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CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL.
AUGUSTA.
FRIDAY MORNING, MAY 22.
Judge Colquitt’s Circular.
In this mornings paper will be found the con
clusion of the circular of Judge C. and our re
view, to which we iuvitetbe attention of our read
era. We are well aware of the great aversion
felt by most readers to long articles, and hence
our deake to curtail as much as possible our re
marks ; we could not however have condensed
more to do justice to ourself and our caoar,
though we couid have extended them much far
ther by the introduction of more testimony. We
therefore hope that none will fail to give it a calm
and dispassionate perusal.
The questions involved are important ones,
and are question* in which every citizen is in
terested to a greater or less extent. We partic
ularly invite the attention of that portion of
our readers, who have expressed their desire to
see Judge C’s Circular in our columns, read it,
aad see how far we have sustained our pledges
to our readers, and ans er to yourselves how* the
Circular hears the test w r plied. - •
m Do yon hear that Boys V*
Os* Hcsdb id names were added to the list
for the Reformer yesterday.
Hon* W. T. Colquitt’s Letter — Concluded.
Lei it be remembered, 100, that es Mr. Crawford
was ihe regular nominee of the Republican party,
that Mr. Van Buren supported him, notwithstand
ing there were then running Adams, Clay, and
Jackson. The vote of New Y ork tells on this sub
ject. The vote given lor the tariff of 1828 is now
tnnqpeted abroau as an objection to Van Buren.—
For this both the candidates for President voted.
But here again !am stopped. In the year 1832,
the party of which 1 am a member, gave again
tnetr support to Mr. Van Buren for vice Presi
dent of the United States. His vole and the cir
cumstance under which it was iven, were no se
cret—were well known to the public, and at a time
of great excitement upon live subject of the tariff.
It is uot_my wish to censure others, but to assign
the reasons which govern my own conduct Acting
with ray party, I give a cordial support to Mr. Van
Buren at both those periods (1824 and 1332.) With
out going into a vindication ot those votes now, I
think you will agree with me that I should present
them with bad grace ss reasons why he conld not
Kt my vote: Th«.y were reasons which should
ve operated upon our suffrage with much
more force then than now. It has been near twen
ty years since the Constitution of New York was
revised, and the vote of instruction to Rufus
King and the restrictive vote on Florida given.—
With every apology that could be offeted for Mr.
Van Burin, it we had heard or known nothing of
him since, in these times of abolition excitement,
these votes would be sufficient to deprive him of
southern votes. But bow stands the case. We
supported him then without a call fur his opinions
upon the subject of slavery—since which we have
had his published opinions and resolves upon this
vital subject, to winch I will call your attention.
He was interrogated by the Jackson and Shoeco
committees belbre bis election to the Presidency,
his answers to which show how far his votes twen
ty yeats ago ought to alarm the South upon the
•object, of slaveiy. He tfhys, if elecied," I must go
into the Presidential Chair the inflexible and un
compromising opponent of any attempt, upon the
part of Congress, te abolish slavery in the
Diet, of Columkiaagainst the w isties of the sla vehold
mg States ; and also with a determination, equally
decided, to resist the slightest interlernce with the
subject in the States where it exists/' Are not itiese
declarations made bes we his election in the face of
the world, strong enough to satisfy the South upon
this subject He avers his inflexible and uncom
promising opposition to any interference with our
rights. Hut iam aware that many declared then
bo was insincere, and could not be trusted. Yet,
after his election, when, if he had any desire to be
tray our rights and falsify his declaration, when
their was no actual call or necessity, in his inaugu
ral r.ddress he rejieals them. I ask any candid man
whether be would have said any thing upon the
subject if he had not intended faithfully so execute
liis promise ? He gives in his inaugural address, first
a reference to what he had previously said, and
part of which is the above extract, and then says,
** know only remains to add, that no bill conflict
ing with these views can'-ever receive rny cpnstitu
• iional sanction.”
