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V
CHROMtIiKAXI^SENTIXEL.
' a UGUS'f A.
Tfji-rtSDAY MORNING,|FEBRUARY 13.
«We notice that the Augusta Sentinel and the
Constitutionalist, publish st&ements of the val
ue of country bank notes, w|ich are not recon
cilable. The commercial eds or of the Constitu
tionalist is generally very ■* in these matters,
—snd as these different starti|ients create serious
difficulties in commercial operations, we should
like to know which V*r*r gtjfo the roost correct
valuation. * ,
The following will exhibit Je character of those
different statements: ? _
Censth * tomhst. Sentinel.
Savannah Banks. P» 5 d ‘»- 1 P m -
Mechanics Bank. t P»r- 5 P™*
Agency Brunswick, * par* 5 pm.
Plant, A Mech’s, Cohitnbua>T a 10 dis. 2$ dis.
Monroe Railroad, £0 a 15 dis. 10 dis.
Ocmulgee Bnank, ’1 a 15 dis. 25 dis.
Miliedgeville Bank, *7 alO dis. dis.
Both papers of Thursday Jhe 6th inst.
The Constituticnalist says, that the bills of but
two banks are at par, and tire Sentinel says, there
are about twenty-four at par Vt hat is the stand
ard or regulating means that causes this contra
diction 1 What benefit car, the people derive
from tables which so pointedly contradict each
other 1 The people are at j|l times anxious to
know the standing of the bulking institutions at
commercial points, and looi* anxiously for the
statements which the publishers in Augusta make
weekly in reference to this natter; but instead
of affording infermation upHp which the people
might rely, the papers give Recounts which are
opposed to each other. W'ho can determine
which is right !” I
The above is from the Stanford of Union of
Tuesday last. It is about much as might
have been expected. Frienf Haynes has been
holding forth to the y for a year or two
past in the most oracular ‘ •/'ains about banks,
currency, Ac., and yet he cannot comprehend
the simplest tables in relalkn to the value of
banknotes. Any merchants clerk in this city,
could unriddle this apparent, mystery, and with
out the slightest difficulty, rS.-oncile these appa
rently conflicting tables. Tjey agree with each
other in every single item except that in relation
to the Ocmulgee Bank. Th« explanation is sim
ple and we will endeavor to intake it 'hort.
The Conslitutianalist assumes Specie as the
par standard ; we assumed *. the par standard*
the notes of those Banks whifh pass currently in
payment of debts and are receivable at Bank—
such as our city Banks, the |ank of Columbus,
Ac. Specie is about 5 per cjjfut. in value above
<he bills of thuse Banks—of *>urse the assuming
specie as the par the bills of those
Banks are five per cent par. Therefore
when the Constitutionalist s:£.i that Mechanics’
* Bank notes are at par, it m.ytis that they are
equal to specie; and when w*'«ay that the same
notes are five per cent premium, we mean that
they are worth that much ore than current
notes and equal to specie, |a>th papers quote
Mechanics’ Bank no'es and Specie as equal to
each other. We quoted Savannah Bank notes
at one per cent premium; th.,t is, four per cent
-under specie. The Constitutlmalist quotes them
at from three to Jive per c *it under specie.-
Where’s the difference 1 except that one
paperdixes it at four and theptber at from three
to Jive. I
We quoted Miliedgeville 1% nk notes at per
cent, under par; (i. e.) 2j cent, below cur
rent notes, and specie as 5 pe;* cent, above cur
rent notes; this of course will Miliedgeville
notes 7h per cent, below spee p they are quoted
by the Constitutionalist at fro*i 7 to 10 percent,
below specie! Where’s the deference 1 None!
Both papers were right, and|Bgree with each
* other as nearly as could be in giving
the market price of any artsJo which fluctu
ates as much as bank not£» do at the pre
sent time. Tho only discrepancy of any
importance is in relation Ocmulgee bank
notes, and that no doubt the fact that
each editor received differen t information fiom
the other, from those of they enquired in
relation to the matter, —or from some
•rror in type; the Editor ol |he Sentinel, who
made that report, is now abs<|it, and we are not
aware ol what his inforr atiou was.
F nend Haynes, thou wilt nitdo v o lecture up
* 0n thc currency, Banks, Ac. k'ou no doubt un
derstand Democracy, but not tie currency.
Thc Legislature of Tennes|c , on the Ist inst.
reversed their decision in frl>r of Murfreesbo
rough as the seat of Gevernmjnt, and by a ma
jority in both Houses, decidedlthat ;i should con
« iinue at Nashville. *
Correspondence of the Court r.
Wash!kgtov, Feb. 6.
