Newspaper Page Text
W vl
B ITED AJ'fD PUBLISHED
BY
MBs. F. GRANDISON.
(ON THE BAY)
f/ fjWher annum, payable in advance.
W ‘ TO TIIE PUBLIC .
of Directors of “The Hamburg
&utk,Wl*ving assertained that the said In
could not be carried into operation
charter granted by the Legislature
‘ J *SfifflP ate South-Carolina, and the Com
misslßSw appointed oy the Legislature, for
Bank into operation, having up
on thJwepresemation of the said Directors,
Bbßmlp and destroyed the certificates of
bringing the affairs of the
Bank, to a final close—upon
1 have deemed it advisable
-Wjtywito operation, on the 2d of July next,
ppjgHtiifi Third Anniversary-of the founda
ion of Hamburg, a Banking Institution, to
b“lttipMTiirntrd “tin* Tlnnlr of Hamburg,
IlikuFOhfirolina,” upon the following princi
asis, viz. The stock Consists of
the vaults, all my interest in the
lamburg, which is nearly three
it, besides a larg^' interest in two
tacts of land, containing nineteen
ind forty-seven acres, adjoining
the whole of which is pledg
ing to the laws of this state, and
n the books of the Bank, as
the payment of bills which
ssued from said Bank. Gold
Coin will be promptly paid at the
times during Banking hours, for
,tn required. The Bank will ad
;y to any person on the Deposite
use receipts, for Cotton, Tobacco,
ir some species of merchandize,
•ein, at the rate of seven per cent,
hich interest will be caculated by
Two thirds of the value ofthe then
;e, will be advanced, payable in
or at any time within twelve
the option of the Depositor. A
a week, will be considered and
whole week in the interest The
las it at his option to sell the arti
osited, in Hamburg or Augusta,
them sent to Charleston, and re
enefit of that market; but before
■y of those articles is made, the
jvanced on them will be required,
wing remarks will more fully ex
lportant advantages of this Bank,
g trade into this state, from the
j ones. The advantage to the
ibvious, Suppose a farmer makes
of cotton, averaging 300 lbs. at
would be worth g 1260. On each
bags, he can draw thirds of
it comes in, say §2BO, which isgi
-340 on his3obags, in advance, be
vantage of receiving the benefit
iarket,and the selling of his whole
ter, instead of selling it in small
o enterprising meh of limited ca
[ually advantageous; For instance
§3OOO capital; lay this sum out in
osite the receipts in Bank, and he
52000 from the Institution; lay
t again in cotton, deposite the re
he can draw §133 1-3; lay this
in, deposite the receipts, and he
888*88 cents* which gives him a
of §7222 21 2-3, and he has to
t at seven per cent, on only
, by making only three deposites,
ing to pay the usual commission
r ct. for endorsements at sixty
tie same proportion will be the
whether the capital be smaller or
imilar advantages can be receiv
>f no capital, but who have cred
tance, a man buys 30 hogsheads
3 bags of Coffee, or some other
ierchandize,at 3,4, and 6 months,
ual custom. He makes a depos
gsheads or 20 bags, which gives
two thirds qftheir value to go
:on market, and yet leaves him 10
sr bags to sell. The benefit !
nerchants may derive from this j
is incalculable. lam aware that I
on of the Bank may not suit those !
imetimes called the “Big-Fisli,”
terially protect and benefit the
1.” As lam determined to con
irations of this Institution, strict
inciples herein explained, it is
it the Bank of Hamburg will rest
e solid basis, than the Banks of
which issue upon mere personal
fcs the property hypotheticated,
description speedily convertible
e security of the Bank will not on-:
stable, but more promptly availa-,
>tes payable at sixty days, which
Ltal securities of Banks of Dis-,
the Bank contemplated by the 1
could not be carried into effect 1
barter, it is confidently believed !
ightened views of that body, will •
dally realized by this institution,!
snccessful operation will not on
jctually reclaim the trade of our j
1 has heretofore gone to Georgia, j
lify us for the losses sustained in .
iy drawing to South-Carolina w
ly valuable from the upper coun- ’
gia. In my first memorial to the j
of this State, which is subjoined,
to divert the trade which went
Bn this state, through Augusta, to Savan- j.