What more, fellow eiiieens, can we ask, in order
■to satisfy us that during his administration, there
will be no interference with this domestic insti
tution Bui nearly four years have passed, and
. you may wish to know whether he is still t«-
fiexible upon this subject, and whether the growing
rage of fanaticism has not driven him from his posi
tion. 1 his is right; you should kn >w and without
a distinct confirmation, you might prudently with
hold your votes from any candidate. On the IClh
of Feb. Os the present year, a very respectful letter
was addressed to Gen Harrison, from some gentle
men in Virginia, in which they propound, among
others, these questions.
“ Is it-constitutional* and if so, would it be expe
dient tu abolish slavery an the District of Colum
bia r
* In the event of your election, should a bill to
abolish slavery in the District of Columbia pas-s
Congress, would it receive your sanction ?”
Now, these were very plain questions, easily an
swered by an honest man who intends no imposi
tion, and yet Gen. ffa-rwon refuses to answer. His
friends in the South may say one thing, snd appeal
to his speech at Vincennes, while his friends in the
nonslavt-holding states. knovuanothcr. How differ
ent has Mr. Van Buren acted. On the 21st March
of the present yew, a letter from Virginia was ad
dressed to him upon this subject, to which he re
plies on ih«* '-7th of the same : “7 hove received
your letter of the 21st last, and can have no ol feet ion
to say in reply, that the sentiments txpressed in my
letter to Junius Amis, and takers, on the 6th March
1836, and substantially repeated in my inaugural ad
dress, are not only still entertained by me, but have
hern greatly strengthened by subsequent experience
and reflection." By this we have renewed assur
ances of bis determination to preserve inviolate this
s, ecies of our property There is no contealment,
there is no equivocation—hma sentiment candidly
ard fully expressed and published to the world.
I should teel myrelf exceedingly humbled, if I were
now to say so the people of nay stale, that I opposed
Mr. Van Buren for the vote instructing Rulus
Kitu,.or the vole changing the Constitution of New
York or the vote of restriction upon Florida No
matter how objectionable those votes, I and the
party with which 1 acted, to say the least of it, ex
cused them then.w about any favorable pledge front
*" r /- m " u en . ol an objectionable expression
has fallen trom his lips or pen since, upon this sub
ject* and those repealed assurances in our favor;
And how could 1, wuh any sort of consistency, as
®gn these totes as reasons for denouncing him
now ? Bui them is other public evidence of hi* sin
cerity up u tins subject. My fellow citizens will
reraem!*er, that a hill was introduced in the Senate
to prevent the transportation by mail of anti-slavery
Kmphiew, books, newspapers. Ac. This bill came
lore the Senate on the question, “Shull this bill
be engrossed and read a third time ?” While Mr.
Van Buren was Vice President. Upon this queg
lion the Senate tied, 18 and IS, and the decision
had to be made by Mr. Van Buren. He met it
promptly and voted for its passage. We are treat
ing gentlemen from non slave holding states with
great unfairness, when we abuse them, alter every
demonstrotioi they can make in our favor. I shall
have to lose gard for virtue and consistency
before 1 enlist in the crusade. But strong as
are the expressions, and as decisive as has been
the conduct of Mr. Van Buren, I would not fed
that the bomb would be just to herself to yield him
her support, it he was courting abolition votes at
lb- expense of our rights, and if his supporters were
affilating with these fanatics For this reason, the
candidates tor Pre-ident are the representatives of
jgreat principles, which principles I must often un
derstand from the zeal and c haracter of their sup
porters. On many, the testimony I may offer may
have but slight effect, and with some, none at all;
”but st uated where 1 have been enabled to weigh
<?vcry circumstance with reasonable impartiality, I
feel its fo'ce. In all the attempts to prove llarri
•on tin abolitionist, «nd that he would not get the
support of these fanatics, no one protends to cha-ge
the fact that Mr Van Buren stands any chance to 1
get them. They denounce him in every print as <
the slave of the Sonth; mat his son lias married I
the daughter of an extensive slaveholder ; and that I
he is a “ northern man with southern principles.” i
But I propose to go further, and thow a preponder- !
