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mine the validity of the title which
Georgia claims under the Treaty of
February last, to have acquired to
the ■xhule land which that Treaty
professes to cede. The Courts of
the United Htatcs will hear and de
termine this question fairly and im
partially ; and Georgia has never for
a moment, we are persuaded, look
ed to any other decision of it than
such as could he arrived at by the
forms of law. Whether the decision
may be, it will readily he acquiesced
in. ’J’liis view of the question, of
course, takes it for granted that a
new Treaty has been, or will he
made, as reported, and supposes its
ratification by the Senate.
[.Vuf. hit.
(COPY )
Department of War, f
Dec. 21, 1835. $
(i'litleinen —The Executive, in
fluenced by the strongest desire to
relieve the controversy with the
Creeks so tar as Georgia was par
ticularly concerned, from the difficul
ties produced by their determined
opposition to the treaty of the Indian
Springs, has been negotiating some
lime past on the basis of a surrender
ol all their lands within the limits of
Georgia The prospt ct of' success
was for a time flattering. Recent
events however have entirely dissi
pated it, as to the whole of their
lands in Georgia. They are willing
to make a cession to the East of the
t hatalioochie, insisting on the neces
sity of a natural boundary as a pro
toilion against those tresspasses
which they sutler when separated
only front I lie white population hv an
artificial lino. By reference to the
map it appears, that a very large
proportion of the lands within the
limits of Georgia, will he acquired
by the establishment of the Chata
hoochie as a line of demarcation.
They have incumbered this pro
position with some conditions which
are exceptionable, hut which it is
hoped might be satisfactorily modi
fied. The Executive has refused
to accept any proposition short of an
entire cession within the limits of
Georgia, and has used all the means
in its power consistent with a sense
of duty to induce them to yield. To
a communication signifying this de
termination on the part of the Ex
ecutive, they have returned the en
closed reply, sons to leave no ground
on which to justify an expectation
that they will recede further. The
Executive is brought, therefore, to
the question whether it is most advi
sable (order the treaty with the objec
tions made to its validity to Congress
tor their decision, or to accept the
••ew basis ot the ('hatalioochie, and
resume the negociation. As the
c urse heretofore pursued by the
Executive has been di fated alike
by a sense ol duty and a most sin
cere wish to place the subject on a
looting acceptable to Georgia, her
wishes on the question which the!
Executive finds itself obliged to de
cide, would have great inlluence on
its decision. To learn her wishes
therefore is desirable. Her delega
tion in Congress may be safely re
stored to as being able to furnish the
most satisfactory information on this
point, and the posture of the affair
is made known with a view to ena
ble you to make such a communica
tion to the Executive, as in your own
judgement the circumstances may
justify or require
1 have the honor to he your
ob’t servant.
Signed) JAMES BARBOUR.
To the Georgia Delegation in Congress.
(COPY.)
W VSIIIM.ITOV,
lirou n’s Hotel, ICtli Dec. 1825.
Hon Secretary ok War,
Friend and Brother —Yours of the
13th in reply to ours of tlie 10th,
has been perused with attention.
!he motives of an interview we re
quested. and which is declined bv
our father, on the ground of incon
sistency to usage, wore to show the
General Government that wc were
not at raid to speak our sentiments
in the face of day.
Fite time approaches, when the
merits of a Treaty, so called, are to
be discussed, (lie issue of which is.
in the highest degree interesting to
our nation. A nation, wealthy, pow
erful, and enlightened, as vours, and
Vho o influence is felt beyond the
expanse of big waters, wc believe
will not suffer itself to yield to inter
ested clamor, and knowingly decide
to the prejudice of tho Creek na
tion. As characters will be convas
sed, and as politics seem to be in
volved. we hope that in the war of
words, the great men will not forget
the infant object that gave rise to
discussion anil unconsciously tram
ple its interests under foot.
The Creek nation has held many
treaties at different times and at dif
ferent places.—Never have they dis
puted a bargain legally made, or
have been guilty of prevarication
Many years ago, the immortal Wads
nigton a, \d Alexander McGillivray.
■ui.l certain chiefs of our nation shook
hands and made peace at New York.
