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vd. riij *• ©arteti ’ t&hftift ffe EDITED AMD PUBLISHED , BY IA’S. F. GRANDiSON, [on the bay) 55 /ier annum, payable in advance. sa® a L # ,m the New-York Commercial Ad vertiser. lttasLufi on Copenhagen. —Few of reacts, unless very young in poli , but will recplleqjt the memorable ject of the British attack up- Copenhagep, for the purpose of sting from tfie Danish Government fleet, which, it’ #as alltdged, that irernment-was ftbout to permit Na eon to employ against His most con itand formidable foe. And even t few, will recollect soniething of insult and contumely .which Were ped upon Mr. Jackson, the British lister to this country, in 1810, for part which he sustained in that tsaction. As the feeling, however, ich agitated our community at that iod of peculiar excitement, hste long e by, we may perhaps advert* the lumstance, without, inflaming any nbustible materials. It is rare that best men can look with an impar eye upon passing events; but when itemet has given way to sober gement and calm reflection, the his an steps in, and, if faithful, presents with a view of things as they actual vere. he attack upon Copenhagen,and cap eoftlie fleet, wasmade in 1808, and the n eason assigned in justification a transaction, which was, very lerally considered an act of atrocious idy towards a peaceable and unof ing power, was cgnlained in the owing passage of the speech with chlhe King of Great Britain open-* ihe session of Parliament in tha|jj r:— > • iWe are commanded by his Majes nform you that no sooner hacl “the ult of the negotiations at con ned the influence &ndcontrfti of ince over the powers of m* Contin , than. His Majesty was apprised of intentions of the enemy to copibihe ie Powers in one gentgal confedera -obe directed either to the gntire jugation of this kingdom, or to the losing upon his Majesty an inse e and ignorninous peace. That, for purpose, it was determine^ against his .Mftjesty, es which had hitherto, been allow >y France, to maintain or to pur se their neutrality; and to bring tq t r against different, points of Hisjtfa* y’s dominions, the whole of the na force of Europe, specifically the | ! sos Portugal and Denmark. •To :e those fleets out ot the 1 a confederacy, became therefore, indespensable duty of His Majesty.” he reader will see in the sexual it disclosure has revived *tnts sub s'. at the present time, and occa ed a discussion in the London pa; 3, which had called dur attention tb nd furnished the materials tor this The bombardment at Copen en had already supplied the-op po ll :.in England with new weapons fwliich to assail the MinisVfff anti ie in othflfe parts-of the world who tideniifiecf their feelings with 7 the se ofgNapoleon—wfip rejoiced at SUccdfs, and mourned over - his de s—while the feelings and. wishes of ers were enlisted with equal warmth behalf of England -espoused*the te side of them uea don. The speech he*K.ing quoted above, was the sig of attack by the opposition in Par nent; and tofthe debates tp which question gave rise, Lord Grqmille and the following language: ■ ‘Ministers have: asserted-that there re secret articles in the the this mit’y; and the tToveffiffiejit c averted that there were none.— “•e then wa&a challenge: and it was unibent upon ministers to prove ir former assertion.” To this demand Lord Ilawkesbury, present Earl of Liverjpol repli llPhe evidence required of the Np- Lord to prove this facf*Was of ptioh whifeh’ could not possibly be ‘duced. * werg tq Omunicate private infonnationanei’e aid be an tend of all confidence.” While the same stibject*was under ctission in the House of Commons, • Canning, in reply to Mr, Pon- DARIEN GAZETTE. sonby, made the following declara tion:— r. “Btit if*he (Mr. Ponponby) should, for thte pm pose of removing, as he pre sented i), the JputAl*iam thatfver at ls?hjd to the anriafstl °f a fiy * nation, mpvejor the unpn which that expedition was undertaken, as far as his judgment went, he.never would have occular conviction.”—“He ! TOild assure the right honorable Gen- as thejact now stodff, and as it would-be pjade out in argument, Ministers woulß trust to it for their justifiedtinn, and never expose the source of their secret 4‘Though the conduct of His Mmisters, .held up in a few speeches in that House to the execra tion of the country they would run that risk*, and incur that penalty, rather than suffer secrets to be torn from their bosoms^’ With .these declarations* the Minis try sealed their lips and thus the, mat ierb,as rested from that day’to this.-*- .jjfywrs and years, man ner of obloquy was heaped .upon the British Government for a tjapsaction which W|9 stigmatized as “the foulest stain that ever attached to the annals of any ndtiorf.'’’ Nor was the govetn ment alone assailed, oPthe language of ” confined tq Grfut Britain, Tile American-press took an in the question; ancl the me ; morale dismissal of Mr. Jlfcksoiyfrom his at Washington, in 1810, received the discussion here with more than its original heat and bitterness. It is tiue that Mr. Jacksoh had behaved indecoriously towardsdur government,and had been dismissed f St offering it an insult. And a-long series of foreign aggressions, and of fruitless negotiations, had wrought the public mind up to a peculiar and highly fe verish state o£ irritability. Mr. J. had ’been the British agent in gen affair; jmd under the then prevail ing opinion, it is no wonder that this circumstance should have been sensed upon as the most rteady means ofthrow ing.upon him tl;q whole weight of pop odium and itjdiguation. # Sixteen years have since rolled away # ’and with them have passed liito oblivi on those partialities and animosities, and those feteliugs of;pr.ejudic%and bit terness engendered^"by thefh. Ancl what Changes have parked that event ful period! Napoleon then in the ze nith of his., glgry striding the continent of Europe like a collof- . sus, has detfe-onedj.his scep tre broken,"and thecrowns which were! HTi§ play things,-’-estoVed to the brows of those from whom they were torn by his cl run hand. Me slumbers with the J mighty dead, of tha* chieftains whose valor ,so largely contributed to the qf his un rivlffled career! Another X|apiet has mqqntgfl his tly‘qnq,*|r s and des cended in peace to tire tomb; and anoth er now occupies his place. ‘But we are wandering from <rur.subject,^’ . For sixteen years, wc were to say, have the Bt itisfi Ministers;sacred- thesecreyvvhich tiiey'al.ledged themselves to possess, but the existence of whicht doubted and denied.— The fact, h 9 wtever, I.as’ beqn d is c 1 osed,- and in a maftoer wjiicli leaves no room for doubt\tflhe case.r Aijhp Memoirs of Fouche^f. which, have been during the pfast season, who vvas one qfNapoleotTs Roisters,a|elheft)llow ing memorable sub- secret treaty of Tilsit andcr and Napoleoih**diVicled between themselveafthe constitSlferial world the whole oltltoSomb of Europe was sut- Napoleqp, already mas tef of arbiter .of Germany-r ----pusitingusiting bis advanced posts as tar as the Tistula, and elevating. Mantzick into oi.e of his most zines of arms. qabouGvlhis time *it was that we learned the success of the attack upon Copenhagen by the’ English, which vi?tl Ahefirf oj the secret sTi/iulcitioiis of 7'ilsit } by virtue of which , tm Danish Jlcet was to be placed at the of France / Since the death of PffflT, I never saw JJtt&oleon reive himself tip to such vio lent transports ol passion. Lhal which J astounded iiinwlmost in that vigorous stf o! <£fFsoinru%-cQitp fie main) >yas the prompdtude witiv which the Eng lish JM intslry4ook their resolution.— Hte began to stispect some new treach ery in the cabinet, and gave me orders to ascertain if it had uoh.iing to donVitlr DAIiIEN, ( g SoßPJ^7— <£qual anti TJJESDAY, MARCH 15, 1825. the ill-will created by a late removal; that ofTatleyrand irom the office of Foreigh Secretary.” ‘ Ifthere.be no reason to doubt the facts contained in this singular disclo sut^— and ,p^ceiv e none—a veyy differenlpbmplexion is imparled to thi| transaction; and it goes far to wacfis, itit be not a complete jhstifica- 1 lion of the measure, however faithlsfs aqd bloody it may have appeared'atfthe lime, ft is” fair to presume that Den mark wH not a stranger to the arrange ment at- Tilsit^ and it so, she was in fact an eneniy. But be this as it may, it is not pnly lawful, but the duty.of cverjr nation to protect itself, and to employ the means nece&ry to such protection, provided violates not the rights ot if Nopole on or “Alexander, or both, were about to seize it pon the Danish to effect the subjugation the latter, unquestionably, had the right to anticipate their designs,*anck seize iipon it herself. From the Fdinburg Review. S TATE OF IRELAND- It has been observed by lylt. Hume, that there is, in human affairs, aft ex treme point of depression, from which they naturally begin to ascend in an opposite direction. We thinlc this ob servation must soon be verified in the case ot Ireland. The excess of mise ry in which the people of that tinfortu natecountry are now involved, the malPmude of their numbers, and thteir growing fierseness and despe ration, will, at no distant period, ’ com pel that attention to be paid to iheir claims for a redress of grievances, which has been so long denied to the calls of justice t and humanity. Ever since the era of the conquest, Ireland has, a few short intervals only excep ted, been subject to a military regime. Laws of the ‘most revolting and sangu inary description have been enacted and rigorously inforced. Instead of investigating and removing the causes of disorder, the rulers ot Ireland have generally contented themselves with endeavoring to suppress them by force. Thegibliet and the bayoner, those sove reign apd infallible specifics of weak and vindictive legislators, have been kept in a state of incessant activity, and the whole country has been outraged ahd disgaced by the ceaseless recur rence of bloody aud barbarous execu- But has this harsh treatment eradicated, or at ail assuaged, the evil passions of the people? Has it made |th%m orderly, industrious, and submis sive? Let the late insurrection acts, .and the inhuman atrocities now perpe trating in limerick and the adjoining counties, answer these questions, Op pression and misgoyernmein are not the meap by which the tranquility -of