Newspaper Page Text
Prices Current,
jPARrKX, DECEMBER 23.
ARTICLES. per g 101 J, g X ° c
Cotton, sea-island, —— 25 . 27
■ •, upland, —— 14 * 14$
Rice, cwt. 225 275
Corn, ‘ bush 60 *■ 65
Flour, Philadelphia, bbl. 650 7
, Baltimore 6 6 50
Sugar, Georgia, cwt. 11 12 50
* —, New-Orleans, 11 50 13 00
——, Lump, 22 00 23 00
Molasses, Georgia, gal. 34 37
Rum, Darien, 4th pf. 1 15 1 18
Brandy, Cognac, 2 25 2 50
Imitation, 00 00
Wine, Madeira, —— 4 00
, Sicily ditto, 1 75
■ , Claret, v
Gin, Holland, gal. -1 15 1 25,
Whiskey,-. 48 50
Coffee, green, lb. 33
Tea, 1 12 1 50
Bacon, 10 12
Pork, bl. 14 00 20 00
Beef, mess, 16 00
Tobacco, leafi cwt. 500 700
Soap, \ lb. 12 15
Candles, northern, 22 25
Iron, -cwt. 5$ #’ 6*
Steel, 12'-pr 15
Lead, bar, .J| lb. *4#* 9 11
Powder,pay #. 1 keg 700 900
cwt. 11 50 12 00-
Ranging Timber, 10(X)f 810 10 00
s Jng, 14 00 18 00
BoSrtis, pitch pine, 20 00
£■ ,
Staves,
Shingles, 1000] 350 400
Advance on British Goods,
Woollens, - 50
Cottons, - 45 aSO
PRICES AT SAVANNAH, December 19.
Cotton, sea-islaend, 26 a 29 cents.
Do. upland, 14j a 15$
Bacon, per lb. 6 a 10
Corn, per bushel, 45 a 50
Flour, northern, g 5 a 5 50
Do. country, ‘ 3J a 4 50
Rice, hundred lb. 2| a 3 00
AT AUGUSTA, December 16.
Cotton, 14 a 14$ cents.
Corn, 43£ a 50
Flour, jgs a g 6
European Intelligence.
[From papers received at New-York.]
London, Oct. 9.
The period is fast approaching to
which every Briton, of truly loyal prin
ciples, must look forward with interest
and pleasure, that period which is to
decide on a question which has so long
agitated the country, and at which an
end, we hope, is to be put to the state
of agitation and incitement which has
so long prevailed amongst us. That
the decision of the lore’s, on this most
interesting subject, will have that a
greeable effect on all who respect the
institutions of the country, may be
most confidentially expected But,
with respect to characters of ancient
description, we confess ourselves not
to be so sanguine. They have already
decided on the affair; and whatever
opinion may be given that is not in ac
cordance with this pre-judgment of
their’s, will be- condemned as partial,
corrupt, and emanating from base and
interested motives. But, if the ppin
ion of this honorable house should be
found to accord with their’s, still, they
will find, in that very circumstance,
fresh food for crimination and abuse.
The storm that would, in the former
case, have been directed against their
lordships and the government, will be
exclusively pointed against his majes
ty’s ministers. This is the end and
scope of all the zeal and interest which
such characters take in this affair.—lt
is not for the generous purpose of pro
tecting innocence and maintaining jus
ticei that these men are so loud in their
clamorous support of her majesty, op
this occasion; it is from the more con
genial desire of agitating the country
—of reviling the public authorities—
and harrassingthe government. Spch
has been their employment for a con
siderable time past; and, in their pre
sent exertions, they are only laboring
in their accustomed vocation. Our
paper, this day, is chiefly filled with
Mr. Brougham’s speech in defence of
the queen. We -leave it, at present,
to the consideration of our readers,
without comment. Sheffield Mer
cury. . \
October 10.
It is perplexing to guess what course
ministers may adopt on the present
trying occasion. The foul calumnies
invented, the wicked perjuries sworn
against the queen, disperse and vanish
before the light of truth. Yesterday
was another ‘glorious day for her ma
jesty, and a joyous day to her people.
We know not that we can do more
than present an abstract of the evi
dence: it is clear, satisfactory and de
cisive; and, which is hardly credible,
her majesty’s counsel have still wp- i
nesses after witnesses remaining, to
prove and establish, over pnd over
again, her innocence.
