which constitu
tion was submitted to Congress by the
President of the United Stales by mes
sage, dated February 13th, 1S50, and
which, on due examination, is found to*
he republican in its form ot govern
ment:
Be it enacted by the Senate and
House of Representatives ot the United
States -of America in Congress assem
bled, That the State of California shall
he one,and is hereby declared lobe one,
of the United States of America, and
admitted into the Union on an equal
footing with the original States in all
respects'whatever.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted,
That until the representatives in Con
gress sho|l be apportioned according to
an actual enumeration of the inhabitants
of the United Stales, the Slate of Cal
ifornia shall be entitled to two represen
tatives in Congi
Sec. 3. And he it further enacted,
ailj, Therefore let us insist up-
the former and spurn the latter.
There is another objection to the Mis-
uri Compromise to which Mr. Cobb
barely alludes without endorsing it.—
But his organ, the Sourhwn Banner, rings
the changes upon it, with untiring per- j Thnuhe said Slate of California
severence. The objection is this ; that! milted into the Union upon tbe express
asking a recognition ofslavery South ■ condition that the people of said Stale,
of 36 deg. 30 min. we demand too j through their legislature or otherwise,
much ofCongress, and that it is a new ; shall mover interlere with the primary
feature engrafted upon the Missouri j disposal of the public lands within its
Campromise. A little reflection will j limits, and shall pass no law and do no
shbw, that the proposition is neither uu-j act whereby the title of the United
reasonable or novel.. What was the Stales to, and the right to dispose of, the
Missouri Compromise originally, and J same shall he impaired or questioned;
its effect ? It was first applied to the j and they shall never lay .any tax or
Louisiana purchase. The . whole of; assessment of any descriptionwhatso-
that territory .was under the jurisdiction ever upon the public domain ol the
of law recoguizing slavery. When Mis-; United States; and in no c^se shall non-
squri was admitted into the Union, it ; resident proprietors, who are citizens of
was upon condition, that slavery should the United States, be taxed higher than
he forever prohibited in nil territory j residents; and that all the navigable
North ol tlib-parrallel of 36 deg. 30 j waters within the said Slate shall be
This is (he Missouri Compromiser common highways, and forever free, as
and who does pot see, that its effect was well to the inhabitants of said Stale as
to abolish slavery North of that line.— j to the citizens of ihe United Slates,
And ii is equally true, that itilid not, in! without any tax, impost, or duty there-
terms, recognise slavery South of it.— ! for: Provided, That nothing herein con-
Such recognition wds not demaded, be-plained shall be construed c-.s recogniz-
cause Tv was unnecessary. - Slavery al- j ing or rejecting the propositions ten-
rfeacly existed. - ) dered by the people , of California
The next instance, in which thp Mis-jurticles of compact in the ordinance
souri Compromise was applied, was in ! adopted by the convention which form.-
fhe annexation . of Texas. But here, ctl the constitution, of that Stale,
all hough she was a slave State*, the
In the last number of this paper, Mr. Christy,
the late editor,announced that his connection with
it had ceased. Wo are sure the readers of the
Whig share with ns many regrets that such is the
fact.
Entering qpon the duties of public journalists,
we do so, with, we believe, a correct estimate o!
the weighty responsibilities we assume. Prompt
ed by motives to use this great vehicle of knowl
edge, so far as the limited influ enco of this shoe
is concerned, in a manner calculated to effect re
suits that will tend to the advancement of tin
groat and varied interests of our wide-extended
common couutry; we shall bring to .bear what
ever of zeal and ability we may possess in the
support of such measures as we conceive to bo
promotive of the dcvclopcment of our resources,
and thd fostering oi our industrial pursuits j and
it is ueedless to say that we consider the general
past and present policy of the Whig party well
adapted to this purpose. We do not -promise a
blind adherence to party, but. shall reserve s be
coming independence of action whenover. we deem
it necessary, and iu a conflict between our party
and state or section of this confederacy, if such
should arise,, we will be found io tho ranks of
the latter. Our course in the present excited
state of affairs will be such as the Whig has main
tained tiyoughout—a hearty support ;of 'the clear,
constitutional rights of the South, and resistance
at all hazards and to the last extremity” to every
violation of them.
