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Pottrn. [From the Age, a London Paper. ] THE LATE DR A VVING-ROOM. The numerous presentations ofyoung ami beautiful women at the Drawing-Room on Wednesday, exceeded any previous assem blage since our gracious Monarch has been enthroned. We regret that our limits will not allow us to print a list of the bright ga laxy, but we cannot resist noticing a few of the leading stars, whose soul subduing eyes and lovely forms, gave a lustre to the Court, which on this occasion realized the florid de scription of Eastern romance. Among the most conspicuous of the fair daughters of our Nobility, who attiacted attention both by their persons and dresses, we ohserved the beauilful Ladies Charlotte and Emily Butler, the sisters of the no less lovely Countess of Belfast, the Misses Sheridan and Foster, Miss Croker, Lady E. Strathaven, Lady A. Fitzclarence, Miss Elphinstone, and Lady Louisa Lascelles. The King is said to have expressed himselfquite delighted at the dis play of beauty and fashion. We [the Age] have received an ode writ ten upon the occasion, by a Court poet, from Which we make the following extract: — Who is she with a brow [l] Like the sun on the snow? Those diamonds are stars in a cluster,- In the light of her eyes, Far more brilliancy lies, — [lustre. The gems thence have borrowed their Here’s a Duchess of fame: ’Tis St. Albans, the dame Abounding like Croesus in riches— Makes a manly display, Since she wears for the day Her husband the falconer’s breeches. Clad in garments of green, Such a huge fairy queen Was never, tho’ nature you rummage; While sits perch’d on her arm, To embody the charm, Lord Hawke in his very best plumage. Two Dowagers A. [2] [3] Come in modest array, Each blest with a beautiful daughter; The Lady A. B. [4] Brought the charming Miss C. [s] And likewise some lavender water. . Lady D , who is deaf, [6] Introduced Lady F. [7] I must not forget Lady Fuller; For ‘Us said when she faints (I dom say that she paints) My ady ne’er loses her color. Shall 1 blush that the Browns Were arrayed in green gowns— That Mrs, De Grey had a blue one? Miss Primrose too in pink— And then —what do you think? The Duchess oi N. [B] had anew one! There was Miss Lucy Tynte, For the first time in print, Admir’d for her blooming complexion,- There were fifty old maids, Os all colors and grades, Who came under special protection. There was Lady John Stone, On her marriage was shown, And LadyMountcharles show’d another: So did Lady Mansfield; But let all of them yield— Miss Trollop was there with her mother. Then Lady C. Wood Near to Mrs. Lane stood— A Forrester here interposes,- Then the pretty Mis 9 Meade, From the banks of the Tweed, And the Fieldings all covered with roses Who the Monarch might suit Did receive his salute, * He never look’d better nor brisker; With a most kingly kiss Did he welcome each miss, [ker. Andbrusb’d the old dames with his whis (l) Lady E. Strathaven. (2) Anson. (3) Arundel. (4) Becket. (5) Croker. (6) Duncome. (7) Feversham. (8) Northum berland. SELECTED FOR THE DAUIF.X GAZETTE. ODE IN PRAISE OF TRIMMING. Happy the man, in times like these, Who trims his sail to every breeze, With every gale still veering— Who, to promote his private ends, Won’t scruple to desert his friends, Still by his interest steering. 11. O could I trim with trimming Ben, I’d turn, and turn, and turn again, With every change still trimming: Like Bray’s famed Vicar, I would ride Forever with the strongest side, Still with the cut rent swimming. 111. And should instructive conscience still, In secret goading* thwart the will— Like him I’d bravely rloh'it,- Leave fame and honor far behind, Though dear to every noble mina, And barter all for profit. IV. What’s honor’s proud and crusty creed, To him who stands of cash in need— Or turn in searen or placer What’s independence to a mind, To wise servility inclined, And fearless of disgrace? V. What virtue dwells in empty fame? And what’? the value of a name, To any but a novice? What’s reputation, friendship, pride— Compared with fortune’s flowing tide— With party, power and office? VI. The pliant, patriot, trimming tribe, Who wisely take the official bribe, To better their condition; Now sweeping ’fore the pop’lar gale, All former friends and creeus assail, And curse the opposition. Vitiated Taste — notices were lately posted about the streets in Lon don that an evening paper would con tain one crim ton. (by a clei gyman) one elopeme’ .wo seductions, and one murder. * Extract from Mackenzie's Julia de Roubigne . The last letter which the mother of Julia leaves for the instruction of her daughter. FOR MX DAUGHTER JULIA. “Before