Another plot, of a dark and most in
sidious character, appears to have been
discovered. The object sterns to have
been to circulate Seditious, and even
treasonable hand-hills, inthe nartie, as
it should appear, or by the instigation
of the queen. There are various ru
mours afloat, throughout the metropo
lis, on the The first object
appears to nave been to destroy the
queen, by mingling her name with the
fabrications of her enemies, andrnak-’
ing it to be believed that she is the au
thor or encourager of seditious pla
cards. A person of some consequence,
apprehended on a suspicion of these
criminal practices, appears to have been
in an unaccountable manner dismissed
by Sir Robert Baker, the Bow-street
magistrate, and has not thought pro
per to make his second appearance.—
We can, at present, do little more than
point attention to the proceedings at
Bow-street.— Times.
From the Charleston City Gazette, 49 th inst.
LATEST FROM ENGLAND. „
By the ship South-Boston, captain
Campbell, arrived yesterday morning,
in 42 days from Liverpool, we have re
ceived London papers to 3d November,
inclusive. From a careful view of their
contents, we discover nothing of inter
est. The great question of the queen
was still undecided. Di. Lushington
spoke on the 2,6 th October in her fa
vor—the attorney-general and solicitor
general replied on the part of the pro
secution; the speech of the last named
gentleman closing the case on the 30th.
When he had concluded, Mr.:Brou
gham requested permission to address
the house, although he said he had no
right to be heard, in order to produce
to their lordships certain letters of the
baron Ompteda, minister of Hanover,
going to establish an active agency for
the prosecution on the part of the had
ron, by whom they were written, in the
corruption and seduction of some of
her majesty’s servants, to give testimo
ny against her. He said it appeared
to him they were admissible in two
points of view. “In the first place in
an ordinary trial, he was convinced no
judge would exclude material and im
portant testimony, accidental’ coming
before the final judgement, open of
course to the Ordeal of croos examina
tion', and of being rebutted, if possible
by other evidence. If this would be
permitted in a tribunal purely judicial,
it surely would not be excluded when
a legislative was pending
like the present.” He was about to
read the contents of the .letters to the
house, when he was interrupted by
the Attorney General, who object
ed that to proceed ’in that way of
reply after the case had been closed,
was highly irregular, A short discus
sion then took place in the house, and
a motion was made to receive the let-’
ters, which was decided in the nega
tive. Contents, 16—non contents, 145
—majority against the motion, 129.
The bill of pains and penalties, was
called up by the lord chancellor in the
house ol lords bn the 2d of November,
and warm discussion ensued on the mo
tion to order it to a second reading.—
The house adjourned at 4 o’clock, un
til the following day, without taking
the question.
The queen gave notice on the 25th
October, through her vice chamber
lains, that in consequence of the late
ness of the season, and the probable ap
proach of wet weather, she wished to
decline receiving any future addresses
in person after the 31st. Addresses
after that time, she intended to receive
and answer without the cerembny of a
formal deputation.
It is stated in a London paper of 28tli
October, that there were at one time,
in Cotton Garden, threescore witnesses,
ready to swear to any thing, who had
never been exhibited; but who, if the
politics of the court had taken a more
humane'turn, could have just as soon
been brought out to swear to the queen’s
innocence as to her guilt.
Prince Leopold, of Saxe Cobourg,
had waited several times on her majes
ty. The object of his first visit to her,
it is said, was purposely to express to
her his conviction of the futility of the
charges exhibited against her, and of
her perfect innocence.
London, October 31.
Can we possibly say more to batter
down and demolish the cause against
the queen, than by merely stating
that the attorney and solicitor-general
are obliged to rely upon the evidence
of De Montand Majochi, (the countess
colombier and signor non-ricordo) for
the support of it? They do actually
speak of the testimony of those worthies
as if it were that of Moses and Daniel!
The circumstance is ridiculous: but we
do not know how they could do other
wise, as they determined, or were obli
ged, however unwilling, to persevere
in the bill. If you cannot have the evi
dence you would have, you mmt make
the best use of that which you have goi.