H, and also a part of the trade even of Geor
■> directly to Charleston. My plan was .
■n thought, by many, to be visionary and .
■oily impracticable; so much so, that my
Bt memorial in 1821, was rejected; but was j
■onsidered when the second part, which ;
■Explanatory of the first, was attached to it,
P unanimously adopted.
DARIEN wSSfe ‘GAZETTE.
My promise has been fully realized. It is
acknowledged that the trade to this state is
already increased a half a million of dollars
per annum. In like manner, 1 doubt not
that my present undertaking will be regard
ed by many as merely theoretical and inca
pable of being brought into, practical opera
tion—but I am equally as confident of its
practicability of diverting the aforesaid trade
to Charleston, and do not doubt that equal
benefits will result from it, to the state of
South-Carolina, and to a large portion ofthe
people of Georgia. The correct principles
on which the Bank is founded—the solid ba
sis on which it stands, and the silver dollars
will soon remove all doubts.
HENRY SHULTZ.
Hamburg, S. C. June 29, 1824.
The author of “Enquirer” will we trust
excuse our leaving out one paragraph of his
communication, as the article is in no respect
injured thereby.
From the Augusta Chronicle.
I am friendly to enterprises which promise
benefit, especially to such as propose a quick
increase of capital for commercial purposes.
I see by your last paper, that a Bank is com
menced at whose president and
director being the same individual, can never
probably want the will to carry into effect
any proposed measure—for under the guid
ance of one voice, there will net be any divi
sion of opinion. But unless an insurance of
fice should be opened to insure against any
fall in the price of produce w j do not see
clearly how the advantages of the scheme
published will be made beneficial to any but
the Bank itself. As for instance, suppose in
the very case reeoinmendedria person having
a “capital of §3OOO, lays it out ifi cotton and
deposites this” for the sake of getting §2OOO
advanced; for this sum he*‘*pays interest
weekly”—this two thousanta dollars is laid
out in cotton and this is deposited in Bank,
and §1333 1-3 advanced upon it—this again
is laid out and the cotton for it deposited,
and §BBB 88 cents is drawn on it. The per
son then has in hand the last mentioned sum,
and he owes the Bank §4222 21; and by
this time it becomes necessary to pay the
Bank and realize his profits. The Bank
has pledged to it the cotton he has purchas
ed, amounting to §6333 1-3.
this cotton to sell at no loss —which will be-l
probably as favorable a supposition as ought
to be made; then it will bring, what it cost,
sav §6333 1-3, out of which the Bank debt is
to be paid.
1 -of §4222 22
Interest on it, suppose only 75
Suppose storage and other ex
penses only 75
§4371 21
This deducted from §6333 1-3,
the amount of sales will leave 1961 12
Add to this the last advance by
Bank • 888 88
Which will make §2 850 00
Which will be the net amount produced b_v
this operation, being a loss of one hundred
and fifty dollars, besides having perhaps
a considerable proportion of the amount
in bills, for the payment of which there is
the pledge of the same individual who
stands pledged for the payment of the
Bridge Bank Bills, so well known .in this
quarter.
Now if the Hamburg Bank can induce,
capitalists, either large or small, to purchase
produce and pledge it there for two thirds of
what it actually costs, it may do an excellent
business. But I should suppose that- from
monied men in Angusta or elsewhere, any
required sum migfit be raised by those who
would pledge produce as security, at two
thirds of its cash value. It will not, I sup
pose, be pretended, that.property pledged
or mortgaged to the Hamburg Bank, can be
disposed of again, till the Bank debt is pro
vided for; and if not, the advantages of the
plan published are rather specious than
useful. Perhaps however a further ex
planation of it, may prove it worthy of pa
tronage.
It will be observed the interest and expen
ses are supposed sums; whether these prove
greater or the loss will be proportional
bly increased or lessened. A rise in the price
of produce can scarcely be expected which
will render this sort of banking profitable to
both parties.. ENQUIRER.
THE POLITICAL SABBATH.