this can reach you, the hand that writes it, 8c the heart that dictates it, wHI be mouldering in the grave. I mean it to supply the piace of some cautions, which I should think it my duty to deliver to you, should I live to see you a wife. The precepts it con tains you have often heard me incul cate; but I know that general observa tions on a possible event, have much less force than those which apply to our immediate condition. In the fate of a woman, marriage is the most impor tant crisis; it fixes her in a state beyond all others the most happy or the most wietched; and although mere precept can, pet haps, do little in any case, yet there is a natural propensity to try its efficacy in all. She who writes this paper has been long a wife and mother; the experience ot the one and the anx iety of the other, prompt her instruc tions, and she has been too happy in both characters to have much doubt oi their truth, or fear of their reception. “Sweetness of temper, affection to a husband, and attention to his interests, constitute the duties of a wife, and form the basis of matrimonial felicity. These are, indeed, the text from which every rule for attaining this felicity is drawn. The charms of beauty and brilliancy of wit, though they may captivate in the mistress, will not long delight in the wife; they will shorten even their own transitory reign, if, as I have seen in many wives, they shine more for the attraction of every body else than of their husbands. Let the pleasure of that one person be a thought never ab sent from your conduct. If he loves you as you would wish he should, he will bleed at heart should he suppose it for a moment withdrawn; if he does not, his pride will supply the place of love, and his resentment that of suffer ing. “Never consider a trifle what may tend to please him. The great articles of duty he will set down as his own; but the lessei attentions he will take as favors; and trust rue, for I have expe rienced it, there is no feeling more de lightful to one’s self, than that of turn ing those little things to so precious a use. “If you marry a man of a certain sort, such as the romance of young minds generally paints sot a husband, you will deride the supposition of any possible decrease in the ardour of your affec tions. But wedlock, even in its hap piest lot, is not exempted from the common fate of all sublunary blessings —there is even a delusion in hope, which cannot abide with possession.— The rapture of extravagant love will evaporate arid waste; the conduct of the wife must substitute in its room o ther regards, as delicate and more last ing. I say the conduct of the wife; for marriage, be a husband what he may, reverses the prerogative of sex—his will expects to be pleased, and ours must be sedulous to please. “This privilege a good natured man may waive; he will feel it, however, due; and third persons will have pene tration enough to see, and may. have malice enough to remark, the want of it in his wife. He must be p husband unworthy of you who copld bear the degradation of suffering tflis in silence. The idea of power on eiihpr'&ide should be totally Vanished from the system, it is not sufficient that the husband should never have occasion to regret the want of it; the wife must so behave, that he may never be conscious of possessing it. “But my Julia, if a mother’s fondness deceives me not, stands not in much need of cautions like these. I cannot allow myself the idea of her wedding a man on whom she would not wish to be dependant, or whose inclinations a temper like hers would desire to con trol. She will be more in danger from that softness, that sensibility of soul, w hich will yield too much perhaps for the happiness of both. The office of a wife includes the exertion of a friend; a good one must frequently strengthen or*<i eupport that whirh a bad one would endeavor to overcome.— There ate situations where it will not be enough to love, to cherish, to obey; she must teach her husband to be at peace with himself, to be reconciled to the world, to resist misfortune, to con quer adversity. “Alas! my child, I am here an in structress but too well skilled! These teais with which this paper is soiled, fell not in the presence of your father, though now they but trace ’he remem brance ot what then it was my lot to feel. Think it not impossible to res train your feelings because they are strong. The enthusiasm offeeling will sometimes overcome ’disii'essefc*which the cold heart of prudenMiflad been unable to endure. J 0 “But misfortune jp4iot always mise ry. I have this truth; I am proud to I have sometimes taught it to Roubigne. Thanks be to that Power whose decrees I reverence! He often tempered the anguish of our sufferings, till there was a sort of luxu ry in feeling them. Then is the tri umph of wedded love!