The speech delivered by Ml. Calhoun, in tb
Senate yesterday, is said by h| friends to be on*
of hi* best efforts. Though hf spoke for an hou
only, he succeeded in alluding to almost ever
• J°P ,c of th e day—the Tariff, Navigation, Publi'i
Lands, Slate Rights, and thc clsuraption of Stat
Debts, by the General Goveijment; the latU
being the subject directly belie the Senate, o
the motion ot Mr. Benton, to lint tne Report . '
Mr. Grundy. Mr. C. attnbutf I the present dn
tress of the country to the lar} ; quantity of im
dcemable hank paper which wl floating through
out the land at a merely nlnnal value H
considered the whole scheme h a paper curren
cy as unconstitutional, and irfthe framers of Z
ConstiUon had imagined the ,/fects of it whic
they did not. some provision I would have bee
made in that instrument to prjent its ever hem
received by this government il payment of debt*
Mr. C. recognised no currencyijut gold and silv«
in the United States—and if *|,* could succeed i
obtaining that, all the power 1 Europe would b
inefficient to make us hereaftei what we now ar
in a monetary {mint of view, h*- vassals, Nortl
ern gentlemen were mi taken |i regard to the e
feels of a tariff—New Englandiwith a liarren soil
\ »°d nothing but timber as a abide, furnished nav
igatton for the whole country-Sit was hergrea
source of wealth—but, with til single exceptio.
ol the raw material, every thiijrused in buildin,
and fitting out vessels, was subs et to a heavy du
vv ! r ° n ’ na,,s ’ cordage. caiilass, copper, Ac
«e p..J , merited .rihute to tie .North for he'
industry and enterprise » n .t I„„.
that hr', „oe .„tr,M, „ * ‘ J Jr m on "> P™
the great principle. of free X72**! I?
city of the States to pay their <*h, B he V*
the least doubt, but he thought?: lL, on d
Afce.iett.tS, note, the, no .hid,,^“ nn « *
he held ... the .unite hai7 r X” ££
where, anout the duty of
® . , ,*' . to assum-t
them; be was, therefore, m fa|»r of the R epo^
I
r«: S
As for his own State, although her loans had been
made for the most chimerical and extravagant
purpose, he would disown her, if she refused to
meet ev.jry dollar ot her pecuniary engagements.
Mr. Preston said, as the different gentlemen
entertained no doubt of the ability of the States
to pay their way, he would move to lay thc re
port on the table. Mr. Clay of Ala., objected
and pressed the motion to print 30,000 copies
which was carried by a large majority.
Since the election of a Chaplain, which occu
pied two days, the House have done nothing.—
Yesterday was occupied with petitions, and wt
onlv reached New Jersey, when the election
business was again brought up, {tending action
on which the House adjourned.
The Speaker presented to the House, this
morning, a copy of bis letter to the Governor ol
New Jersey, giving his reasons for not presenting
thc Resolutions of the Assembly of that Stale
It seems the document was only directed to “R
M. T. Hunter, a member of the House of Rep
resentatives from V irginia, and the Speaker
therefore, considered it derogatory to his station
and to the character of the House, that he shoult
present a paper which went directly to question
his and their right of office.
After some discussion, Mr. Randolph, of N* J.
: succeeded in carrying the printing of the rcsolu
s tions, for the use of the House.
The Speaker then laid before the House the
• statement of the democratic members of the N.
5 J. Assembly, as they ha<l been directed to him in
i his official capacity, which was also ordered to
> be printed. .
I The balance of the time was taken up m the
s presentation of petitions. Lhc bcnile is doing
s nothing of general interest.
1
Apalachicola, January 29.
Monk Ivdiax Massacres. —We this morn
ing received the distressing intelligence that the
family of Mr. Rowlett, at Rowlett’s Mills, in this
county, about 30 miles from this city, were mas
sacreed by a party of Indians, just before sun
down last evening. Mr. P, W. Rowlett and a
mulatto man were shot down by the Indians be
fore they had shown themselves. The Indians
then approached the house, and the inmates were
shot down in endeavoring to make their escape.
Mrs. Hollis a daughter of Mr, Daniel Rowlett,
was seen to run som#distance from the house be
fore she lei!. A negro man was shot near the
house. One individual a Mr. Robinson we be
lieve, who was near the premises, alone escaped
to tell the story. The elder Mr. Rowlett, and
one of his sons were from home, when the massa
cre took place.
Immediately after receiving this intelligence,
the Franklin Guards with great spirit and promp
titude, mustered under Lieut. Roberts, (the Cap
tain being absent from the city,) and having char
tered the steamer Roanoke, to take them up the
river to the landing nearest the scene of the mas
sacre, started off in pursuit of the Indians.
By the. steamer Commerce arrived this morn
ing we hear of the murder of another family, on
Monday evening last, that ot Mr. Holland’s, six
miles above lola. Particulars not known.
By the Commerce we also hear of an attack
which was made upon a party of U. S. Dragoons
near Rocky Bluff, on Friday last. The party
were fired on by the Indians and several of their
mules ki led. The soldiers fled, and the Indians
took possession of their provisions and baggage.
From, th e N. Y. Commercial Advertiser of the ith.
Fire and Fatal Accident.
Between 7 and 8 o’clock last night, a fire broke
out in th<? building fronting on Ann, Beckman,
and Gold-streets owned and occupied by William
Sharp, as; a cabinet warehouse and manufactory,
and by R. C. Poillon, tailor, Mrs. Elizabeth Worts
porter house keeper, and R. C. and J. E. John
son, as a refectory. The building, which was
five stories high, is entirely destroyed. A poition
of the Stock of Mr. Sharp was saved, as was near
ly all that of the other occupants. Mr. Sharp’s
loss is estimated at about $30,000, He is insur
ed for $6 000,
There was a great scarcity of water at the fire,
most of the hydrants being frozen, and the boxes
of one or two were burned in ineffectual attempts
to obtain a supply from those sources. In those
which we re in working order, it took two streams
to supply one engine with a sufficiency. This
was owing to the want of a head of water, the
tank being almost empty, and the whole supply
derived from the works of the Manhattan Co.
which were connected with the city water pipes
on Saturday night.