As we are responsible beings, both in what
we owe to the Creator of all things, and
his creatures among whom we are located
—and, as it appears to me impossible that
we can yield acceptable obedience unto him,
while doing wrong to our brethren—l be
lieve it is right that, we should frequently
retire within ourselves, and carefully exa
mine what we have been about? and my
opinion is, that if this examination is made
with a sincere desire to arrive at truth, we
shall not often be denied the felicity of ob
taining it. It is possible that self-love may
sometimes lead us astray, and interpose ex
cuses that rigid justice would not admit—
but if the secrets of our motives are investi
gated by ourselves, and we can reconcile
j them to our own consciences in the secret
of our own hearts, both pleasure and profit
I must result from the examinations, and we
, shall feel ourselves encouraged to pursue
our way, rejoicing in the glory of the truth.
I The ruling principle must be known to us—
we cannot disguise it from ourselves, and
we shall surely find out whether we are in
fluenced by love or by fear, as to matters of
the first concernment —whether we really
love liberty, or only love the loaves and fish
es, and have given ourselves up to the direc
tion of those who possess, or, it is presumed
will have, thepowgr to dispense them with
a prodigal hand, for which we fed willing to
barter them our political virtue, and become
political prostitutes.
DARIEN, (GEORGIA,)- — <£qual atltl <£ract 3Ju3tice. TUESDAY, JULY 27, 18>4.
Quietly seated at my desk, and alone in
the office, in the early part of Monday last,
devoted to an observance of the anniversary
of the most important event of modern
times, the independence of the United
States, the consequences of which are only
just beginning to develope themselves as to
their effect on the natiens at large—it seem
ed to me that, on this Sabbath of Liberty,
it would be proper for us all to bring the
mind into stillness, and reflect upon the.
means by whichjfreedom was gained; but
especially to consider what our conduct
should be to preserve , in peace, the blessings
that had been won by the sword. And 1
thought that liberty might be obtained by a
mere exertion of animal force, but was con
vinced that it could only be retained by dil
ligent enquiries into the rights of persons
and things. Intelligence has been said to
be the soul of liberty, and vigilance is the
condition on which it is granted to man; and
I felt disposed to renew my vows that, ac
cording to the moderate ability afforded, I
would continue to do what 1 could, that we
might hold on the blessings conferred on my
country and countrymen, by a beneficient
Providence.
I then proceeded to examine the part
which” I had taken in the political events of
the past political year, and strove to get at
the motives of my proceedings, and was hap
py to find that I could not see any subjection
to the will of others, or speculation as to the
advantages in them*, further than as I believed
would benefit the nation at large. The lea
ding matter that arrested attention was the
effort made by a few persons at Washington
city to manufacture a presiden’ ofthe United
States and the stand that I had taken to aid
in preventing the success of their work; and
I was renewedly convinced that the attempt
was a desperate one of unauthorized and un
quallified persons, unknown to the constitu
tion or the law, and without even the “ty
rant’s plea” of necessity, who had “caballed,”
as my friend Gales said of the caucus of 1816,
to produce “in direct opposition to
the public will;”and yet this same gentleman
delights to call the act of the miserable minor
ity ofsixty-six members of congress, assembled
in their private capacities, a “regular nomina
tion”—strongly intimating, also, that it 13
mainly the illiterate and unthinking that op
||pose the legitimacy of that caucus, by saying
ip hat the persons selected are “the prefer
ence of a decidedly larger portion of the
reading and reflecting part ofthe people of
the U. States than any other of the candid
ates.”* But, perhvps, he only means those
Who read the “National Intelligencer,”
and reflect “according to order,” as Prus
sian soldiers pray,f under that tenderly
inspiring instrument of devotion, a ser
geant’s rattan! Surely, the people are
muon obliged to Messrs. Gales & Seaton
for this compliment paid to ‘them—we of
Baltimore are espicially indebted to them
Seeing that the room in which lam writing,
about 10 feet by-12, would certainly contain
ail the “reading and reflecting people” that
1 know or have heard of, out of our sixty
five thousand-inhabitants, who will support
either the caucus or its proceedings—and
there are fifteen or twenty states in which
the people are nearly as unanimous against
both.