Ihe talk received from that great
man, in which he promised that the
tinted States would treat the Mus
‘ "gees as children—protect them
bum intrusion, and respect their
, oundanes as they should he defined
'} treaties-—that as long as they con
dicted well j-ace and protection
should be their portion, until the
Great Spirit saw cause to destroy the
world either by the elements of wa
ter or fire, when boundaries and land
marks should cease in general obliv
ion. This talk has been kept by
the proper authorities of our nation
to this day.
From Foreign emissaries and su
perstitious fanaticism, a part of our
citizens became hostile, ami painted
themselves red. Our head chiefs,
the Little Prince and the Big War
rior, with their warriors, adhered to
good talks and assisted General
Jackson to conquer this deluded
people—and at Fort Jackson in 1811,
entered into a Treaty with the Gen
eral, when peace was proclaimed,
boundaries prescribed and protection
promised.
He told our Chiefs to surrender
land and permit the U. States to pop
ulate the country all around us, and
as we had been faithful friends to
the President, we should hereafter
live in peace as he would keep at a
a distance the bad people from over
the Big water —that his friends the
Creeks should sleep in security, and
awake in peace. Our talks to the
IT. State., have been scrupulously ob
served and fulfilled and the United
States have also walked in the
white path of truth.
They .are now soon to tell the
world, whether they still intend to
respect treaties, even with the least
of their allies. The nature of trea
ties is sacred and for trivial reasons
should not be subject to re-investiga
tion. In the present instance, the
Creek Nation declares the treaty of
of Mclntosh and certain Indians and
the United States Commissioners at
the Indian Springs, on the 12th Feb
ruary last to be counterfeit and affect
ed contrary to usage and justice.
A few questions may not be amiss
to insert here by way of illustration,
and let the inferences be drawn agree
able to the dictates of candor and im
partiality.
Were Duncan G. Campbell and
James Merriivether, instructed by
the President to treat for lxnds with
Mclntosh and his parly, or were they
sent to the Creek Nation at the head
of which were the Little Prince and
the Big Warrior !
Were not the Commissioners at
Broken Arrow met by it vast body of
Chiefs and there told, the Nation had
no laud to sell f
Was it right after the sense of the
nation was thus given to appoint a
meeting within the jurisdiction of
Georgia, and that at short notice ?
Alter a meeting was so convened
■and the authorized Chiefs dissented
and invited the Commissioners with
in the nation if they laid any commit
ment iolis to make, to treat with the
nation, was it reasonable to hold in
tercourse with unauthorized individ
uals 1
After tHo Chiefs of the Nation
were recalled and obeyed the sum
mons, if they were Chiefs of low
grade as the Commissioners say,
what object had they in sending the
indeiatigable Col. Williamson to
“ pursue and try to induce them to
come back ?
When all were gone exepet Mcln
tosh and his party, what right had
the Commissioners to pronounce the
Council to be a legal one, and the
soil still represented—and could such
a delegation make it a lawful coun
cil 1
If Mclntosh and hi* parly were the
reigning authoritity of the nation,
and he an idol ol the nation, why did
the Commissioners promise him pro
tection in the Treaty ?
If a loaded gun was not in the cor
ner and a rope suspended over Mc-
Intosh’s head, and if this law was un
known to tho Georgians, why did
Gov. Troup for purposes of intimida
tion send his aid Col. Lamar to our
Mead Chiefstotell us, that if we did
any harm to Mclntosh or his triends
he would pursue us for full satisfac
tion, as it the same had beet! done to
the people of Georgia ?
Arc not all nations entitled to sup
port and interpret their own laws
and punish their own citizens agree
able to those laws ?
And had not the Creek nation a
right to« xccute an outlaw, who like
Mclntosh had rendered himself such,
and would not the United States for
a less offence hang a traitor !
Could the compact of 1802. be
tween the I. States and Georgia spe
cifying that the Indian title to lands
should be extinguished on “ reason
able and peaceable conditions” ex
cuse an officer in departing from in
structions to effect a treaty calcula
ted to injure a nation ?
Would such a treaty stand, made
by a nobleman ol France or Britain,
unauthorized either by a written or
verbal power, and would it he insist
ed upon as lawful, on the ground that
he had once with others been invest
ed with Diplomatick powers ? anti
would it not be more consonant to the
magnanimity ofa great nation to ren
der justice to the weak than to op
press them ?
As the Creek Nation has refused
to receive a dollar of the money stip
ulated to be paid in that treaty, what
excuse can the Congress of the Uni
ted fetates make to itself in confirm
ing a bargain which our nation ha
not sanctioned and for which thev
have not value received ?