Lines v/ere also formed f om tha fire to the riv
er, and water drawn from that source.
In connexion with this subject we would ask
leave to inquire whose duty it is to attend to the
hydrants, and see that they are kept in working
order. II they are allowed to freeze up every
winter, and to be rendered useless during those
months v, hen the city is most liable to be visited
ey fires, then we would say that the vast sums of
money al-eady extended by the city for the pur
pose of obtaining a supply of water, are so much
squandered away.
A part of the walls of the building destroyed
fell last evening, during the conflagration, and
the remainder came to the ground this morning,
burying in the ruins at least two, and it is feared
| h greater number of persons. Fvvo persons were
extricated—one dead, and the other badly woun
ded. The name of the former was John Con
naughty, nn Irishman, residing at 79 John street.
He has lei t a family.
A number of laborers were employed durin"
the morning, under the direction of the coroncr°
to extiica e the bodies, should there be any un
der the reins.
j Tllt n OF Instruction—We entertain
j great hopes that the ridiculous extent to whktn the
J doctrine of instructing Senators is carried hv some
of the States will work its own cure. Attached,
ourselves to the right of instruction, in the sense
in which that right was contended for and used
by the Democratic party in former times, we are
mor'ified to sec the loolish extremes to which it
is published by the “patent” democrats of Uiepres
ent day. Where a State entertains a thorough
and settled conviction on any great point of public
policy, an d her Senator should differfrom his State
in his vie ws with regard to that particular meas
ure of policy, the State, in our humble opinion
may instruct, and the Senator ought to obey.
But to be instructing Senators out of their seats!
on all the miserable petty political questions of the
day—inst.tided, too by accidental party majori
ties in thc Legislature, which majorities may be
changed in six months—is too, absurd! It is
; time for independent statesmen to resist this thing.
Let the Constitution be placed above the reach of
the two-p nny politicians in the Legislatures.—
| Alexandria Gazette.
An amusing incident occurred in the Tennessee
House of Representatives on Saturday, the 18th
ultimo. I't seems that Mr. Baugh, of Hawkins
i made soma motion, which in the confusion of the
House was not heard. Thereupon he started up
m a great rage, and exclaimed, that if no notice
would ° f . lliS m ° lion ’ he hoped tlle House
would grant him leave o’, absence during the rest
E-H'-with .he House
Oh V !‘L ‘ -, eave! “leave!” Os course the
Ih h [ put ' he *)riesuon. Shall Ihe member from
Harikme have lea.e o fub«„re! Mr Bau -h
called for the yeas and nays. When
rT or .he ,o„ huu ,'e„
Mr. AUrt... of Maury. ».d h„„ au.hmixed hy
Mr. Baugh to withdraw the motion f or l eave L
absence. The Chair remarked that M r . Bai „h
could not withdraw the motion ig
I must make the motion himself. Baugh then
j proposed himself to withdrawn thc motion. Mr
i Fletcher insisted that these motions were out of
t order; that the roll must first be gone through
» with, and the question decided; and then, if the
i. member from Hawkins chose to ask to be rein
,3 stated, he could do so. The Chair directed the
s Clerk to proceed with the call, which order was
!- promptly complied with, and the leave asked was
I, granted by a vote of 41 to 27.
i. So Mr. Baugh, sorely against his will, has
leave of absence for the rest of the session !
I-
Extract of a letter from a highly respectable
e attorney at Detroit, dated January 17, 1840.
n “Our Circuit Court has just closed its session
u of some six weeks, during which time, out of
eight hundred and seventy-nine cases at issue,
'* the Court got rid of forty-five, leaving the bal
ance untouched, amongst which is your claim
g which stands over until the next April terra —if
the Court should not dispose of more cases than
• at present, it will consume some five years or
** more to get off the cases now ready for trial.”
r ’ Eight hundred and seventy-nine suits for debt
*’ in one court in Michigan. It is useless to argue
“ against locofocoism while we have such evidences
Q as these of its practical effects!—Aetc York
TV mes.
The public lands of the nation, are estimated
e to be worth $1,250,000,0(;0, or 1000,000,000 of
acres, at $ I 25 per acre. It will thus be seen
3 that ail the State debts may be paid, and yet more
9 than 1,000,000,000 of acres be leii untouched.—
Phil. Inq,
? Remarks of Mr. Cooper,
OF GEORGIA,
On the Resolution of Mr. Waddy Thompon , to
amend the rules re 'ative to the reception and
* disposal of abolition petitions.
9 House of Rkpresextatives, Jan. 16, 1840.
Mr. Cooper, of Georgia, rose and said : I vo
ted yesterday on this question to suspend further
debate. The House had refused the previous
* question, and thereby indicated a disposition to
hear. If, however, the House is indisposed to
hear discussion, I am more than content to de
sist. If this be the pleasure of gentlemen, it is
’ now in their power to give that direction. It is
only necessary !o give the intimation, and I will
put the subject in such a shape as to accomplish
j their wishes. [Here Mr. C. made a short pause.]
j Without such a desire expressed, it will not be
considered a trespass on the time to proceed with
what I have to say on a subject of fearful import.