sting difference in fevorof the Nortltefn Democrats, ]
the supporters of Mr. Van Buren. I
In the last Congress their were presented 4,079 i
abolition petitions, each petition varying as to the
number ot petitioners they contained. Os this large I
amount of }>etitions brought into Congress, will it
not be of some consequence for you to know in i
what proportion they were presented by Whigs and i
Democrats? It seems to me that by it you may at I
least learn this fact, who are the most zealous in <
their cause. I have taken pains to inform myself i
and iho result is, that 3,786 ot that number were
presented by Whigs and the remaining 293 by De
mocrats. —Will it not strike tne mind of every man.
at once, the immense disparity between them? 1
Another singular fact is worthy of notice, that in 1
seme of the States, and I mention especially New
Hampshire, where the Democratic party is strong, I
and where the whole representation of the slate is
of that party, the Representatives refuse lo present i
these pelitiois; and the Abolitionists from those
places send them to their Iriends who come from I
other States. Os the 4,097 petitions presented last
Congress, i he W higs presented from states in which
they did not reside, 1,317, the Democrats 7. These i
are tacts which 1 can show from the journals, and
give the names of all who presented, the states
from which they presented, and the number pre
sented by each. Such circumstances as these are
met by saying that there are Abolitionists among
the Democrats, which is no doubt true, but they
are not favored by ihe Democratic party while
they are courted by the Whigs. lam not content
to make declarations and endeavor to force your
judgment* by clamour. Tlu< is a matter of too
much consequence to you for me to favor this or
that party, while by so doing I shall be giving
strength to an interest wholly adverse to your ■
rights. But I will continue to s ate facts, and you
may draw your own conclusions, and act upon the
responsibility of your own judgments. I will not
enumerate the many votes given during several (
preceding sessions, all of which will show the same
preponderating influence of the Whigs in favor of
the Abolitionists. T will submit a few direct votes
only. By reference to the resolutions introduced
upon this subject by Mr. Pinckney, of South Caro- i
liua, one of them will be found lo read thus: “ That,
in the opinion of this House, Congress ought not to
interfere, in any way, with slavery in the District
of Columbia.” This resolution passed by a vote of
163 yeas to 47 nays. I suppose you would consi
der this rote in the negative some evidence that
there were men in Congress who felt that Congress
ought to interfere with slavery in the District?
Who were they ? And how stood the partita upon
this tote ? Os the 47 who voted in the negative, 42
were Whigs, the reraauting five Democrats. Mr. i
Patton, ol Virginia, under the instructions, it is said,
ofa meeting of southern members at the succeed
ing Congress offered this resolution, viz :
“ Resolved, That all pelition«, memorials and pa
pers touching the abolition of Slavery, or buying
selling or transferring slaves in any State, District
or territory of the United Stales, be laid upon the
table without being debated, printed,-read or refer
red ; and that no further action shall be had there
on ”
Upon thn adoption of this resolution, the vote
stands recorded : yeas 122 nays 74. Among those
voting in the affirmative, from non-slaveholding
States, there were fifty-one Democrats, and but one
Whig. Mr. Atherton, (Democrat,) of N. Hamp
shire, introduced resolutions, one of which was
this:
“Resolved, That, petitions for the abolition of
slavery in the District of Coturrhia, and the Terri
tories of the United States, and against the removal
of slaves from one state to another, ate part of a
plan of operations »et on foot to affect the institu
tions of slavery in the several States.and indirectly,
to destroy that institution within their limits ”
This resolution was offered by a Democrat from
a non-slaveholding State. Upon its passage, there
stand recorded—l 36 yeas, and 65 nays. Os the 65
who voted in the negative, 62 were Whigs, 61
northern Whigs. His third resolution upon the
subject wan this;
“ Resulted, Tliat Congress lias no right to do
that indirectly* which it cannot do directly."
lu favor of this, the yeas are 170, and nays 30.
Every man who voted in the negative was a Whig.
The fifth aud last resolution was divided, and the
vote demanded upon the first branch, which reads
thus;
“ Resolved, That attempts on the part of Congress
to abolish slavery in the District ol Columbia, or
the Territories, or to prohibit the removal of slavrs
from State to Biate, or to discriminate between the
institutions of one portion of the Confederacy and
another, with the views aforesaid, are in violation
of the Constitution, destructive of the fundamental
principles on which which the union of these states
rest, and beyond the jurisdiction of Congress.”