—tho tie which binds the happy may be dear; but that which links the unfortunate is tender ness unutterable. “There are afflictions less easy to he endured, which your mother has not experienced; those which a husband in flicts, and the best wives feel the most severely. These, like our sharpest calamities, the fortitude that can resist can only cure. Complainings debase her who suffers, and harden him who aggrieves. Let not a woman always look for their cause in the injustice of her lord; they may proceed from ma ny trifling errors in her own conduct, which virtue cannot blame, though wisdom must regret. If site makes this discovery, let them be amended without a thought, if possible; at any rate, without an expression of merit in amending them. In this, and in every other instance, it must never be forgot ten, that the only government allowed on our side is th of gentleness ar.d at- j traction; and that its power, like (he fabled influence of imaginaiy beings, must be invisible to be complete. “Above all, let a wife beware of com municating to others any want of duty or tenderness she may think she has perceived in her husband. This un twists, at once, those delicate cords which preserve the unity of the mar riage engagement. Its sacredness is broken forever, if third parties aA made witnesses of its failings, or um pires of its disputes. It may seem al most profane in tne to confess, that once, when through the malice of an enemy, I was made for a short time to believe that my Roubigne had wrenged me, I durst not, even in my prayers to Heaven, petition for a restoration of his love; 1 prayed to be made a better wife; when I would have said a more beloved one, my utterance failed me for the word.” FROM THE SOUTHERN RECORDER. AJVTI-TA RIFF MEETING. At an adjourned meeting of the citi zens of Baldwin County, held at the Court House in Milicdgeville, on Fri day the 3d day of July, to take into con sideration the Tariff Act passed at the last session of Congress, Seaton Grant land, Esq. was called to the Chair, anu Dr. C. J Paine appointed Secretary— when Mr. Holt, from the Committee, made the following report, which, af. ter undergoing; alight amendments, was adopted with great unanimity. The meeting consisted of jnnre than an hun dred persons, among whom were many of the substantial planters of the coun ty: -- The Committee appointed on the 27th ult. to consider the evils imposed upon our State ty the operation of the late Tariff law, and to report such mea sures as they may deem best adapted to counteract its pernicious tendency, leave to offer their fellow citizens the following REPORT: The object of every government is, by the institution of general and equal laws, and by an impartial execution of those laws, to promote the honor and interest of every component part of that government. When men associate to gether for the purpose of society and government, this is the grand and cred principle of their compact—tmP each one is entitled to receive from, and bound to extend to the whole, pro tection and safety in the enjoyment of his natural and civil rights. The ve riest despotism, as well as the most carefully organized government owes its existence and power to the adoption of this fundamental principle—lt is, in fact, one of those instinctive sentiments that nature has impressed upon the hu man heart, and which is inseparable from its existence. Any law which violates this prnctple; which operates to the exclusive benefit of one section and to the exclusive injury of acciiun of an Empire; Which directly takes the substance of one man and gives it to another, is a manifest vio lence to that natural ligament which binds man to histellow-man. In this point of view, evtn in the absence of any special contract defining with the utmost exactness of language, the terms of our association, we believe a tariff tor protection to be a departure from the very rudiment of government. We care not what garb the title and lan guage of this law may bear, it is most unequal in its operations; it is certain ly destined to enrich one portion of this Republic, and to impoverish , almost to ruin another; this too in a time of pro found tranquility, of tiational prosperi ty, when not the least public emergen cy calls for the least sacrifice; a system of oppression thus engendered, aurcly owes its origin to the most selfish feel i ings of the human heart. But when we refer to that sacred, yet abused charter of our liberties, conse crated by the blood of our heroic an cestors, it is with feelings of despair