anywcountry can be secured. Peace and prosperity do. not spring from the sw%d. The of more ‘than four hundred years must surely convince every reasonable person, that the system on which the* government has been, and still is conduc ted, is radically vicious aiid*unsound:-- wfioje oLthat periqdTmar* imirder, and succeeded to insurrection, in one unterrupted se f verdant spots, no bSses in this moral waste. Whenever thestruggle between oppression and re venge hasceased", the “rival parties hdve employed the treacherous and delusive Ifanqlifflily that followed to whet their angfy feelings and passions,and have ne ver rush with new fury into their unnatural a%d parricidal contest. The incentives to,crime have been suf fered to gather strength and luxuriance to scatter their seeds and spread their roots on all qides; and crimes has, in cSnsequcncftf become more prevalent than ever.- - Oppression produced out rage, and outrage .was alleged a suf ficient teasoqfijr increasing the sever ity of ihe IgwNfPhis again occasioned fresh outrages, and gave to revenge a deeper and a deadlier die. White boys, T)ak-boys f Steel-boys, Peep-of* day-boys, carders/Garavats, Thrashers, Stc) &c. have all been guilty of the very same excesses tlit are llQiv perpetrating, and, without de ferring others by theiWfate, have each, l|n succession, expiated their crimes on the scaffold^ Is this system never to have an end? Arq,not the numberless’ victims that have been sacrificed; are not Centuries Os national degradation, distraction, and Civil \y sf, e})oitgh \o convince the Par- liament of England, that coertion , that mere brute force, is not the mq|ins by Much fte tranquility of lreland can be established on a solid basis ? The I rish are not ruffians. Theie is nothing either incurably bad or vi- “ cionS in their character—they have the. same feelings and affections as the peo ple of England. It is the circum stance in which they placed, their squalid and abject poverty, theit gross ignorance, and the violence that has been done to their rights, feelings, pre judices, and opinions, that have render w^|hem.cruel, savage, I %nd Vindictive. Pe enemies of Ireland do not pretend say that the present discontents have originated in politicial* motives. Cath olic and Protestajit, Whig and Tory, seem to have been equally %e object of popular vengence The present is, in fact, a real bellum servile , an insur rection of an oppressed ancl starving peasantry landi lords, middlemen, Orangemen, and* tiihept'octovs; against all, in a word, whom thty consider asi their oppressors, The and the privatioafeto which they have been exposed, In||e driven them sq despair, and in tneir fuiy they have apparently resolved to vvreajk their vengeance, witlumt distinc tion, on the upper classes, aneffif pos sible, to reduce high and low to one commonjevel of wretchedness. Is it not high time that a radical change should be made in ajsystern of govern- Jiient under which so monstrous a state things has attained to a baleful ma turity? When we look at the edndi tion in which Ireland is now placed, are we iMt entitled to say, that the period has arrived when a serious and delibe-r I rate enquiry must be instituted into the : real the multiplied outrages and aggressions ot which she is, and has been, so,long the theatre, and that a vigorous and persevering effort must he made to remove them? This is no longer a matter of choice, or of expedi ency, but of necessity! So long as Ire land was only occupied by a million or a million and a half of starving wretch es, it was a comparatively easy task to hold them in servitude, and to force them to submit to injustice. But, thanks to the Poiatoe and the Cottage system, Ireland contains at this mo ment nearly seven millions pf inhabi tants, of which, at the very, least, six millions are in a state of tielousm and extreme destitution! And can any man, out of the precincts of the Dublin Cor poration, think that any number of troops which this country can affordjo send to Ireland, should be able assfi stamly to retain such a mighty*ancl ra pidly increasing mass of discontent and disaffection in unwilling subjection?— The idea is utterly visionary and ridicu lous. Although we weye now in pos session of the countle'ss millions we have expended in upholding and secur ing the power ol the Boqrbons, the Pope, and the Grand Seignqr, we should not be able to maintain a gar rison in every village in Ireland; nor would the dominion of, that country, though it were a thousand times ridrer, and more fertile than it really is, be worth preserving on-such terms. But. we continue our present system, noth ing less than this will be sufficient to se cure our ascendency; And, therefore, if we are really desirous of preserving the connexion between the two coun tries, we must endeavor to render it ‘what it has never hitherto been,, pro ductive of advantage to Ireland. The ‘lrish people, not the priests, corpora tors and middlemen, v but t|ie people , that is, thevcuttlers and occupiers of mud-cottages and cabbins, must be taught to feel that we have a stake in the hedge , and thatit is their interest to respect the laws, and to support the in stitutions