It would be my purpose, touching this matter,
’ t»’iiake no move, to call for no action, but to sit,
with folded arms, resolved to leave it to those who
bring such firebrands here, to propose such course
[ as, in their opinion, the House should adopt. It
is to be regretted that my friend from South Car
olina (Mr. Thompson) has felt it his duty to pre
sent a proposition. It I could flatter myself that
a request of mine could prevail with that gentle
| man, I would as*, him to withdraw his amend
ment.
[Mr. Thompson of South Carolina, rose and
‘ said that, rather than have any difficulty with his
friends, he would withdraw his proposition.
, Mr. Biddle entreated the gentleman from South
; Carolina not to withdraw his resolution. He
appealed to his generosity, and implored him to
allow him an opportunity of explaining his views
on this matter—an opportunity he had been
seeking for in vain for the last two years. '
Mr. Black hoped the gentleman from South
Carolina would withdraw his resolution, unless
, every gentleman on the floor who desired to t»d
--i dress the House on this subject should have the
, same opportunity of doing so.
i Mr. Thompson of South Carolina. Then I
• do not withdraw it.]
( Mr. Cooper resumed. Two days ago, Mr.
i Speaker, when a question of reception was pro
pounded on presentation of abolition petitions, a
i well-informed gentleman stated to us that, on a
direct vote, less than one-fourth of the members
would be found voting to reject them. If at a
crisis like the present such a result could obtain
Jet it be made known. Upon this, as upon all
questions, it is the duty of the United States
Congress to act with perfect frankness. A n open
and manly course is due to its own character, and
that alone is calculated to exhibit its true senti
ments to the People we represent. We should
march directly up to the point, and pronounce
unequivocally what we think is expedient and
right in regard to the reception of these petitions.
Any other policy on this occasion argues either
disrepect for the petitioners, or a Tearfulness of
responsibility unworthy of a membei of Congress.
This plain, direct and upright course is demand
ed by the wishes of those who petition, as well
as by the interests of those who are to be aggriev
ed by the petitions.
Sir, the welfare of the State of Georgia requires
that you should pronounce an opinion rejecting
these petitions; or if you would not reject them,
that you should make it known. She has no
party interests to serve by this. These are con
siderations too light, too trivial, too pitiful, to en
ter into her estimate at this time and on this oc
casion. The same influences which bring these
, petitions here, and the same arguments whieh
1 are invoked in behalf of the petitioners, have
( earned and sustained an open attack upon her
domestic relations, and upon the rights of pro
perty held by her citizens. It is. therefore, she
claims of you, by the obligation of duty you owe
to her, (o reject this class of petitions, saying to
the petitioners you are endangering the Govern
ment, and destroying the peace and harmony of
the States. If you will not deal thus candidly
with them, and are of opinion they ought to he re
ceived, let the South understand von. The State
of Georgia may then, with prudence, safety, wLs
dotn and efficiency, adopt her own policy in res
’ r C^ mattersabout which she is deeply con
; I desire to disembarrass this subject of the par-
I ty trammels that have been thrown around if.—
! (le L S L°K nd t f n n bkb . y ° U fi = ht is sacred—ren
t dered so by the Constitution. The People as
. fecled by your political bandyism, are, by that in
> * trun J ent : urging on you the obligations^/! July •
■ ? r ® da ™ in » the response of peace and quiet
> fh ® I kotball, which is the instrument of your 1
you g“e 8 1U< bounds us at every impulse '
1 ? ® ll ; 11 ,s a weapon which, placed in the
, hands of either, deals death blo»s to alUround
—deaih to us and our interests, or death to your
. Government. Sport on, therefore, if you ml,
, and strive whtch shall receive most pleasure or
, suffer least pain; in the wind up, you, pleas’url
l *° P ain ’ and your joy into sorrow
rh « subject before us is the reception or reiec
f t, ° n .. of abo J ,u l on petitions—petitions praying the
. abolition of slavery in the District of (Jolmnbil
and the Territory of Florida. We complain of
these petitions as an evil. I propose to examine
into:
i The nature, source, and extent of this evil
our duty in regard to it; and the remedy.
s The proposition of my friend from South Car
, olma, now on your table, is not the proper one'
s j being at best ambiguous, uncertain and indirect’
s i 1 desire a rejection of the petitions.
■ j I proceed, however, to consider the first point
I ; —the nature, source, and extent of evil i n tlLj
' I Here, sir, I an. advised by seme
| the argument was exhausted on some former or
casions, before another Congress I «,;n
j tbeless, offer the reasons which, as I clniv/t
I y ,,ur wisdom should control this subject Ide
| sire to do it dispassionately and deliberately that
the truths which I may utter may not he lost in
a tempest being ascribed to rage. I ' ,
it w liiuu, the aid of declamation. In its
l.cflhrt the gravity of those truths Wuu ld sink
1 them beyond our view.