\\ e do not expect answers in de
tail to the above questions, but it i
our wish, that upon these principle-
GEORGIA STATESMAN.
Congress should decide. The lead
ing principles of justice in all nations
will leach all councils that to keep
clear of error, to decide for the afflict
ed nation, as they would wish to
be treated in like circumstances.
Our nation respectfully demand*
the repeal of the Treaty of the In
dian Springs in February last
In doing this sufficient reasons art
assigned, and none stonger to be
found on earth than the fact that our
nation in its legal capacity was not a
party to the treaty ; and that they
have refused to ratify a bargain cal
culated to annihilate the happiness
of our people
In our first letters in the spirit of
reconciliation andkyalty to the Uni
ted States, we agreed to surrender
all the lands East of (he Chattahoo
chie river. This ought to convince
the genera! government to that we
are not incapable of reciprocating in
proportion to our ability the liberal
ity of the United States.
Further concessions cannot be
made, and after the reasons first as
signed, more, you cannot well de
mand. We now appeal to the mag
nanimity of the United States.—We
have travelled a long road to per
forin this duty. It is ordain 1 by
the Great Creator that we are so re
duced as to he dependent on your
power and mercy, and if in the huge
ness of strength you determine io
decide by power and not by right,
wa shall return to our friends and
live there until you take possession
of the country. Then shall we beg
bread from the whites, and live the
life of vagabonds on the soil of our
progenitors Wc shall not touch a
cent of money fur our lands thus forc
ed from our hands and not a drop of
white man’s blood will we spill,—
and as fast as we arc knocked in the
head, the throats of our wives and
children are cut, by the first lide of
population that know no law, we wiil
then afford the United States a spec
tacle of emigration, which no hope
may be to a country, prepared by the
Great Spirit for the honest and un
fortunate Indians.
We remain your friends and
brothers.
Signed by the Hostile Creek Delegation.
COPY.
Washington, Ith Jan, 182 G
Sir: Your letter of the 24th nit.
addressed to the members of Con
gress from Georgia, was duly receiv
ed. An answci has been delayed by
the absence ol’ some of the under
signed from ths City, not that any
difference of opinion among them
would he anticipated, but under a
convictfhn that*it was proper that
their perfect agreement should not
be left to conjecture.
We learn with pleasure that the
President is anxious to relieve the
controversy with the Creeks from all
difficulties, so far as Georgia is parti
cularly concerned, and do not per
mit ourselves to doubt Ids sincere
wish to place the subject on a foot
ing acceptable to the State we have
the honor to represent, of which von
give us assurance. It is in this spirit
that we receive the expression of
your desire to ascertain the wishes
of Georgia on the question. Wheth
er it is most advisable to refer the
Treaty with the objections to its va
lidity to Congress for their decision,
or accepting anew basis of the Cha
tahoochie as a boundary between
that State and the Creeks, to resume
a negociation with a hope that cer
tain exceptionable conditions coupled
with it by them, may be satisfactori
ly modified.
W hile we feel it to be our duty to
state that we are without any ex
press instructions on this subject,
that we do not feel ourselves authori
sed in the absence of such instruc
tions to determine what are (he wish
es of the State, on the interesting
questions which you propose, anti
that wc presume the President has
received a distinct expression of
those wishes in relation to the Treaty
at the Indian Springs from the con
stitutional organs of the State sove
reignty, wc do not wish to withhold
from the Chief Magistrate of the
Union a frank avowal of our opinions
on the interesting subjects of your
enquiry.
It is our duty then to state, that in
our judgment, neither branch of the
alternative which you propose will
meet the wishes' of the State of
Georgia, or comport with the obli
gations of the Executive of (he U
nited States to a member of (he Un
ion. The State wc believe does not
and cannot suppose that Congress
will entertain a question concerning
the original validity of a Treaty rati
fied and promulgated by the proper
Departments with all the solemnities
required by the Constitution, to
which no objections are now urged
u hich w ere not distinctly presented to
the President prior to its submission
to the Senate, and by him as distinct
ly brought to the view of that body,
when asking their advice and consent
to the ratification ot that instrument.