has almost arrived in tlie history-Of
the Southern States, and it must be met—coming
into the Union as equal and sovereign States, un-
express guarantee ot certain and inalienable
rights; giving up only so much ol power as was
necessary for the formation of a confederacy, which
should be tlie means of general protection, and
productive of general, good—wc find that those
gnarantees are to be trampled under foot, and this
confederacy is to be made a great consolida
if power for the purpose of oppression and i
rulethe rights of minorities are to ho dis
garded, the sovereignty of individual States scoffed
.imply because in the Southern States of this
Union, tlie institution of slavery exists—a species
of property which is the great element of South-
i success and wealth, nnd a species ot property
:ognized by the constitution itself. Because
the people of the Northern States possess a pious
horror of slavery, and believe it to be an evil, we
pectcd tosubmitto injustice and wrong- with-
that morc thairsixteen hundred dollars are due ur
Jor subscription alone. How can wc succeed whew
our patrons thus ivithhold from us our just docs 7
It is a small matter to each one, but tlie sum total
of vast importance to us. Will you not send
'forward .the smadl amounts you owe, and by so*
doing discharge a plain duty, and give us the-
means of relieving ourselves from the perplexing;
circumstapees by which we arc surrounded?
Non-Intercourse .will* tl*o North.
That the South will be driven to the alternative
of secession from theUnion, orthe adoptionof mea-
policy retaliative of the acta of-' injustice
and oppression ol the Northern^ States of this Con
federacy, has become evident. The passage of the;
California liill iu the Senate, and, its expected and
undbubted adoption By the House, is an illustration
of the means which will 'he used for the degradation-
of the slavcholding States.' Thejial ha* gone forth
slavery shall not go iiilo territory nouijfree ; we
rt this,' notwithstanding the passage of the bill
for tlioEstitblfskmcnt of territorial governments for
Utah and New Mexico for the North supported*
(hose measures, well aware of the fact that the:
people of the latter had already interdicted slavery;
and that slave owners would never carry their pro
perty into a territory so illy tilted for its profitable
Utah is represented to be, whilst it
iy the free territory of Oregon, the
., and the chrysalis free State'
The fiat has gone 'forth. Indi-
accomplished what the Northern’
3 often asserted should
the Wilmot Proviso if
the whole future history of our
... >ii ,6f the South is marked out.
Tho number-of alafo States shall not he increas
ed, and evey act that a people, lost to all sense ot
justice and right, cannot commit, is to be resorted to*
to deminish the present "area'of slavery," and to
eventually cause its abolition,'with all its horrid at
tendant evils. Unwarned by the history of British
Negro Emancipation, and the unlortunate experi
ment of freedom m St. Domingo, they would force
us to submit fo tlie eventual loss of our property, ru-
of our prosperjly, and the dreadful warfare of race
against race, to satisfy tlie prejudices of a fanatical
people. Can the South contemplate such a result
with indifference ? We believe she will act, and
> so promptly. * • -
The question then arises,. is there a remedy for
ir wrongs, aside from a peaceable dissolution of
theUnion? Can such measures be-adopted as
will correct the evil, and maintain the Union? —
Possibly there may be, and we believe that unless
the people of the North are so carried away by
fanaticism as to disregard their own interest, there
does exist a remedy.
This n-medy ja non-intercourse. Happily for
us w« possess a country abounding in every ele
ment of wealth. We have a climate unsurpassed
for salubrity by any in the world, a soil superior to
any in productiveness, vast stores of mineral
wealth, and wo . control that great clcmen*. in the
commerce of the world, the cotton staple—the lat
ter, is the greatest ** engine of power” a people
ever possessed. Ours is an intelligent, energetic
people, vvho only need be thrown upon their own
resources to produce and manufacture every article
The adoption of this policy will he the means of
occupying every water-seat by manufactories,- of
giving to ry village the hum of busy industry,
of developing our mineral wealth, ol sending forth
from our dock yards hundreds of ships, and of ex- .
tending our commerce toevery land. Andthisran \
be accomplished without an infraction of law, and 1
we believe, without a disolntion of the Union. ®
Close every Southern port to Northern commerce,
sell our cotten to England, France and Germany,
cut off all intercourse between the lico sections ; and
a few years will present to the North the alterna
tive of treating us as equals, and of securing to us
our guaranteed constitutional rights, or of permil-
ing her cotton spindles to stand idle, her working
be impoverished and her ships to rot in
out a parallel, even in tho history of the enlighten-! “,”^ g u
ed limited monarchy of the world—and to qni etly , .. - . .. t .
r„u . . ... 1 ' her harbors. She will then find that those whom
fold our arms and contemplate acts tending to cf- „ , , , i x • . . «. v.