This branch ot this resolution is as strong as any
man from the South can ask ; and Jet it not be for
gotten that it was introduced by a northern Demo
crat. This passed by a vote of 149 yeas to 52 nays.
You will be glad to know, doubtless, who voted in
the negative ; 1 have their names. Os the 52, there
were 47 Whigs, and but 5 Democrats. During the
same session, the journals show that Mr. Slade, a
zealous Whig, and an equally zealous Abolitionist,
made a motion, “ that the rules in relaiion to the
order of business be suspended for him lo move a
resolution, which was read at the Clerk’s table, as
follows:
“ Whereas, there exists, and is carried on between
the port in the District of Columbia arid other ports
of tlu> United States, and under Ihe sanction of the
laws thereof, a trade in human beings, whereby
thousands of them are annually sold and transported
from said district to distant parts of the country, in
% T estels belonging to the citizens of the' United
States, therefore to the end that all obstacles to Ihe
consideration ofthis subject be removed and a rem
edy for the evil be speeduy provided.
Resolved, That so much of the fifih section of
the resolutions on the subject ol slavery, passed by
this hoaseon the 11th and 12th of the present month
os relates to the renaoxal ot slaves from Stare to
State, and | rolubits the acts of this House, and eve
ry petition, memorial, resolution or paper, touching
the same, be, and hereby is rescinded.”
The effort to repeal this part of the resolution,
I deem another question, calculated to show which
Eany leans to, and is sustained by the Abolitionists,
ipon th s motion there stands recorded 56 yeas and
147 nays. Os the 56 who voted in favor of Mr
Slade’s motion 53 were Whigs, and out three De
mocrats, 1 would desist from exhibiting further
evidence, but I feel it ray duty to exhibit tacts that
cannor be contradicted or denied ; that the people
ol Geutgia may at least act understandtngly. God
knows that 1 have no such sympathy for either
party as w ould induce me to betray your rights. 1
desire your dispassionate judgment.
The first motion made to introduce a petition this
Congress, upon the subject, w as made by Mr. Lin
coln, a W lug member from Mossachaseits. T his
w»s met by southern gentlemen, among others, Mr,
Cave Johnson who moved to lay the motion f»r re
ception on the table. 11 ibis motion prevailed yon
will see it was equivalent to a rejection. The vote
was taken upon this motion which was carried in the
affirmative by a vote 131 to 68. Os the 68 votes giv
en in the negative 61 wire northern Whigs. If
southern Whig and the remaining 6 Demo, rats.
In this vote it was not considered that the right of
petition was involved; and nearly the whole De
mocratic party voted with the south. When ihe
vote was afterwards taken to make it a rule of the
House that no petition upon the subject should be
received, the right ol petition was alarmingly.en
forced by the Whig orators, and yet a sufficiency
of the Northern Democracy voted with us to adopt
the rule, in this 27 Derm crars went further to sus- ;
tain our right than did 4of the Southern whigs. In
the feenalethere have likewise I ecu a few ques
tions exhibiting the state of parties upon thi 8 sub- 1
ject. 1 have already mentioned the introduction of
the hill prohibiting the transportation by mail, of
Abolition pamphlets, Ac. This bill upon its final
passage was lost. Not a solitary northern Whig :
voting for it. and lour southern W lugs voting against ,
it. Jt is a fact no wliere denied, I think that the
principal ground of objection lo the admission of ,
Arkansas into the union, arose from the fact that ,
slavery was recognized in her constitution ; and <
upon the ( asssge of ihe bill not one Whig Senator
from New England voted for it. In the House of j
Representatives, upon me pass iga of the same bill, j
the votes stand about as usual; yeas 143 nays 52. ,
and ot the 52 who voted in the negative 46 were
Wh gs and but 6 Democrats ,
During the present session of Congress Mr. Cal- ,
boun introduced resolutions in the Senate in rela- ,
ti nto Ihe national rights of vessels, fureed by stress ,
ot weather into Ir.endly ports, and the seizure us j
the brigaEnterprize under them e-rcumstances j
“Res Ivid, That a ship or a vessel on the high 1
seas, in time of peace, engaged in a lawful voyage, i
is, accoiding to the Jaws ot nations, under tlie ex- i
ciusixe jurisdiction ol the iStatc to which her flag )
belongs; ai much eo as it constituting a parr of iis (
own domain # ,
f
*• Resolved , 'I hat if such ship or vessel should b«
forced by "tress of weather or oilier unavoidable
cause-, into ihe port, and under the jurisdiction of a
friendly power, she and her carets and persona on
board, with their property,and alljihe righ'a belong
ing to their personal relations, as ei*abh>hed by the
laws of the State to which they belong, would be
placed under the protection which the laws of na
tions extend to tlie unfortunate under such circum
stances.