But the declaration of the gentlemen is not
so extraordinary as it may appear at first
sight* By “reading and'reflecting people”
perhaps, they may mean only those who
read to get offices, and reflect on the be?t
way of making the most out of them. The
book that they read is entitled “manage
ment,” and the reflections that follow are
dollars and cents ; and if every body Could
read and reflect as well as my friends Gales
and Seaton, to the pleasing tune of twelve or
fifteen thousand dollars profit a year, by
virtue of holding an office, we should not be
surprised if all such reading and reflecting
persons were on their side! Indeed, “a leaf
out of their book” would be acceptable to
most of us, if we could reflect on its contents
and apply the square to its leadings—for
cash is “a very convenient thing in a family.”
To be serious—Bred up as it were at the
feet of several distinguished whigs of the
revolution, and, from the first rise of politi
cal parties to the present day, never having
diverged from the discriminatory lines
draw by the members of the republican par
ty for the preservation of its integrity, I feel
that 1 stand upon the old ground of prin
ciple opposed to the acquisition of power;
and believe the question is whether the
sovereignty of the people, or the dictation
of an updelegated few of ihern, shall be
maintained. “Regular nominations” may
be approved of when they Simply go to
concentrate publicopiniong.asto persons for
the furtherance of, measures but they are
neither more or less than political juggles,
when they assume the dictation of persons
without respect to measures; and the result
will prove, that the proceedings at Washing
ton in February last, where the finale of a sys
tem which has prevailed in several of the
states, and, partially as to the affairs of the
United States, to such a degree as to metam
orphose the Erie canal into a “big ditch,”
and raise up a “central power” in the ten
miles square, as domineering in its princi
ples as the “holy alliance” assembled at Vi
enna or elsewhere, to make kings and par
cel out persons, as if destitute of rationality,
and unpossesepd of rights.
In conclusion, it may be observed, that, in
the opinion of many “reading and reflecting
people,” the congressional caucus was held
with the forlorn hope of having effect in two
stutes only ” —New York and Pennsylvania.—
*See the Iqtelligencer ofthe 16th ult.
fThe Prussian soldiers, when drawn up in
line, are, or were, required to pray—and it
was the duty of the sergeants in their rear
j to take care that they all began and ended
precisely at -the same time, or to apply the
1 rattan, that they should be religious— as di-
I rected by some priestly-fugleman,
What course the former will take is yet to
be ascertained; but, before the caucus was
held, the “American Sentinel,” at Philadel
phia, declared that nothing else than such a
a meeting could “keep Pennsylvania m her
place ” —that is, in homely phrase, cause her
to continue “to play a second fiddle;” but it
seems that the caucus has failed to do that!
In no other state than those mentioned was
it expected by any “reflecting” man, that
such a lean and lank meetting of the mem
bers of Congress, could avail any thing fa
vorable to the “ regularly nominated ” candid
ates; but in these great states, the word “cau
cus’, properly pronounced, it was thought,
would have cabalistic operation, and ren
der the people mere machines under the
controul of those possessed of the magiciai
secret. Howevey, 1 shall be very much
mistaken, indeed, if, instead of being trans
formed into political swine by this political
Circe, they do not demand and obtain, by the
force, of their suffrages, a recurrence to
principles, instead of yielding to the dictation
of persons, not a whit better than themselves, j
”
IT is but fair to all concerned, that eve-1
ry class of our fellow citizens should be as
well informed as possible respecting the ser
vices, character & acquirements of the distin
guished individuals who are now prominent
candidates for the Presidency—we shall
therefore select from those sketches now
current, the best that we can find for our
readers, without comment. — Boston Patriot.
FROM THE BALTIMORE FEDERAL GAZETTE. !
WILLIAM PL CRAWFORD is a native of
Virginia, and, when about the age of four-j
teen, with his parents emigrated to Georgia.;
Vlie father was a plain respected planter, ;
chiefly dependant on his personal labor,
and that of his sons, as they grew up for the
support of a numerous family. In the 1
course of time, the farther and sons,-by con- j
tinned industry, integrity of conduct, and a 1
remarkable vigor of native intellect, acquir-.
ed character and influence in the country
and filled some of its important offices, such !
as clerk of the courts, judge of the
inferior court, court of ordinary, Ac.—
Good pensmen and accomptants, they were
consequently useful men in the community.