I What shall I say i* intended for this House, if
it please to hear; for those especially who bring
and advocate here these petitions; for them and
their constituents, not for mine. When I ad
dress my constituents, I prefer to be near to them,
and meet them fa<se to face.
Before I proceed, sir, it is indispensable that I
exact of gentlemen a concession ot one point,
without which no argument can be maintained,
no truth tested. What is that 1 It is this : Ihe
Constitution, as adopted and written, shall prove
the truth of our position, and form the sole mea
sure of our right and wrong. Without this we
are thrown back on first principles. Each State
stands for itself, and this Government is dissolv
ed. You admit, then, the Constitution is the
only rule and measure of our obligations and
powers. That every assertion of power, every
claim of right, or declaiation of duty, is tested by
its provisions. That no higher lest can be re
ferred to, to correct or overrule politically a de
cision made by the application of its principles.
The gentleman from New York, (Mr. Gran
ger.) after expressing his contempt of local opin
ions and sectional interests, has pointed us to the
« corrected opinion of mankind , the enlight
ened philanthropy of the age” to put us right
on questions here involved. Sir, I have else
where heard of *'obligations pa;amount to the
Cons*itution by which to test these political rela
tions. This error is radical, strikes at the foun
dation of our Government, and prostrates the
whole fabric. The States have created no such
obligations, acknowledge none such politically;
and will have none such forced on them. Such
opinions are disorganizing and revolutionary.—
They gi v e a death-blow to all constitutional free
dom, will establish the Church, and make the
Pope supreme on earth.
The Constitution, then, is the true rule of our
political faith, the sole test of rectitude in prac
tice. It was made by the States whose people
had pre-existing political relations. It was made
for them, according to these established connex
ions. By these, the beings forming the subject
of these petitions had no citizcnsiiip, but were
as verily property as your lands. Is this denied ?
If so, the argument is exhausted, and the Union
dissolved.
This instrument, rendered practical by agents
appointed for that purpose, is the Government,
and is formed for the Stales that made it, and for
the people of those States, who then possessed a
political relation to each other, and for no other ;
and for them in no other relation.
The rights and privileges then existing, not
thereby surrendered or forbidden, with those
which were by it created, were the objects to be
secured to those for whom the Government was
established. The right of property was one;
yes, the right of property in slaves. Does any
one deny it here ? I pause for reply. Not one !
(Sir, it has been denied elsewhere by high au
thority.) Without that, this Uriien would not
have been formed. Is this dented 1 I pause for
reply. It is admitted.
Among those privileges is the quiet and peace
ful enjoyment of this right. Another is the
freedom of speech, “the freedom of the press,
and the right peaceably to assemble and to peti
tion the Government for redress of gdevances.”
All of these, however sacred or inviolate, are in
some sense more or less restricted, limited, and
deniable in the exercise—the “right of petition,”
or freedom of speech, not less so than the right
of property. This results from the fact that, as
between the several States, or the citizens of each,
the one has rights and privileges equal with the
other; wherefore the Government cannot be ad
ministered, or long exist, unless you decline the
exercise of a mere privilege when it destroys a
right of properly; the ‘ freedom of speech,” for
instance, when it would rob me of reputation;
the “freedom of the press,” when ihe effect is the
same, or tP destroy the peace of a whole com
munity.
This is right, too, ou the plain principles of
that “natural justice” which is such an idol in
your worship. To speak, to write, or petition,
in a matter that does not immediately interest
you, with which you are not personally connect
ted. and lies not at your door, if a privilege at all,
is a mere naked privilege, the benefits of which
result not to youn-elf particularly, but to “man
kind at large.” Do you not perceive it 1 Is
not this going beyond the Constitution 1 And
what is this but a second crusade? Sir, it wants
but the armor, the military parade, and the battle
array, to make it literal.
Let it be remembered that it is the pride and
glory of these States to hate instituted the novel
experiment of a written Constitution, without
which, and beyond which, there is no power and
no government; without that we have no ride of
political action, and dare not express a political
opinion. The “universalopinion of mankind”
is not our rule; half of them have not seen or
heard of our Constitution.
Now, si \ suppose the exercise of this mere na
ked privilege, which benefits another, not your
self, the lost consequent on which exercise falls
not on you, but on another, whose rights you
have not only pledged but sworn to respect and
defend, shall tend to take from me my property
in person or thing ? Have you a right to such
exercise ! By the Constitution you must say
no ; by those “eternal principles of right” which
these petitioners worship, for which they run
rough shod over the charter of our liberty, and
subvert the Union, you will answer no.
Suppose again, undersuch circumstances, you
refuse to receive petitions—is that a denial of the
“right peaceably to assemble and to petition the
Government for a redress of grievances ?” If so,
how do you check debate here ? how does one
man rise and speak whilst all are made to sit ?
how do you chain the slanderer’s tongue, tie the
hand of the libeller, or hang a man for inditing
treason 1 3
This privilege, or right of petition, in the cases
before you, is inferior to my right of property, and
the enjoyment thereof, under the compact. The
latter is greater, the former less, must yield.