“Resolved, That the brig Enterpri te, which was
forced unavoidably by stress of weather into Port
Hamilton, Ber.ouda island, while on a lawful voy
age on the high teas from one port of the Union to
another, comes within the principles embraced in
the foregoing resolutions and that the seizure and
detention©! the negroes ‘-n board by the local au
thoniiy of the island, was an act in violation of the
laws of nat ons, and highly unjust to our own citi
zens to whom they belong.”
On these resolutions t'.e vote was unanimous,
but every northern Whig, except one, failed to vole,
by being absent from his seat.
1 will call your addition a little to the action of
the Democratic party, in non slaveholding Slates,
by their resolutions passed in their legislatures and
in primary assemblies. I should be glad to furnish
you with many of their full resolves ; and although
the subject is pregnant with interest to the bouth,
1 must abbreviate, in order not to tresspass too
long upon your time. In the Stale nf Ohio, the
stale in which General Harrison resides, at a large
assemblage of the Democratic party, they passed
unanimously, among others, the following resolu
tions, viz •
“ Resolved, That slavery being a domestic institu
tion, recognized by the Constitution of the United
Stales, we, as citizens of a Iree State, have no right
to interfere with it, and that the organizing of s .me
tres and associations in free Stales, in opposition to
the institution* of sister Slates, while productive of
no good, may be the cause of much mischief; and
while such associations, fur political purposes, ought
to be discountenanced by every lover of peace and
concord, no sound Democrat will have part or lot
with them ”
“Resolved , That political Aholition’sm is but an
cient Federalism under a new guise, and the politi
cal action of anti-slavery societies is only a device
for the overthrow of Democracy.”
“ Resolved , That should there be any members of
this convention, who do not subscribe to the prin
ciples contained in those resolutions relating to the
subject of Abolition, they be hereby requested to
leave their names with the publishing committee, to
be published wi' h the proceedings ot this conven
tion.”
What do you think of such resolutions as the
above passing unanimously by the Democrats in the
State of Ohio, where the Abolitionists at e talented
and numerous. I consider this fighting our battles
upon this subject in good earnest. And with whom ?
let me inquire The answer is plain—with the
Whigs and Abolitionists The Legislature of Ohio
during the present year, with a very large majority
of Democrats, passed resolutions upon this subject,
pronouncing the conduct of the Abolitionists
“highly criminal, and that it is the duty of every
good citizen to discountenance the Abolitionists, in
iheirmad, fanatical, and revolutionary schemes.”
The party, in their assemblies, either
through their Legislatures/or in primitive assem
blies, and in some States by both, have passed reso
lutions'equally decided in our favor, in Pennsylva
nia, New York and New Hampshire, which I have
now before me, and, if necessary, w:ll publish. I
repeat, that these efforts, made by the Democrats at
the North, it they can be sustained, give us hope
that our property will be protected, and the Union
saved. But what encouragement have they to de
fend our institutions, if we contemn their friendship,
aud make common cause with their political oppo
nents, for their overthrow and defeat ? I now pledge
myself, th-<t no man can show, in any non-slave
holding Slate, where the Whigs have dared, in any
political assemblage, to pass one resolution, or say
ought in our favor. But, on the contrary, where
ever they have taken the subject into consideration,
it has been but to abuae and condemn. If we ally
ourselves to the Whigs, and defeat the Democrats,
it will be but retributive justice for them to with
draw ihci: support, M*d leave m «• t«e mercy of
abolition Whigs. I have before me resolutions
passed by some of the Legislatures of the free Slates,
where ttie W higs had majorities, denouncing slave
ry, and urging efforts lor emancipation These I
will publish, if 1 should find it necessary, at another
time 1 will now furnish you with a few extracts
from abolition papers, to show that Harrison’s nom
ination is claimed as a victory. But IreTofe I do
this, 1 will mention this fact; that after we had
adopted the rule to which I have referred, rejec:ing
the recepiion of abolition petitions, the Legislature
of New York passed resolutions of censure apon
the House ot Representatives for their vote. Mr.