The subject of this letter, the present Se
cretary of the Treasury, after a laborious
apprenticeship, toiling at the plough like
most young men ofthe south, whose parents
are unable to maintain them in leisure and
ease, embraced the opportunities of studdy
and mental improvement, afforded by a pri
vate academy in the neighborhood, then di
rected by- Mr. Waddel, who has since be
come. eminent as a teacher, and now presides
in the University of Georgia. By constant
and earnest application of his excellent mind,
he soon accquired a knowledge of the clas
sics. and progressed to the end of the usual
academical course, .preparatory to entering
colledge. Destitute of the means of com
pleting in a more liberal manner his educa
tion, Mr. Crawford took the charge of the
academy in Augusta; and, supporting him
self by the proceeds ofthe tpitien, employed
the time not required in the seminary, pro
secuting a course of legal study, which, by
the time he had arrived to the age of thirty,
had fitted him to tlie practice of the law.—
Soon after his admission to the bar, he was
appointed by the then Governor, (Jackson)
one of three gentlemen, to prepare a digest
of the laws of the state, the labor of which
was principally borne by him, and the woik
Completed in a masterly manner, was re
ceived and published by authority of the
Legislature.
In the commencement of his professional
career, Mr. Crawford took the centre of the
circuit in which he settled and placed him
self in the midst of the most powerful com
petition which at that day prevailed in the
state. His compeers were men of better
opportunities of education; some of whom
for years had held a high reputation for elo
quence and professional acuteness; and were
famous beyond the limits of thfir state. Os
these, the most prominent were Thomas P.
Carnes, Robert Watkins, George Walker,
Seaborn Jones, John E. Anderson, Peter
Early, &c.; any one of whom, at the bar of
any state, would have been distinguished.—
They are now all dead, butthey lived long
enough to acknowledge the gigantic pow
ers ofthe youngest competitor among them,
and who had started in the race with mani
fest disadvantages. Without patrons, with
out fortune, and a perfect stranger in’ the
circuit, he must have sunk under sucli a com
petition, had he not possessed originally
moral and intellectual qualities of the first
order. Industry, integrity, frugallity, and
intrepid professional courage, soon raised
him to an eminence, that could not be over
shadowed by the tallest figure of thecircle in
which he moved. Manly frankness and social
urbanity introduced him to the favour of the
•people; and he became on all accasions the
choice of those who sought a champion to
defend every great interest in question.
With st\ch qualities, and so largely commit
ted in the concerns of all about him, he was
unable to avoid being drawn into political
discussions, and at the invitation of his own
neighbors, he accepted a seat in the House
of Representativesof the state. In thusassu
ming the relations of a representative, he
yielded to the spontaneous wish of his fellow
citizens; being himself opposed to any diver
sion from his professional engagements.-
Having, however, yielded his judgment in
this respect, to the partiality and solicitation
of his friends, he took his seat; and it seemed
a matter of course, that he should he as he
was once looked upon, as the first ytan in the
Legislature. In all respects he Supported
the reputation and character he enjoyed be
fore his election, and among the people his
popularity was enlarged.
The successful career \of Mr. Crawford,
was opposed not alone by fair and equal com
petition, but was maintained in defiance of a
fierce combination of factionists who exerted
all their energies to retard his bold march
to Not a few trials of his temper
and personal fortitude occurred, but through
which he came unhurt in character, and
with increased popularity; his fellow citizens
generally espousing his cause, and suppor
ting his claims, with the most decided ex*
pressions of their esteem and favor.
In the contest which arere forced upon
him, several assumed the most malignant
personal character, and issued in rencontres,
in one of which he had the misfortune to kill
his antagonist, and in another to be himself
severely wounded. In justice to him. it
ought to be ‘stated, that in no instance lias he
dared to the combat ofthe bloody field an; of
bis opponents, but where in obedience to the
custom of the country, he exposed himself
to the murderous intentions of his enemies
and persecutors, he was the challenged pvty.