.... , ° . I she had used as a subsmiant tool to her own's!*—- ^
feet, mthreclly, what the; <lo not a. yet pot.ee. the , stnnJisclnc „ t , and , vhoEC ri llt5 she h , d disrcg ,^
power ol eflect.nj. directly—the uholman afslmtnj. cd and , | cd llay " bcc „ me
-nets has almost arnved, we repeat. The hoar ! r<1 , riva , and sa , r intetcst j, , h „ to
come when the unplea«ant duly ha. devolved „„ t ia , licc ,, ia „„| y „ of „.
grot that such means should have to be adopted by
i , the South, but only such will prove effective.—
cased her to-exult. A cotmitotional : W e propose to give onr view, more [ally, upon
be I this subject at a future day.
Union is yet dear to her, and if such
maintained, she will be ready to defend and ad
here to it—but a Union of tyranny and oppre.*
wc believe will be deserted by her,*/ the a
qiiences be what they may.. The matter is in
own bands—it is for her to decide whether oi
she prefers to remain in the Union, and be the
tim of oppression,'or secede from - it, and maintain \ j.;'
Wc would invite the attention of our readers to
an extract in to-day’s paper, from a review of the
position of lion. II. Cobb, upon the slavery and
a letter to W. H.
her independence of character. She- will decide j ~
and by her decision we will abide, whether
accordance with our own views or not.
We hope we will be excused for making a i
ference to the present condition and prospects of > ^rem
olutinns of annexation distinctly recog-
nise slaver}' South of 36 deg. 30 min.,
and sUffeilatc, that Status formed out of
territory Sbuth of that line, shall be ad
mitted with or without slavery, as the
people forming them shall, determine.
Tide is all tbo*i friends of.the Naslr
ville plaiforirifasfe. 1 Is iUmreasonable,
is it unprecedented ?
But for whose benefit v’as the Mis
souri Compromise adopted? Was it
for the South? No; butjor the North.'
It was to satisfy their demands,, that the.
South ever acquiesced in such a Stat
ute. Now we have acquired‘large ter
ritories from the^ Repuolic of Mexjco.
The South maintains that, under, the
Constitution, she has an equal' right
with the North to tbeif free ancl full en
joyment. The North, on the other
hand, insists on excluding slavery from
them. ~ Unable to agree, the South says,
let us divide'the territory*'as in 1820,
hy'the fine of 36 deg. 30 rain., and int
asmach as it is contended by the North,
ijiat the existing laws of Mexico are
vdlid lor the exclusion -Slavery* we
insist, that in adopting Ihe : . words af the
Missouri Compromise, we shall also
— ——— .j .uissouri (joinpuxuiac, wc «uau aiau
ocal, substantial-and recognized right atlopt itsSj«riz^inil operation* As slavc-
r the Clay adjustment conform to it. the existing Mexican laws. But now I utmost importance. It”'will'contmue* line, without any equivalent whatever,
ry was . abolished North: of it; for the
accommodation of the North in .1820, let
all laws of Mexico supposed to conflict
with our right South of it, he, now an
nulled by Congress, for our benefit. * Is
there any thing unreasonable or unjust
in such' a oeraaml? Is it-asking any
tilingmore than to make therrale recip-
rocal ? Of what value to the South
would he the letter of the Missouri Com
promise, without' its spirit ? It would
’ be absolutely, yielding all North of tlie
The.Will of the Elder SIrRobt. Peel,
After detailing Drayton Park, and the
other large estates in Staffordshire, and
Warwickshire, it proceeds to recite
sums, to the amount.of-nearly a quar
ter of a million, previously advanced
toor settled upon His ^several, chi hired,
(not including ;£9,000 per-annum set
tled on his eldest son.) and then be
queathed about. .£600,000 more, mak
ing the portion of the five youngest sons
.£106,000.each, and those of his daugh
ters-*£63,000 each. He leaves the chap
el erected by him at Fazdy, in Staf
fordshire, 41,000, ( afterwards revoked
because he had-endowed it wilh lands,)
and ^6,000. to the school established by
him iu tbe said village; to the Infirma
ry and Lunatic Asylum in Manchester,
and the Lying in Hospital in- Salvord,
one hundred pounds each. The will is
dated July 27lb, 1820.. By a.cotlicil of
February il, 1S26,’ the portions of his
youngest sons are increased, to .£135,
000, and of-the- residue which is said
(o have exceeded half a million, four-
mbths wereljequealhed to the late bar
onet, and one.ninth to each of his five
younger sons. The personal property
was sworn at what is technically called
upper value,” which means that it
exceeded £900,000, and was- the* first
instance of the scale of duties extended
16 such a sum. <•'-* '
GastoA Oil.—*The production of cas
tor oil, if well managed, can be made
a profitable businessin tbe South .to a
limited extent. The palma christi, be
ing a tropical plant, .will do - better; in
Georgia aud Alabama than in Illinois
and Misssissipi, whore most of this kind
of oil js made, which is not imjiorted-
the Southern Whig. This paper was established
more than eighteen years ago, and has passed
through many vicissitudes. A few faithful friends
have given it their cheerful support r through its
darkest hours, but they are lew indeed. Its his
tory has been a sad one—during its existence it
has been a source of pecuniary loss for the greater
part of the time, and now, although in a more
prosperous condition than it has been for years
past, it is far from remunerating its conductors.'—
It is strange indeed tliat when intelligence is dis
seminated by steam and the electric telegraph,
with lightning speed; when great and monstrous
changes are occurring in the world around us;
and when our own domestic affairs are in a most
diirtracte# sttfte, tfoi-every'moment the great pulse
of the people throbs with extreme anxiety—that
thousands in our State are fouud so careless of tlie
acquisition of knowledge, as to refuse to use this
cheapest means of information—the newspaper--.