Mann, a member of the Democratic party in the
New York Legislature, moved this resolution, viz;
“ Re olved, (if the Senate concur,) That this Le
gislature has seen w ith deep regret, and decidedly
aixappr vex and condemns, the efforts of many mis
guide*.! individuals in the northern Stales to inter
lere, without right, and in violation of the principles
on wheih the Constitution of the United States was
established,with the domestic institutions of our
sister Slates at the South ; thereby distu bing the
domestic peace ot the St .tes, weakening the bonds
ot our union, and sowing the seeds ot dissolution ”
This resolution was rejected by a strict ;>arty
vote; there being 41 Democrats for the resolution,
and all the W’higs, in number 57, voting against it.
Will Georgia w. ge war against,her own interest,
by becoming allies to the Whigs? A very few
extracts from abolition papers, and I will dedst
from pressing upon your consideration this unpleas
ant subject. Ihe Liberator, the leading abolition
print, alter giving an account *»1 the votes given at
the Harrisburg nomination, and announcing Harri
son as the candidate, says -.“All the slave Stales went
fur Clay. Weregatd this as another important sign of
the times— as «t signal defeat of the slaveholding
power tn this country. Ha*, it not been lor Aboli
tionism, Henry Clay would iinduuntedly have b®en
nominated We have faith to be'ie ve, that no slave
holder will ever again be permitted to fill the Presi
dential office in the Republic.” The friends of
General Harrison at the South endeavor to evade
the fori e of all this, by saying the Abolitionists
will not support Harrison, and that they have a
candidate of theirown* But all that is necessary
lor us to know is, that Harrison was nominated to
rscurethat influet ce; that they hail it as a triumph
of their principles; and that a very large share of
them, yea. foar-fitths of them, will give him their
support. The Emancipator, the abolition paper in
New York, heads an article, “The Harrisburg Con
vention,” and says, “Well, the agony is over, and
Henry Clay is laid upon the shelf; and no man of
ordinary intelligence can doubt or deny that it is
the anti-slavery feeling of the North which has
done it, in connexion with his own osten atious
and infamous pro-slavery demonstrations in Con
gress. Praise to God fora great inti slavery vi* lo
ry. A man of high talents, of great distinction, of
long political services, of boundless personal popu
larity, has been openly rejected for the Presidency
of this great Republic, on account of his devotion to
slavery. Set up a monument of progress there
Let the winds tell the tale—Jet the slaveholders
hear the news—let foreign nations hear it—let
O’Connell hear it —let the slaves hear it—n slave
holder is incapacitated tor the Presidency of the
United Slates The reign of slaveocracy is hasten
ing to a close. The reaction of Henry Clay, bv
the Whig Convention, taken in connexion with all
the circumstances, is one of the heaviest blows the
monster slavery has received in this country.”
(Here the Hon. Gentleman has again garbled.
The gentleman has taken great pains to cull
these two extracts from these abolition Journals.
Does he tell you that they do not support Gen.
Harrison ? Does he tell you that of the thirteen
abolition papers of the Union, eleven of them pre
fer Mr. Van Buren for Presidency ? No, not a word
of these things —yet he tells you he presents an
unvarnished tale ]
This language of the Emancipator is true ; and
yet the South is expected to complete the triumph
by aiding in his election, and defeating the Demo
crats, who have most manfully come lo our rescue.