that we look for some delegated autho rity, to give this deed of some of their sons another name, than tyranny —usur- pation. The unconstitutionality of this law has been so often asserted, so clear ly demonstrated, and so eloquently en forced, that argument upon it wow, would be but vain repetition. But there is one view of the subject so clear, that your commiuee®cannot refrain from presenting it to your considera tion. The ground assumed by the ad vocates of this system, to give jt the stamp of constitutional curiency, is the power of “regulating commerce with foreign nations.” ’Tis true, that if the Constitution went no further, however unjust and oppressive, and impolitic these restrictions upon our foreign commerce might be, yet Congiess would have exeicised one of its legiti mate powers—But as if governed by a prophetic foresight, conscious that it required the strongest barriers to resist the strides of power, that it would seek some outlet in the deficiency of lan guage, it framers not only defined the special powers of Congiess, but enu merated certain powers which it should not possess. They not only said “so far shall thou go”—but also “wo fur ther”—though they gave Congiess the power of legulating commerce with foreign nations, they expressly denied them theyight to lay a tax or duty on ar ticle sWkported from any State. If these two clauses of the con- litution conflict, they ought to be construed so that both may be effectual. Congress then in regulating foreign commerce, does lay a tax upon the exports of a particular Siate; it docs exercise a power expressly denied by the consti tution. That this is the case can be clearly demonsirased. Commerce a mong nations consists in an exchange of commodities. Suppose then that a merchant ol this place sends to a. fo foreign market one hundred bales of cotton, which he exchanges for the manufactured fabrics of that say woollen cloths—before lie is per mitted to land them in this Stale he must pay to the govei nment for its gra cious permission, fifty per cent, on the value of his goods—so he brings home for his own use but one half of his mer chandise, which is but another sign for his cotton. Suppose now that instead of passing the Tariff, Congress in the plenitude of its power had passed an act laying a duty of fifty per cent, upon the exportation of cotton. In this case tne merchant pays to the Government fifty of his one hundred bales of cotton, previous to expoitation—he sends the remaining fifty to their foreign market, and brings back their value in woollen fabrics, clear of the duty on importa tion—mark the effect—in either case, he loses one half of the value of his cotton—this last act would be clearly unconstitutional—now what difference does it make to him whether he pays this duty by virtue of a law inhibiting the importation of foreign merchandise or one prohibiting the expoitation of cotton, under the same penalty. But it may be said that this reason ing is idle, since the merchant, instead of ex hanging his cotton for foreign manufactures, can find a convenient market at home. But all competition being extinguished, and the growing of cotton and rice being the “staff” which supports the South, those Brethren of the North can diminish the value of these forty Jive per cent. And from of brotherly love and whfi;h this Tariff’ bears testimony, we piro'e'Wio muchTeliance upon their cupidity, not to give full faith to the probability There is one circumstance connect ed with the passage of this law, which is calculated to arouse within us the warmest feelings of indignation. This law was intended to protect the North ern and Western Manufactures—it was established upon their urgent and repeated solicitations—and yet, when a Southern member with the view totest -its constitutionality, proposed to give it its proper title, with a timid, yet open hypocrisy, its advocates profanely bap tised it a legitimate offspring of the Constitution, in the appellation of an act regulating imposts on foreign im portations.. Fellow-citizens, we have remonstra ted against the passage of this law—we have done every thing nutmervilely im plore the meicy of our and Western brethren——we have tepresefi ted to them the calamities that would befal this fair portion of our common country, by the annihilation of our fo reign couu^b^e —i hat they would from want, from long esta blished habits of national industsy, to employments new and adventurous— and yet with the ruthless hand of a “stranger, ’ they have not only disre garded these appeals, but as if desirous to sharpen our calamities, have made t hem present and certain. It Is this shameful departure from the Constitution