It looks, wo think with a confidence
yet undiminished to the complete ex
ecution, within the time specified in
the compact, of the Treaty in ques
tion, and to immediate arrangements
for the removal of (bo Cherokee It:
dians—and our firm conviction is,
that the State of Georgia do; s not
and* cannot admit the right of the
General Government to rede aivav
any portion ot its soil for permanent !
or temporary occupation to the Creek
or any other Indian Tribe. We are
equally assured that the complete ex
tinguishment cf the Indian title to all
the lands within the limits,of Geor->
gia, a measure at all times interest
ing to her citizens, has now under
the pressure of the circumstances
which have grown out of this contro
versy come to be considered by them
as vitally connected with their safety,
and with the preservation of the
rights of tho State as a member of
this Union.
The undersigned feel themselves
constrained to make an additional
suggestion. They trust it will not
be considered inconsistent with the
most perfect respect to the Chief
Magistrate of the Union. In their
judgment, the State of Georgia all
other considerations apart, will not
and cannot acquiesce in any discus
sion of the validity of the Treaty in
question, on such evidence as that
by w hich it has been assailed. Re
sident near the scene of this contro
versy, and deeply interested in its re
uß, her citizens and her public func
tionaries have been attentive obser
vers of the process by which it lias
been conducted. They know and
they feel that this evidence has been
obtained by means totally adverse to
and inconsistent with the just views
of the President of the United States,
because adverse to and inconsistent
with the ascertainment of truth.—
They know and they feel that the
Indian Agent, profiting by the ex
citement of feeling, into which the
Special Agent of the Government
had unhappily fallen, lias unduly ex
erted tlie inlluence of his station to
obtain from persons for the most part
subject to his control, a stamement
of r ; rcunistances which have no foun
dation in fact and from those untu
tored savages who were committed
to his protection, an expression of
feelings which the great body of the
nation do not entertain They know
and feel that to lift the veil from this
transaction to exppse its real charac
ter to the President of the United
States, it is only necessary that that
influence should be withdrawn.—
'They still hope that the earnest
w ishes of a faithful member of the
American confederacy will not be
urged in vain before the Chiet Exe
cutive Magistrate, and with this
knowledge, this feeling and this hope,
they cannot permit themselves to be
lieve that the President wit! ultimate
ly adopt either branch of the alter
native which you propose. On the
contrary they rtffy that with a just
respect to the rights of the State,
and a paternal regard to the wishes
and feeling of her people, he will by
the rccal of this officer remove the
whole source of this unhappy con
troversy, give to Georgia, peace
throughout her borders, and tran
quility and happiness to the children
of the forest.
Signed by all the Georgia Delega
tion in Congress.
It was anticipated tlint the New
Treaty, which, it is understood, has
been formed with the Creek Indians,
would have been sent into the Sen
ate yesterday, but no Message was
received from the Executive, and of
course the Treaty could not have
been received.— J\ett. lnt.
MESSAGE.
Os Goveonor Murphy, to the Legisla
ture of Alabama.
Gentlemen :
The present communication I make
reluctantly, but from a sense of duty.
1 have for some time past, during
your present session, revolved in my
mint], the propriety ot bringing to
your view, the concern which we
have in the proceedings on the late
Indian treaty by which the state of
Georgia and' this State, acquired ter
ritory from the Creek Nation of In
dians ; the state of Georgia, the pro
perty and jurisdiction of the soil, Ihis
state the jurisdiction only I have
been fully sensible that it would re
quire peculiar moderation, magnani
mity and reflection, either to assert
or prosecute ottr rights, so as to
avoid any unjust animadversions on
the one hand, or charges af undue
regard to self-interest on the other.