Another abolition paper.the Leroy Gazelte,formerly
edited by Mr. Gates, a Whig member in the Hons?
of Representatives, speaking of an Ohio paper, save,
“The editor of the Ohio pnper abandoned the
Whigs because they nominated the Abolitionists
and joined the l/rcofocos because they went for the
doughfaces; while we left the Jackson party be
cause it adhered to slavery, and anted with the
W higs because they supported abolition.” I have
searched out a few- ot the many extracts w hica I
could make,exhibiting the same startling facts to
my fellow-citizen* lam neither so strongly at
tacked lo the old Federal band, nor so bitterly pre
judiced against ihe Administration, as for me topaas
all these things by with a sneer. Sou;hern gentle
men make light of these things; not because they
are not true, but because they do not apprehend
any immediate danger. They reject proffered
friendship, and strengthen and encourage their un
c> mprtimising'foes, for a petty parly triumph; a tri
utnj h which annihilate* every republican principle,
N
and blights the prospect of the only parly, which, a
as a party, susiains our rights. Backed, as Mr. a
Von Buren is, by the Democracy in the Senate and
House of Representatives, sustained as he is bv the I
Democratic party in the non-slaveholding States, £
upon the subject ot slavery, and abused as he is by e
th • Aboltionista, it seems to me lhal the difference
is very wide between the parlies. However, the
business is yours, and lo you I submit the facts, c
With my belief, and with my knowledge, no matter }
how you may differ with me, 1 feel satisfied lhal
you will not blame me for doing what 1 verily be- c
eve will be for the good of Fie country and the t
safety of the Sou;h. If you fchnnld, however, as
much as I shall regret censure from highly esteem
ed friends, 1 must still act in accordance with ray 1
opinions, calmly and dispassionately formed. (
These evidences are sufficiently strong tw inform ]
the South from what quarter their help must come
upon this subject, and a sufficient guarantee that
Mr. Van Buren will carry out his pledge. My op- | ;
position to the present chief mar isi rate commence*! (
at the time ofis-ming ihe Proclamation during Gen.
Jackson’s administration, and not for any thing (
t hat transpired before. And here I may be permit- *
ted to remark, that there is no evidence that he ap- ,
proved or sustained the measure at the time ; but
being a favorite of Gen. Jackson I take it for grant
ed that he did. W 7 e have positive evidence that I ]
General Harrison did approve it, aud lauded for this | ,
act Gen. Jackson, lo whom he had been previously j
in bitter opposition. 1 looked upon the doctrines j
of the proclamation, at war with those of the.
Government, and to the utmost of my power op- )
posed them. This produced a severe conflict in the i .
fetaiw, Irotn which 1 did not shrink, and was made 1
a vfotimto its power. Both parties will bear me |
witness, that neither abuse nor defeat made me ,
falter a moment in my course. They were the : 1
principles of ’yd, the doctrines of Jefferson, for ■ i
which I battled. I strove to make those principles | (
triumphant, believing thorn, as Ido vet, the conser- j
vative principles ot freedom. The wounds and | 1
bruises received in the strile, have been difficult to ! |
cicatrize. I have been reluciani to believe the pro- !
sessions of a people who seemad prepaied to pros- j i
trate the sovereignly ofibe Stales, ai d leave ihem |
w ithout a remedy for their wrongs. But 1 am not ;
w illing that my prejudices shall force me into acts I
of inconsistency, or place me in a false position ,
with ray principles. Up to a very late period, I j
have had a right to believe that the State Rights j
party would, in good faith, according to ihe re- ,
solves entered into last winter, take no part in the 1
coming contest. With this I was content, as by it
1 should make no sacrifice of political faith. And I *
although ihe message of the President, and the re
port ut the Committee of Ways and Means last
year, were all that 1 could ask them to be,l chose ,
to occupy, for the sake of party attachments, per
fect neutrality, holding myself houerably bound
for the good of my country, to aid the administra- i
tion in carrying out every measure which 1 be
lieve to be just, and to resist what I deemed to be j
wrong. And so I have acted. But if I withdraw i
my support from Mr. Van Buren, because he was j
the friend and supporter of General Jackson at the
time he issued his prociomation, how should I act i
toward General Harrison and his warm adherents ? , 1
I have already referred to the opinions of General I 1
Harrison upon that paper. And what were the
opinions and actions of his clamorous friends ? j
Harrison had been recalled as minister to Colom- j
bia by General Jackson, where John Q. Adams j
had sent him, and he was his enemy. Webster,
Clay, Adams, and all the long allignment of old | ,
Federalists (now whigs) who were in unequal but 1 ,
warm contest with the administration, received it
as a proclamation of peace, and rallied at once ,
around its standard. Fur this, Jackson was hailed
by them as a second saviour of his cduntry. For
what then, must I consent to become their ally ?