content tp live and die in as. complete ig
norance,, as if the dark pall of the middle ages
rronnded them. And it is stranger still, that
many possess so little State and sectional pride,
to support the numberless cheap publications
of the. North, that they may save fifty cents or one
dollar per annum lrom their expenses, while thev
are nursing within their bosoms tbe viper which
sting them so soon as it possesses the power.
Ent there is'another class for whom we. have a
remark—those who expect newspapers to. exist as
a means of convenience in their vicinity, and to
exdrt every effort for the promotion of their pecu
liar interests, wbilstthey.gire their.patronage to
those published at points remote frojn them.
We might appeal to the Whigs of this Con
gressional district with much propriety. Do you
wish that a paper advocating your views; and en
listed in your,"success shall cpntinae ? If so, come
up heartily tails support; ** lhe laborer is worthy
of his hire,” and why should you make the excep
tion against us ? Why is it that men of influence,
in this district refuse to lend us the helping hand ?
-Is it because we arp on worthy of being sustained?
Or is it because they are indifferent to the success
of the principles they advocate ?
If see deserve to live, let vs lice’, ifutidesehing,
let us die. Tbiil is all wp ask—and the future
will decide the matter. Since the commencement
,of the'-new series* of the Whig, July 1st, 1840—
about four years up to the present writing—altho’
the plaif of advance * payment was then adopted,
iformed to for a oonsidcrable time,' wo find
as published in the Constitutional-
i ist, under tho signature of "Oglethorpe,” and is a
j very able .refutation of the grounds assumed by
• Mr. Cobb, in favor of the Clay compromise, in pre-
the Missouri line. The doctrino of
non-intervention is handled in a masterly manner,
and its inapplicability at the present time com
pletely demonstrated. We should be pleased to
tho article in extenso, but its great
length forbids.
Newspaper Changes.
John H. Christy, Esq., who has conducted the
Athens Whig with much ability during the past
four years,* retires from the editorial chair,* as we
see hy the last issue of-that paper, in a neat and
appropriate valedictory. He has our best wishes
forjiis future success.. We have heard that-he
will hereafter conduct the Messeuger, published at
Ashville, N'. C.’\&c., &c.
You .will allow me, Mosers. Editors, (jvbile
thanking him for the very handsome terms in which
from time to time alluded to my poorsetvi-
o correct a mistake into which Mr. Suvthe
has been led by his informant. So far as I, know,
there has not-been a word said about me taking '
charge of the Messenger, and the report, I presume,
grew out of the fact that I visited Asheville just be
fore retiring from the Whig. This may look like %
small raatler. but there arc reasons why the correc-
tiop should be made.
By publishing this, Messrs. Editors, and request
ing my esteemed friend of the Republic to roako
the correction, you will much oblige yours, &c.,
THE EX-EDITOR.
G* Wc learn lrom an extra, from the office of
tbe "Georgia Citizen,” that ah indignation meeting
was held in Macon on the 23d inst., to: take into
consideration the offence, committed by the editor
of that paper, (L. F. W. Andrews) by the publi
cation of an abolition articte in the Citizen.
. The following is ihe. verdict rendered by that
body : . -
Resolved, That a committee of fifteen be appoint
ed to wait upon Hr. Andrews, and Inform him that
he must riot issue another number ot -his'paper in
this city, and that'he must give op the name of the
Author of the.'Gabxiel’ letter, and shouM he re
fuse to comply with the above demands, that the
citfzsmbf lliori will alfpt' susS minures'- as to
compef his precipitate departure.
hVk. GiSS,!’ ! Sccri^ric... 1^ y_ _
Early Fbost.—The Albany Argus pf tlTe lOth
inst.,says*there warn frost in Bethlehem qmd its
vicinity Qolhe night .of^Friday week; i