Is this not so ? Most certainly. If so, then the
refusal to receive these petitions, which is made
the false pretext for exciting the sympathies and
inflaming the passions of men, women, and chil
dren, is not only right, hut becomes your duty,
i under the most solemn of all obligations. Dutv
; to us requires it, that we may peaceably enjoy the
rights that belong to us. Duly to them - demands
it, that they may turn their thoughts on them
selves, and perceive their error. And if you owe
any thing to the opinions of mankind, to “j us .
tice, oi religion, duty to all requires it, that men
may not be “inquisitive about other men’s mat
ters nor become railers nor disturbers of the peace-”
that you may not do injustice, without warrant
to let what you call « natural injustice” be done
and that this “opinion of mankind” may be cor
rected, by reierence to your rule, of which they
are ignorant. J
Under our Government, there are not only mu
tual rights but reciprocal duties. Your Govern
ment is under the same obligations, if not greater,
t respect and maintain the rights of Georgia,
an she is to obey your lawful enactments. So
of these petitioners, and the people of Georgia
Having admitted our right of properly, it is your
uuty not to move by petition or otherwise. This
true, whether the effect of your petitions be to
destroy my property contrary to my will, or to
lessen us value by indirect means beyond my
control. If this be not so, what right have you
to complain of your neig ,bor, who puts a torch to
his own dwelling, which, by poLiSuty? may
communicate to you.s 1 y ma ?
, iTV 5 one o'lwr political an<l historical truth
ma !' 'or, in tracing the c.ils that
round us to their source, we shall illustrate that a
failure to notice this had led most of the ,M|
tiornsts into dangerous errors. It th U •
Gove., lment nut made so, negrnrt or sla.es
If, in forming it. you had attempted that, it would '
have failed. Those who come here with peti
tion*, claimingywj/icc, need not startle at this ;
and if, in your excursions through Europe, you
blush to be told of it, hide your blushes, come
home, upset your Government, and form a new
one. Do not hold us to the old one. and 'set up
the “opinion of mankind,” gathered in Europe,
as the rule of our political action. Our people
are about as ignorant of that rule as you and
half of Europe are of the Constitution. We sel
i dom go to Europe, because we pay you to go for
us; hence, we do not suffer the infliction of that
i “opinion” as you do; but if that is your “griev
• an ce ,” you may stay at home, and let us go.
This Union was formed for the ''tales —the
! People of the States—that People who then had
1 their respective Constitutions and laws establish
ing their political, civil, and domestic relations.
Negroes had no hand in it, here or at home, and
• were not referred to when you proposed “to es
tablish justice,” and “secure the blessings of lib
erty to ourselves and our posterity.” Do you
• think so ? If so, speak out.
■ Now, sir, having presented these undeniable
! truths, with a view to trace existing evils to their
■ source, I proceed to inquire who are they that pe
t tition us I Are they the owners of the property
in slaves ? Not so. Are they citizens ofslave
: holding communities 1 No; they are citizens of
Massachusetts. Very well. As a general rule,
■ we admit the right of Massachusetts citizens to
s petition.
i To whom do they petition I To Congress;
; composed of members from slaveholding as well
i as non-slaveholding States. By the same gener
• al rule, it is granted to be the duly of Congress to
■ receive petitions.
! When are these petitions offered ? True, it is
at the call of Massachusetts, hut happens to be
very prejudicial to very important money claims
• of my constituents, as well as those of other gen
s tlemen. and possibly to the prejudice of still
i larger interests; and, therefore, it would have
• been hotter to have kept them back for a few
weeks. Still it was their day. and no objection
■ can rightfully be urged on that ground.
For whom do they petition 1 For themselves 1 ?
i No. For Europe, or Asia, or Africa, or the citi
zens of ei her ? It is not so represented ; and, if
i' it were, it must be admitted that they, as individ
, uals, could not petition you. For whom then 1
It need not be disguised ; those petitions are for
and on behalf of the negroes or slaves of this Dis*
trict and the several States. Yes, these petition
ers have placed themselves by the side of the
slaves of the South, inciting them to rebellion ;
aiding them to wage war with their masters;
presenting petitions for those who have no right
to ask any thing of you; joining an issue with
; their masters, which, to make or join at home,
and under the laws governing master and slave,
is death; doing and saying that which, being
done and sail within the jurisdiction of a State
here represented, is incendiary, insurrectionary,
and felonious. All this is done and said here to
those who are deputed specially to represent the
I great interests of the South. And we, it is con
j tended, are bound to receive all this, to bear it,
I and submit. It this be true, then.do your worst;
| and you can only take one step further under
* the banner of a “sacred right of petition ;” that
will be, to look a little closer into our domestic
circle, and petition that out children quit their
parents, and our wives have permission to 1c ve
their husbands. Where is the philanthropist
who can insist on the reception of such papers;
or where is the Christain, with all the light be
fore him, who can pray for such results 1 What
true republican can support such startling doc
trines?
But for what, do they pray ? “For the aboli
tion of slavery and the slave-trade in this District
and the Territories.” This you have no power
by the Constitution or laws to do. Why? The
reasons are at hand.
Grant, for argument sake, that your Govern
ment has all the power in this District and the
Territories which the States have in their limits;
you still have no power to do it. since it would
deprive individuals of their property without their
consent.