But this is not all: the conduct of the
queen, forming a case of public and no
torious scandal, infamy and disgrace,
requires three days of most elaborate
argument from the first law officers of
the crown, to turn the balance of evi
dence in favor of their hypothesis’ of
.crime! Every ground of accusation
has been travelled over four times: and
the last words has proceeded from the
lip£ of two acute lawyers, primed by
three months study of a case three long
years in preparation. They find it ab
solutely necessary to sustain tfieir at
tack, by showing that De Montand
Majochi are entitled to full faith, and
worthy of all acceptation, as most re
spectable witnesses. II they are struck
out ©f the list of credible persons, the
whole charge falls to the ground. It
is a very odd kind of criminality, that
cannot be rendered probable but by a
mass of argument as bulky as Hobb’s
Leviathan, and that is founded on the
testimony of witnessed as false as fiends.
The testimony is good for nothing with
out the three days argument; and a
crime proved by three days argument,
without testimony, is like a house built
by a syllogism. I
There is a process now more than
ever taking place, or at least was tak
ing place up to the time when Mr.
Denman made his celebrated call
“come forth, thou slanderer!” to which
we would call general attention. That
process is the circulation of all manner
of unfounded lies against the queen,*s
if she were not upon her trial, and as if
all the calumnies that had the least
probability of being sustained by. any,
thing like evidence, had not been al-i
ready been put into, and taken out of,
the green bags,. The lords must not
think, if they listen, to these tales, that
their minds are so firm as not to be bi
assed by them in their judgment.—
There is a case in poirt to shew the
contrary. Lady C. Lindsay declared
upon her oath, that she never saw the
least impropriety in the queen’s con
duct; yet was her ladyship so influen
cnced by Reports abroad,evidently con
jured up and circulated falsely, and
without and authority, that she “was in
duced to quit her royal highnesses ser
vice: though as lord Erskine justly ob
served, her ladyship’s own observation
ought to have corrected the reports.
‘London, Nov. 3.
We leave to the country to see and
1 reflect deeply on the manner in which
the bill of Pains and Penalties is press
ed to a second reading. They are
very safe, who deStribe the lords as
honorable, disinterested, unbiassed j ud-
but we may be allowed to ask in
behalt of the queen, whether the cha
racter of her moral conduct can, or
ought to be decided on, as good or
bad, like the expediency of a greater
or less military force, by confidence in
ministers? The question has become
one of mere slrergth, and we could
almost'fhed tears when we reflect, that
those who-heretofcrc defended her ma
jesty, when in tie prime of youth,
against the odious imputations of liber
tinism, should now not only choose to
bring forward a charge, of a similar
nature against her in her old age, but
should canvass and use the influence
which their situation gives to obtain
votes against her.
Either house of parliament may de
cide as it thinks proper; but all the,
country know full assuredly that the
queen is innocent. The great features
of the case are so strong and distin
guishable, that they cannot be disguis
ed by trick, chicanery, and special
pleading. All the balderdash, lies,
nonsense, and absurdity, that has been
sworn against the queen, is dissipated
at once and iq a moment, to common
sense and just intellects, by the simple
fact of her having quitted Bergami in
an instant, as soon as she found her pre
sence necessary in England; though
she might have had 50,000/. a year to
have spent the rest of her life with
him. Can any one account for such a
fact on the supposition of a criminal
intercourse or attachment?
COMMERCIAL.,
Extract of a letter to a commercial house
in Charleston, 8„ C. dated
Liverpool , 4 th Nov. 1820.
“The demand for Cottons has been
extensive for the last three weeks—the
sales of each averaging nearly BQOO
bags. The consumption never was
greater, and the general trade of the
country is improving; yet the heavy
stock of cottons, which is estimated as
follows, prevents any advance in prices.
7,600 Sea Islands
68,000 Boweds
16,700 Orleans and Tennessee
59,400 Brazils
13,000 Demarara, Bcc.
38,900 East-India
-■- 4 • , %
203,600 Total.
The total import to this date, this
year, is 41.8,564
Do. do. do. same period last
year 331,680
Increase this year, 86,884
Tohaccoes are in very moderate de
mand—the trade buy regularly, but
not extensively; our present stock is
9,342 hogsheads, and in London it is
12,510 hogsheads. In other articles;
not much is doing at our quotations, to
which we refer:
Cotton, Upland, 9s-d. a 12d.; Or
leans 9sd. a l3sd.; Teqn. 9d. a 10$d.;
Sea Island, I6sd. a 2s. 2d.; Stained do.
lid. a Is. 4d. Surats, a 9sd.;
Bengals, 6£d. a 7d. sd.; Tobacco, JaS.