Mr. Crawford has always avowed his detes
tation of the practice ot duelling, ann would
never nave given himself an example in it 9
support, but. from an apprehension that, re
garding public sentiments, in declining a
challenge, he would limit the chances ot ids
success in more rational pursuits, and abridge
his opportunities of rendering sei vice to tne
country. I would not stop to make an apo
logy for Mr. Crawford, nor to extenuate, in
the slightest degree, what I consider a great
defect in his public and private life. I most
earnestly deplore the fact, that he has fought
upon the plea of equal and honorable com
bat, more than one duel—and thus added
the sanction of his illustrious example to a
custom, on every principle to be Condemned,
These aberations apart, however, and there
is not a man living in the country of a lifo
more pure and exemplary.
Having continued in the legislature four
years successively, he was elected, in 1807,
to the Senate of the United States, and took
his seat in that body unknown ta every mem
ber in it, except the other senator from the
same state—and equally new to all the exe
cutive officers, having been in no way be
fore connected with the administration of the
federal government. The first matter of im
portance on which he was required to vote
In the senate, was the famous embargo sub
mitted for consideration with a favorable re
commendation by the then President Jeffer
son. Mr. Crawford’s judgment was against
the policy of the embargo, and he had * lie in
tegrity and courage, to pursue the dictates of
his reason and understanding, and in the faca
of the contending parties recorded his vote
in the negative It is not intended here, to
discuss at large the policy of the embargo,
and the system of defence assumed by Mr,
Jefferson, and his thorough going support
ers—but I may say, now that the period i9
past, many who voted for it lived long
enough to acknowledge their error —ami of
the members i the senate at that day, many
have since become well acquainted with Mr.
Crawford, and learned that his vote, on that
occasion, wasgivert without reference to par
ty, out with the foresight of a profound judg
ment. Wedded to the democratict party,
by long and established sympathies, and ar
dently attached to unsophisticated liberty,
he continued to draw with the old patriarchs
of the republican family, not suffering a dis,
crepancy in matters of judgment and faip
speculation, to dissolve the ties which had
bound together the best men of the country.
On the contrary Mr. Crawford cultivated ac
quaintance with Jefferson, Madison, Gallatin,
Macon and other distinguished gentlemen—
and they in turn, discovering the manlv bear
ing of his character, sought assiduously his
friendship. It is matter of notoriety, that in
1811-1812, he had become the most popular
man in either house of congress, and was, not
only by the great executive officers, but on
both sides in the senate and house of repre
sentatives, esteemed the prominent champi,
on of the administration—This distinction
he obtained, while the frankness and con,
ciliatory cast of his manners attached to him
friends of all parties. He indeed became a
common centre of attraction, equally soli
cited by the sternest democrats, and unre
lenting federalists—by both esteemed an
honest politician, and truly independent
man. Besides the Senators and Repre
sentatives of Georgia, he had for his parties
lar circle of friends, Madison, Gallatin*
Cheves Lowndes, Macon, Brent, Pope, Ep,
pes, Randolph,&c. of the democratic party,
Lloyd of Massachusetts, Hunter, Bayard,,
Hillhouse, Stockston, Goldsborough, Key*
Adams, Horsey, &c. ofthe federal party.—,
This communion of friendship and attach,
ment, among persons of different political
tenets, grew out of mutual admiration of bis
manly virtues.
The discussions into which Mr. Crawforcl
was necessarily drawn, and which in the pe
riod of 1811—12, assumed the asperity of the
time, presenting him often to the public
eye, as a fierce debater, abated nothing of
the high personal consideration with which
he was regarded by his political antagonist 9
always making due allowance for his natural
zeal, and the characteristic vehemence of all
his senatorial exhibitions. Preliminary to
the declaration of war, in 1812, he was uni
versally considered the main stay of the ad
ministration in the Senate, without whose
steady and manly counsels, that body, in its
divided state, would have frequently wa,
vered.
On the failure of General Hull, not a little
dissatisfaction with the conduct of the war
department, was manifested in various quar
ters of the country, in consequence of which
the resignation of Secretary Eustis took
place. Mr. Crawford was invited by the
Presedent to take charge of that important
department, but he declined the distinguish
ed honor, with the frank avowalthat hi, pur
suits & engagements had not qualified him to
manage the details of the army, to do which
successfully, he thought was required a more
intimate acquaintance with military affairs,
than his opportunities had allowed. His de,
termination was not only a proof of his in
tegrity. but secured for him the approbation
of all, correctly informed of his motives,—/
JVo. 28.