The excitement,which has elsewhere
been felt, and which gave so much
concern to the friends of the peace
and harmony of the Union, and an
unwillingness to appear upon the
same troubled scene, gave monitions
not lightly to be disregarded, that the
subject should not be touched, with
out \ ery justifiable necessity. The
treaty has been, and still is' before
the public ; and should we prosecute
the concern wLich we have in it, with
moderation and liberality, becoming
an anlightened and generous people,
we shall acquit ourselves to the sat
lsfaction ofthose in whose service w e
are, and stand justified and respect
ed in the opinion of the other mem
bers of the confederation.—This
treaty is alleged not to have been
negociated in good faith, and al
though duly ratified by the compe
tent authorities, to be avoidable on
account of fraud in the means by
which it was obtained. With this
question we have of course very
little to do , we were not parties in
in the transaction, and are not
constituted the judges of it ; this is
ett to other powers, in which our
high confidence may remain unim
paired but should the treatv have
been nagociated, in a manner as to
entitle it to the ordinary force and
obligation of such compacts, this
State has acquired rights under it,
which neither the people ofthi- State,
or our brethen ol the l nited States,
would expect or wish us to abandon
—should this treaty have been en
tered into in such manner as other
Indian Treaties, which have been
sanctioned and continued of force,
no refinements hitherto unpractised
ought tooperate to our prejudice, and
deprive us of the rights of our char
tered limits, guaranted by the con
federation; the right, which in fact, in
volves population, revenue, strength
and respectability in the scale of the
Union. We have every reason to
confide that nothing will he done de
rogatory to the justice and magna
nimity of the United States, or inju
rious to the interests of this, or any
other State, which can be avoided
by much careful deliberation, or
which lies beyond the reach of ur
gent-necessity. There are, however,
a combination of circumstances, a
calculation of policy, an adjustment
of benilic nt purposes, a reconcile
ment of principles which may seem
toconflict, which give tothis question
a novel character, and present it in
an aspect altogether peculiar. It in
volves the rights and interests of
States, the justice due to the aborig
inal population, and the measures by
which the munificence, of the Gt n
eral Government, may he most effec
tually and beneficially extended to
them. We arc rapidly approaching
to a crisis in our affairs with a por
tion of the natives of the country ;
and it is high time to devise and to
reduce to system, a just and well
judging humanity, by which the fu
ture conduct of the United States
towards them will he regulated.—
When chart red limits were assigned
to the several States having Indian
population, it docs not seem to have
entered into the contemplation of
any one, that they would remain
there fixed and permanent. .Such
had not been the experience ; they
had continually retired from our set
tlements, or had wasted away in (he
midst of us, without any valuable
improvement in mind or morals.—
The Indians of the North and South,
many nations of renown in their time,
either became extinct; or wandered
in scattered remnants, to take shel
ter with tribes which we had not yet
approached, losing their name and tra
dition of their former pride and pow
er. Under this experience, the States
have been led to expect the speedy
possession of their limits, and have
gone on to make their local arrange
ments with reference to this desired
consumalion. What Wien can be
done to justify the aspiring expecta
tion's of the States, and deliver the
Indians from the consequences, hith
erto fatal, which have resulted from
a proximity to our population?—Gl
are we to suppose that the results in
future will be different from the past ?
Or is it established, that any benefi
cent purpose which does honor to
the General Government, may he
carried into effect, in such a situa
tion, to a greater extent, or with
more facility, than in others which it
is convenient to provide ? These
questions deserve a careful solution
—and with this view, it will be ne
cessary to ascertain, from what cause
it has always been seen, that they
rapidly decrease in the vicinity of
civilized society. It is no doubt by
the introduction of our vices, which
are soon embraced, and have a strong
and unresisted attraction, because
the slow progress of morals and civi
lization among them, as unable to
oppose any effectual restraint.—To
civilize a people from a rude and
barbarous condition, they should be
removed from the influence of the
vices and luxuries which prevail in
civilized life, and subjected to that
discipline and instruction, by which
a change of life, manners, and men
tal improvement, is gradually pro
duced. The virtues must ho culti
vated and the mind strengthened
against the seductions of vicious gra
tification. Such is the natural order
of things, and experience only con
firms what theory might justly pre
dicate on a current knowledge of
human nature. Such has been the
evidence of history; for the Provin
ces farther removed from the vices,
refinements and luxuries of Rome,
hut subjected to its laws, and in
structed by its arts, made the most
solid, ii not the most immediate pro
gress in civilization. This necessa-
ry course cannot be pursued with
the Indians whilst they remain with
in our limits; they have continual
access to whatever tends to corrupt
them; they have constant testimony
t hat their condition is regarded as infe
rior to others, than which, nothing is
more destructive to virtuous pnde
and generous emulation ; and the
abandoned part of our people, who
alone can mingle feeling with the na
tion; as a body, without loosing their
standing in society, will introduce
our vices and prevent the introduc
tion of our virtues, by which alone
the deleterious effects of vice might
be mitigated —We may, therefore,
expect, as has been the case in all
ther instances, to see the rapid pro
gress of the nation to extinction;
destroyed by our example which
they will soonest imitate, and preyed
upon by those among themselves,
who attain to greater improvement
of mind, and especially learn to bet
ter effect the art* and the cunning. b,
[February, 14,
which self-interest, uninfluenced by
the correct influences of a higher or
der in society, appropriates to self,
the rights and benefits to which
others are entitled. What then is
to be done for this people, who had
priority of us in tlie occupation of
this favoured land ? Must then the
increase of our population, and the
progress of improvement among us,
continue to blot out their names from
the catalogue of nations, and leave
only faint traces of history that they
ever had an existence ! We should
provide living monuments to shew
‘the liberality of ottr institutions to
wards the natives, ami proudly boast
of nations rescued from barbarism
by our means, and exalted lrom so
low an estate, to the high standing
and happiness of enlightened com
munities. This, it would seem, can
only be done, subdivided and circum
scribed as the Indian nations among
us now are, b) establishing them
within limits of their own, guaranteed
by the General Government; and by
extending to them the protection of
our arms, the patronage of our pow
er, the benefits of learning, the knowl
edge of agriculture and the arts—
and the humane influence of religion.