Government is made to protect and defend the
rights of property, not to subvert them. There
would be wanting even the pretext that the pro
perty was for public use. By numbers and the
aid of the sword, you might effect your object;
but the history of the last twenty years has prov
ed that fredmen will fight for much less cause.
Is it prentended that this Government has a
“public use” for this property ? Quite the re
verse. What, then, do you do with that clause
of your Constitution which says: “Nor shall pri
vate property be taken for public use without just
compensation 1” And let it be remembered, this
taking “for public use” is an exception to the
broad provision that it shall not be taken at all.
And what shall we do with our oaths to support
such items ?
But it is denied that Congress has the same
powers here and in the Territories which the
States have in their respective limits. Why?—
Because its powers are defined and limited, both
as to the objects and purposes for which and on
which it may act. The “exclusive power to leg
islate in all cases whatsoever” in this District is
subject to co. responding limitations and restric
tions laid on rs powers in other respects, and
must be consonant thereto, otherwise this grant
of “exclusive power,” would operate to subvert
every right of the citizen here. Not only so,
Congress is under obligations to Virginia and
i Maryland, as well as to all the slaveholding
j States, not to abolish slavery here or in the Ter
-1 ritories. The existence of such obligation is
neither more nor less than, in other words, to as
sert a want of power to do what it is obliged not
to do.
Consider these petitions in reference to their
practical effect, and what is it but to ask you to
rob us by form of law, to subvert our institutions,
burn our dwellings, stir up civil war, and com
mit murder and rapine? Sir, we ask not your
protection at home, we do not need it. If we
need it, it is against your ignorance of our rights,
or your wilful disregard to them, and to your* sol
emn obligations of duly.
It follows, then, that there is no power to
grant such petitions; that, if therewas.it would
be manifestly unjust, as much so as to receive a
petition from me lo burn the dwelling of the gen
tleman from New York, (Mr. Granger.) Where
fore, then, the obligation to receive ? In truth, is
there not a positive duty lo reject them ?
The abolitionists are not that worthless, disre
putable and unimportant class of people they are
sometimes represented to be. And here I beg to
correct the honorable gentleman irom South Car
olina, (Mr. Thompson.) In the large commer
cial cities, comparatively few respectable and in
telligent citizens are f >und to be abolitionists
There is an interest felt in those commercial com
munities which bears down this spirit of fanati
cism. But go into the country, the interior vil
lages and towns; there you will find the soul and
spirit of that body called abolitionists; and they
lx!m S l,m ; "wan, or contemptible;
they are sober, industrious, religion, and intelli
gent on all matters pertaining to their own inter.
and~oo,°HZ noran s ° f T «d laws,
and our rights under them. Unfortunately bv
“»<1 habits, they are confiding, and’rra
lo have th*° ‘r 8 „ ead °l, those "hose interest it is
for t l be ™. foll . ow - The, have a fanatical zeal
lor this abolitionism, and nothing causes them to
pause but a conviction that the Government will
be dissolved if they persevere. Knowing this,
their leaders persuade them there is no danger.
You have only to satisfy them that disunion re
sult from abolition, and they give it up. Am I
right, or am I wrong ? Two summers, spent
north of this, taught me that. I have it not from
politicians, but from the unsophisticated farmer
having conversed with him in his fields. You’
therefore, who represent this body of men will
allow us, through you, to address a word to vs
cons! ituents. Do now what you have failed ti l
heretofore. Examine ‘ strictly your rule of I
ert/jtruth. R ;ad our Constitution and the histn ®
of its formation. Call on your editors, lecture
and agents lo disseminate, utter and publish u **
on those subjects without comment; ponder
your duties and obligations under them the P
pect you owe to our rights ; compare the forced
these with your sense of duty, merely to oem ° f
for abolition. P 1,011
Have you made no pledges to us in that i nstr
ment by which we united as States ? As c -
tians can you he insensible lo the obligation/ 18 '. J
your promises? After you shall have ansvvo i 1
these questions, and made the examination* ’ I
nianded of you, then remember that among
grievances enumerated by the colonies durh,.r Ij
Revolution, and published in your Declaration f I
Independence, inciting your slaves to insunt I
lion, was one. How can you expect us to c-J
to burn with indignation, whilst you, under th* I
pretence of “ a sacred right of petition ” w „ I
upon us the very grievance your fathers’ foLu I 1
to revenge’ You are inveigling and cnticinl *
our slaves, seducing them from the path of O \J
dience, and inciting them to insurrection, 6
Sir, I call 011 the gentlemen from New Y 1,
from Maine, and from Massachusetts, when th
go home, to give their constituents light on
points. Ask the Governor of New* York wh**
are his opinions ? Are you prepared, with him
to deny this right of property ? If so> let u< ’ |
know it W ill you join issue with hinr-then
publish his error to the four winds I s not a o
personal property a subject of thefi and larceny t
But I forbear. One item of recent history strike
me here; it is this; “Larceny of a slave i 3
crimein the Empi.e State”—the obligations of
your Constitution notwithstanding—since the
Governor of that State
[The Speaker here interrupted Mr. C. and i n .
formed him that it was not in order to allude to
the Governors of the States.
Mr. Barnard begged that the gentleman might
proceed.] 0 .