lor the purpose of gratify ing avarice; it is this total disregard of the feelings, the interest and political tenets of the South; teneis which wo adhere to as the anchor of our political safety; which were originally intended, anc! are alone competent to secure to us national importance; which can a lone secure to these United Siaies that union, which is tlie life-blood of its ex istence. It is for these reasons that we deprecate the passage of this law. These tenets consist in an interprcta tiw of the Constitution consistent with its language and the intention of its fra mers at the time of its adoption. Wc believe that this, and every other State is independent in every national right or power, except those attributes of sovereignty which we have expressly delegated to Congress. ‘i hat Congress have no implied pow ers, except such as are absolutely ne cessary and proper to carry into execu tion those specific powers granted it by the Constitution. That under the pre text of regulating foreign commerce, Congress has in effect, imposed a tax, and a grievous one upon the products of this State, and thereby exercised a power prohibited by the Constitution. Fellow-citizens—ln reviewing the history of our native State, no national misfortune attracts our attention of comparative hardship with this Tariff, The war of the Revolution was one of principle, in which our infant republic generously offered up her treasures and her blood, from a generous sympa thy with our Northern brethren. We felt comparatively no oppression, no tax; it was sufficient for us to know that our brethren had been wronged. We assisted in resisting the right of Britain to impose a tax upon these States without their consent. For this return of patriotism, our brethren have taxed us fifty fold greater than Britain ever meditated , contrary to our repeat ed remonstrances. We love this union —we venerate this Government. The blood of our fathers is yet fresh on the green hills of our country. We there fore recommend to our fellow-citizens moderation in resisting those encroach ments upon thier rights—let nothing which they do bear lire marks of a fe verish excitement—the short lived murmuiings of discontent are feebly calculated to effect our purposes—let our resistance be within the pale of the Constitution, calm, even, yet powerful —let us turn the shaft of oppression a gainst the oppressor, and by the invest ment of our capital and labor in man ufactures, and an exclusion of the fa brics of the North and the products of the West from our market, show our persecutors, However- umvrmngiy vve submit to a change of national employ meat, that change shall be attended with no benefit to them, of as little in jury as possible to ourselves. There fore— -Ist. Resolved , That we discounte nance all intention to impair the Fede ral Constitution, and every measure having an immediate or indirect ten dency to bring the Legislature of this State or of any other State into colli sion with the Government of the Uni ted States. 2. Resolved, That wc will abstain as far as possible, from the use of every thing produced in the Tariff States, and rely as much as possible on the pro ductions of our our own labor and in dustry for the articles of our consump tion. *3- Resolved , That to retaliate as far as possible on our oppressors, our Le gislature be requested to impose taxes amounting to prohibition, on the Hogs, Horses, Mules, Cotton Bagging, Whis key, Pork, Beef, Bacon, Flax £c Hemp Cloth of the Western, and on all the productions and manufactures of the Northern and Eastern States. 4. Resolved , That to bring home the monstrous iniquity of the “Ameri can System” to our people, the mer chants throughout the Urion be re quested to adopt and persevere in the plan of charging the goods they sell and the taxes imposed ort them in sepa rate items. 5. Resolved , That Messrs Goodwin Myiick, John Williams, A. Torrence, J G. Worsham, Benjamin L. Lester, James C. Watson, John Rutherford, Hines Holt, Anderson Redding, D. B. Hill, and H. B. Troutman, be appoint ed a Committee to collect by subscrip tion or otherwise, a fund to be distribu ted in premiums for the best specimens of domestic cloth manufactured in Baldwin county, and that said commit tee have power to prescribe rules un der which such premiums shall be dis tributed. 6 Resolved , That this meeting ear - nestly desire his Excellency the Go vernor to correspond with the Govern ors of the different States injuriously affected by the Tariff lavv, and concert with them such means as may seen* best calculated to counteract the effects of the said law, and procure its repeal, and recommend the same to the next Legislature.