In such a situation they might be
come gradually subjected to our
laws, and indeed a change of their
civil institutions may he absolutely
necessary to their speedy civiliza
tion, or at least, to facilitate its pro
gress. In limits of their.own, they
would be freed from the restlessness,
agitation, anti-uncertainty, which at
tend their present condition They
mu-t suppose they are at the mercy
of superior power; that they oppose
obstacles to the wishes of their
neighbors; and that their situation
is quite different, in point of right
and stability, from that of the white
population around them. It would
be well to remove these impressions
which must operate to their preju
dice, and place them on a footing, in
tint respect, with the people of the
United States. I agree entirely with
the just and liberal views of my pre
decessor in office, on this subject,
that the I nited States should assume
a parental guardianship over them,
and thus extend their beneficence,
in such manner as best to promote
the welfare of the Indians. The
United States can loose nothing by
the exercise of this care and hu
manity towards them; they them
selves will turni-h the means, accor
ding to the liberal policy which re
cognizes their right to the lands they
occupy. The lands which they wiil
relinquish within the chartered limits
ol the States, will sell for an amount
which will reimburse the Treasury,
and afford an excess which ought to
satisfy any reasonable expectation,
lrom the national domain. To con
tinue them where they are, to the
great detriment of the several states,
until they become extinguished, and
thus surrender the whole of their
lands, (which in effect it is believed
would he the final result of such a
measure) would neither comport
with the justice, generosity, or hu
manity, ol a liberal and Christian
people. The vast unoccupied re
gions, within the limits of the United
Matos, afford every desirable facility
for the accomplishment cf this pur
pose. The Indians should not be
located within the limits of any state
or territory, tl it can he avoided, so
that the recurrence of similar diffi
cult} may he prevented in future.
Eot the Indians, a wandering, and
hitherto, unsettled portion of our
species, acquire, under the auspices
ot the I.nited States, a fixed and per
roinent habitation. This obvious
policy has not been overlooked in
our national councils ; and it would
seem that t lie present moment is very
propitious for the commencement of
H;c systems which may hereafter be
preaicated upon it. The United
States can loose nothing by us, even
should wc ask, that a just provision,
it practicable, be made for the In
dians, which will lean to the extin
guishment of their title within our
limits, at least to the extent of the
treaty; and that il the Indians re
ceived too little consideration under
it, tor the lands which they relin
quished, that the consideration he
made ample and sufficient; and that
tnc treaty be sustained, if this be
the ground of complaint. We ask
no violation of justice or humanity
iut to the Indians ; we sincerely
wish, and would be glad to contribute
.o their improvement and happiness,
but we have interests too ; anti if
here may he, by a well matured sys
tem, a due attention to our interest
and theirs we have a claim which
will not be denied. [ have onlv
touched upon the outlines of this
subject, being engaged in oiher du
ties, and especially waiting for more
precise information—and vet inu.-t
claim your indulgence for the leno-tb.
as well as imperfection of the pre
sent communication. Mv main ob
ject however, will be easily seen
which is to invite your attention, to
make such representation to the
Government of the United States as
! h,s subject, in all its various bear
ings, may seem to your wisdom to
require. Ihe temperate expression
of our opinions and views, will bo
kindly received by the national au
thorities, of whose justice an.l liber
ality we have had constant experi
ence.
I have the honor to be, very res
pectfully, your most obedient, &r.
JOHN MURPHY