River, 2sd. a Bd.; Stemmed, 4s. 6d. a
6ds; K'ent. 2d. a'4sd.; Stcm’d. 3fd. a
4jd. and 5d.; Ashes, Pots, 395. a 405.;.
Pearls, 395. a 405.; Turpentine, 10s. a
113- 6d.; Tar, 18s. a 205.; Quircitron
bark, 12s. a 215.; Rice, in bond,
a 205.; Staves, W. CL bbl. 10/. a 13;
Hhd. 18 a 23; Pipe 25 a 30; Flour,
sweet, in bond, 21s. 6d. a 235.; Dol
lars, 4s. 10$d. per oz.j U. S. 6 per ct.
Stock, 103 a 106; 3 per cent. 70;
Bank Shares, 23/. 55.”
LATEST FROM SPAIN.
Lommunicated for the Phila. Dem. Press.
Extract of a letter, dated
Gibraltar, Sept. 28
“I am, therefore, but little, if any,
wiser, in the affairs of Spain, than I
was when I wrote y6u last. I have
seen and heard enough to satisfy me,
that that devoted country is yet, to be a
prey to all the horrors of a distracted
policy, or to remain buried in the
chaos of fanatic batbarism and monk
ish superstition; as yet, nothing has
been done inthe cause of civil liberty
and national emancipation* The
Cortes, instead of setting about estab
lishing anew system, have been fool
ishly and uselessly engaged repairing
an old one, the very foundations of
which are rotten and untenable. Ful
some adulation and childish compli
ments to the praise and glory of Fer
dinand, have more engaged the delibe
rations of the house, than the finances,,
the commerce, the manufactures, and
the thousand othfer et e'eteras, which
required immediate attention; and
which, the nation and the world ex
pected would Jiave formed the sub;
jects of their first and most steady and
profound legislation. This game has
created powerful parties against the
Constitution, because it has shaken the
confidence of the people in those
whom it was expected would be found
its fast confiding supporters. The
people, tired of looking longer to the
Cortes for relief from the thousand
difficulties which oppress them, begin
co seek redress in the wisdom and vi
gor of their own resources—and hence,
a system cif the most pubtic and law
less traffic is to be found in every town
and province in the kingdom. In ma
ny, they absolutely refuse to pay taxes;
the monopolies of the king, tobacco
and salt, which were wont to be held
as sacred as the garments of their
saints, are now as publicly sold as any
other merchandize; and smuggling
prohibited goods, is hardly more se
cret and disguised, than the introduc
tion of the most favored articled. In
fine, all is anarchy and confusion, and
it caimot be long before bloodshed
must follow. It would be difficult to
say, at present, what the government
of Spain is. You will havfe seen that
lately General Riego, and his com
rades, twice refused a positive order
of the government: The- government,
in turn, stripped them of their commis
sions, and put them into banishqienq
without even the ffcrm of trial •—and
this on the very acknowledgement of a
Constitution which secures that bene
fit to ail as a fundamental and unalien
able right! . .
Os the moral character ’of the pre
sent generation of Spain, necessary to
the enjoyment and to the capacity for
free government , you are better quali
fied to judge than I am. Nay, you
Have a more practical acquaintance.—
To my mind, it is a barrier not to be
overcome;, anew generation must rise,
with other habits and other feelings—
educated to the contemplation of things
diametrically opposite in a moral, so
cial, religious, political, and philoso
phical point of view, before any thing
can be expected to uphold the great
cause of .civil liberty in Spain, or give
her a niche in the temple of rational
freedom.
What good they do, I am ready and
willing to give them credit for; but I
look for it under the present system,
with as hopeless an expectation as I
should expect to see a peifecc federal
union formed out of the heterogene
ous mass pf our stupid and unlettered
blacks.
Our affairs have never been thought
of—a committee was appointed on
every subject in the king’s message, at
the opening of the Cortes, but on the
‘unsettled differences with the United
States.’ Florida, you will never get
by treaty— and Spain says, as long as
the Emperor of Russia will conde
scend to give advice on the subject,
you will never get it at all. The Uni
ted States have their own honor in their
own keeping.