and government of the coun try. Until this be done, we shall look in vain either for tranquility or Im provement in Ireland. White boys aSts and insurrection acts may repress disorder for a time; but do not touch the causes whence it springs, and realjjH>erve only to give a dai ker shade of atrocity to the outrages which they alternately put down and provoke. It is not easy to write dispassionately on such a subject; but our warmth, on the present occasion, * certainly is not reinforced by any party or factious feel ing. This is ft question far bey o'nd the little hqstilities of whig and lory; and possesses an interest which must, in all good minds, extinguish and efface the distinctions of ministry and opposition. The misgovernment and consequent misery of Ireland is chargeable, not . . m ‘ I tv upon the present ministry, but upon the English nation generally, and upon all the statesmen of every persuation, who have administered its affairs for the last two centuries. We entreat, ‘then, that no one may shut his ears to our representation, under an impres sion that they are in any degree distor tered or aggi abated by party feelings, They are addressed with all imagina ble earnestness and humility to men of stense and influence of all patties, and chiefly to those who have most powel* , to give effect to our suggestions. IF jtiie ministers would but listen to them, we no objection that their reign’ shoube and as wo shall refer for our facts, in a great meas ure to ministerial and official author ities, wc shall endeavor so to word ? our observattonffTas to avoid revolting any of those, without whose co-operation* we are aware that no speedy or effi cient is to be expected. * It would require a fifrge volume to and point outt he precise influence and effect of the various“canse9 whlctx have conspired to sink (he people of Ireland to that extreme of poverty and wretchedness to which they have ar rived, and which have rendered that country a vast arena for the display df the must implacable animosities, and of the most brutal and sanguinary atroci ties. But, in an article like this, we cast do no more than sfate what we con cSvc to bte the heading causes ot this unexampled distress and irritation, and the remedies which appear most neces sary and indispensable to promote the return to a better state of things. }£?- vmg, discussion of the I lesser, grievances, and the details of : many subordinate remedial measures to another opportunity, we shall now proceed to gffer a few remarks on the grand subjects ot Catholic emancipa tion, church establishment and tithes, government and magisi racy, education, revenue laws, and population In the discussion of these topics, we flatter ourselves we shall be able to discover both the causes which have Counterac ted and prevented the prosperity of Ire land, and the means by which it may yet be restored. Catholic Emancipation. —There cap be no question, we think that the ■ master grievance which has depressed Ireland, and the great source from which the test have been derived, is to be found in the circumstance of the government of thatcountry having been hitherto vested in, and administered , for the particular advantage of, a small njinonty of her inhabitants. The aven .ues to power and emolument have been always shut agaipst the great raa-, jority of the people of Iceland, . They have been forced to support the bur den of an extravagant and corrupt gov ernment, but they have not been per mitted to exercise its functions, or even to enjoy its protection. “The govern ment of Ireland,” said Mr. Giant, in a speech that did equal honor to his head and heart, “had never sympathized with the people: It had been supported by foreign force or foreign franc!; It had not been thrown on its own resources. There was a tendency in all govern ments,” added the Right Honotable Gentleman, “to adapt themselves to the wants and wishes of the people; but, from the time of Henry 11. up to 1782.—(why not 1822?) —there was not a month in which the government of Ireland could have stood without foreign aid.” Previously to the Re formation, the English settlers, or those , within the pale , alone enjoyed power ’ and authority. The mere Irish, as every body knows, were held and repu ted aliens or rather enemies to the 1 crown of England in-so-much, that it was adjudged no felony to kill an Irish man in time of peace! Since the Re formation, and more especially since the breach of the articles agreed upon i at Limerick beiwen the Catholic adher ents of James 11. and William 111. all the influence of governmet had been engrossed by the Protestants. Statute after statute was passed, for the avow ed purpose of preventing the growth of Popery, but with the real intention of rooting out and suppressing that reli -1 gion. The Catholics were, in conse ; quence, reduced to the lowest possible state o(degfaclation. “The laws made 1 in this kingdom sgainst Papists,” said 1 Mr. Burke, “were as bloody as any of l those which had been enacted by the : Popish Princes and States; and where . those laws were not bloody, they were t wotse, they were slow, cruel, outrage t ous in their nature, ami kept meo al • Ab. it.