Mr. Cooper continued. Mr. Speaker, it B p.
pears to me that a very large and respectable
portion of this Union overlook, disregard, and
habitually disparage the rights and interests of
another portion. I refer to the North and
South. So habitual is the disregard of the for
mer for the latter, that they induce us to believe*
they consider this Government as existing almost
exclusively for themselves. One would suppose I
that, to be tributary to their railroads, canals, and \\
turnpikes, their fortifications and light-houses, Vi
their foreign and domestic commerce, their manu* 1
factories and banks, and, thereby, to their splen- I
did cities, their farms and country seats, would r
suffice, and we might be permitted peacefully to
use and enjoy a portion of the means that enable
us to make contribution. But not so. So they
petition, loud, numerous, and strong, that we be
compelled to give up that also; and if we deny I
their right so to petition, this denial of Sn undue
exercise of a right of petition is the foundation of
clamorous appeals to the “law of nature,” “eler- i
nal justice, and the * opinion of mankind,”
which arc claimed to be of higher obligations
than the Constitution itself.
Idleness and a fanatical zeal for natural liberty,
regardless of law, form the source of all the misl
chief those people are working through the coun
try. Your abolitionists have a “zeal without
knowledge,” which being wrought upon by edi
tors, hired lecturers and agents, ends in wicked
ness. These, being otherwise out of employ
ment, fan the flame whereby numbers arc added
and contributions increased. Abolition excite
ment, therefore, is made the nucleus of a party
that gives employment to the otherwise unem
ployed, clothes the naked, and feeds the hungry.
Politicians watch the movement, and. by leaning
to them, or openly advocating them, ride into pow
er. A few men of wealth, influence, talents, and
education, fi'loci with the vanity of future fame,
have thrown themselves in the attitude of leaders.
So controlling have they already become in New
York and Maine, that it has become a matter of
interest and rivalship with the local parties to ad
dress themselves more and more near to their
views. It is not to be disgui-ed, that the two
great parties in this House consider this subject
more with reference to party effect than the prin
ciples of your Constitution. One party, as a
whole, is by profession and practice somewhat
more friendly to our interest, on this question,
than the other, resulting mainly from their re- ’
spective positions; but either seem hitherto to
have fixed limits short of what our rights and the
Constitution authorise them to go.
How, then, are we to stay an evil that is sweep
ing the North, springing from the wants and ne
cessities of men, being identified with the labor
of the country, and fed by religious fanaticism; |
which is the theme of poetry and romance; the
subject of lectures, sermons, and prayer meetings; I
which is cradled with infancy; instilled by edu- I
cation ; caricatured in print shops ; directed and I
lauded by an unrestrained press; which i» ad- II
dressed to and received by the beggar and the 1
lordling; the male and the female, in city, town, 1
and country ; which is advocated by lawyers and |
doctors, judges and jurors, priests and laymen; is S
admitted to control politicians. Governors, and
State Legislatures; affect the Presidential con
troversy ; influences this House; divides North
and South; unites with Church and State; and | i
now shakes the Union ? How shall we arrest ill I
Ours is an awful responsibility. But the country I
requires us to take it; posterity will hold us ac
countable.
\ ou have the remedy in your own hands, if
, you choose t* apply it. Tell these petitioners
this is a subject they ought not, cannot petition
for. And when you return, meet them at their
firesides, and in their fields; plant yourselves on
the charter of our freedom; summon fact and
reason; fail not to tell them they are injuring
their neighbors, and dissolving the Government.
Failing to apply this remedy here, sir. the
South must take the alternative f yield her rights,
permitting you to use the Government for your
own benefit, and abuse it for our injury—or dis
solve. Failing to do your duty here, Georgia, 3
one of your confederates, willing to hear advice,
but entitled to act for herself, must do what her
interest and happiness require*. In her contro- m
versies connected with the subject, she cannot
admit your power to decide for her —she cannot
ask it—Maine could not submit toil—if she doe*
[The Speaker here interrupted Mr- o.]
r * er continued. I was going to say
that, if the power was claimed here and asserted,
and your judges, marshals, posse, or army were
ordered out to force Maine- j
[ The Speaker again interrupted. I
Mr. Evans and Mr. Smith, of Maine, hoped j
the gentleman would be permitted to go on.l
Mr. Cooper said it was not his intention, then
or ever, to violate order; he thanked the Speaker
for his kindness in enforcing order, and th*
House for its courtesy in wishing him to go on-
The reference to Maine and to New York «’*»
made with the sole view of illustrating the p r0 *
priety of applying a rule here, calling fora non
reception of these petitions, which might avert a i
more disagreeable alternative.
Gentlemen have said this is the way to multi
ply abolitionists, and the gentleman from *l en ’ I
nessee, (Mr. Gentry,) says, receive, refer, and re*
port them, and the abolitionists will be satisfied-
Sir. this subject was urged bv petitions as early
as 1790, by a most worthy and intelligent com- |
munity of people, the Quakers. Georgia had her f
Baldwin and Jackson then to oppose them : ■
reference and report were made. Such, with I'd*
tie variance, continued to be the course, till the
object of the abolitionists changed, and the hon- Y
orable gentleman from New York (Mr. Granger)
will permit me to correct him. In 1834, ’35, arid