We have a considerable stir amongst
politicians to day, in consequence of
the appearance, off here, this
ing, of the British frigates
Cambrian, in 11 days from En],
who, having landed dispatches at’ \
bbn, and this place, proceeded to i
eastward. They succeeded the p a ,
et only three days, and sailed with;
few hoiirs of each other from Engl,
There was but a few hours ditto re
in their arrival here.
There are a thousand stories a g
on the occasion, which it would be 5
less to repeat: amongst them, the
cape of Bonaparte—and orders tej
vent the Americans from occupy
Sicily. Something is in the wind, w),
you; perhaps, will know as soon a s
Os the Portuguese revolution,
get but irregular accounts that can
depended upon. Our last dates st?
some oppugnation tp be
some parts, that was likely to lead
bloodshed. Their situation is an
critical one. Without a Protn
they cannot succeed; and to whom
they to look? o, Spain, would app
most natural , from their geographi
physical and moral situation, lini
present, that would be absurd and i
England is bound to oppose then
What power in Europe can succoi
revolution against legitimate authoi
Take Spain and Portugal toget
then, and think you, in our lives,
cause of civil liberty will be subsi
ed?”
Congress of the United Stat
SENATE.
■Monday , Dec. 4, 1820.
Mr. Pinkney appeared to-day, i
took his seat.
COMPENSATION OF MEMBER
The senate, according to the or
of the day, took up the resolution si
mitted by Mr. Burrill on the 16th
to reduce the compensation of m<
bers of congress to six dollars a dal
Mr. Johnson, of Kentucky, obst
efi that he had no doubt the ultim
fate of this proposition would be in
finite postponement. As he did i
however, desire a discussion of i
subject at present, he would not mi
that motion, but wopld move its p<
ponement until Monday next wti
the 18tl instant; which motion i
agreed to, and the resolution was pi
poned accordingly.
PUAISHMEJYT OF PIRACY. S
The resolution submitted by I
Barbour, on Friday last, was taken!
and having been modified by the ml
er, so as to direct, an enquiiy into t?*
expediency of authorising the Prej
dent of the United States to comma
the capital punishment of piracy, j
confinement in penitentiary houses,?
such cases as he may deem expedite
Mr. Barbour then proceeded
give, at considerable length, his vie
in support of the object of his motii
The resolution was agreed to wit
out objection.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVE
December 4.
Mr. Strong, of N. Y. submitted!
consideration the following resolutia
Resolved , That a committee bes
pointed to ascertain and report to t
house, the amount of individual clai
upon the United States, in favor of
merican citizens, growing out of t
late war with Great-Britarn, the Crei
war, and the Seminole war; designs
ing the classes ,of the claims, and tl
names of the claimants; together ivi
the sum or sums which, in their opi
ion, shall be equitably ahd fairly due
each, so far as the same may be prac
cable; and also upon the expediency
providing for the same, by issui:
scrijf, receivable in payment for t!
public lands, or in such other mart
as the committee may deem more
visable. ~ . 4 1
A Ynotion to lay the resolution ontl
table; was decided in the affirmative,!
a small majority.
Tuesday , Dec. 5.
On motion of MrT Storrs, it was
Resolved , That the Secretary 1 of tl
Treasury Department, be directed 1
communicate to-this house, the late
•return made to that department, of tl
general statement of the’ Bank of tl
United States, and its Offices of Di
count and Deposit, *
On motion of Mr. Simkihs, it was
- Resolved , That the Secretary 1
War fie requested to-lay before th
house, a particular statement of the et
penses of the army of the U. State
from the end of the late war, till tl
present year, including the estimate fj>
1821, designating the expenditures!
each branch of the army for each year
with such explanations as may be i |£l
cessary to render the statement c\et
and explicit. Also, that he lay befoi
this house the amouitt of balance, >
any ha\e accrued, in each year, ft' oll
the monies appropriated for the sup
port of the army; in what way sue
balances have accrued, ancl how tW
have been disposed of or appropriate!
AMENDMENT TO TIIE CONST
TIQN.
The house then, on motion of M 1
Smith, of N. C. resumed the cortsi^