In what do we agree ? Ther were our ancient
foea, the opposers of Jefferson, Madison, Monroe
and Crawford. F’or what must I give in my adhe
sion and help them to power ? Have they chang
ed any principle, or repudiated any Federal act }
Not one; they are the same, with this exception,
that they are more objectionable now than for
merly, by reason of compromising our rights for
the votes of such fanatics as would raise the shout
of triumph at the tidings that our dwellings were
devoured by tire,and our wives and shildren mur
dered by our negroes.
I have said enough to justify the course which 1
think honor and consistency compel me to pursue.
I have done nought to disturb the unitj- of the par
ty with which 1 have acted, but have ever oeen
and am still prepared to represent and carry out
their mng cherished principles; but for Harrison
and the Bank 1 cannot go. The harmony and
union that have so long existed among the State
Bights party are exhibiting symptoms of decay
and dissolution; every part of the State is mani
festing ax ious solicitude, and the of apple idiscord
rods through the land, generating discontent, dis
order and confusion. In some counties I notice
resolutions purporting to be passed by State Bights
men, while in others a call has been made for nar
ri'on and bank men, irrespective of old distinc
tions. These scenes are the annunciations of dis
solution to the party, and the annihilation of those
principles with whose ruin sinks all that ever ren
dered any party valuable. I confess I see with deep
concern the poisonous divisions which have been
introduced among us, not flora personal considera
tions, for 1 trust I shall always have firmness to
make principle my guide, though I be made a vic
tim for their high estimate. The portentious clouds
occasionally float through the atmosphere, or hang
on the political horizon, often fade away without
harm ; but when the tempests of interest and pas
sion pass over the political arena, they uproot the
long tried foundations of party, overturn its princi
ples, so long its pillars, and leave but a miserable
wreck of all its pride and glory.
I have fearlessly, as I have felt it my duty to
do, advanced my opinions with some of the rea
sons which prompt my action. I have come to
its discharge with impartiality and candor. So far
as the shoit space of an address would permit, I
have sought to represent my views with fairness
I have endeavored to follow the advice of Cicero;
“ Ne quid falsi decre audeat, ne quid veri nun au
deat.-” “ Neither to dare advance jwhat is false,
nor to suppress what is true.” With the sße pur
pose of being distinctly understood myself, and of
advancing those principles that 1 have taught to re
vere, I have not written “aught in malice.’ In
sending you this, address, you will permit me to
make an acknowedgement of my gratitude for the
repeated evidences of your regard and confidence,
that 1 have notcancealled these endearing obli
gations imposed by your friendship, has resulted
trom a want of ability, and not from a d eficiency 1
in inclination. With the fond desire that the tur- \
bid streams of faction and discord may cease lo
swell the aspiring wave of ambition which are
beating against tire rock of our freedom, and that!
all institutic ns, civil and religous may be preserved
permanent and happy, be pleased to accept my cor- 1
dial good wishes for the prosperity of our State, ,
and the individual success o*f her citizens.
With due respect, your servant,
W. T. COLQUITT.
fin conclusion we have a word to say to the Hon.
gentleman, anJ which we shall utter in no unkind
feeling for we disclaim any.altho, we have spoken
plainly. What we have to say is this. When
you again think it necessary lo give your constitu- j
ents an “unvarnished tale” do not imagine your-I
self a Nisi Prius lawyer addressing a jury, and
therefore present only one side of the case.—When !
you again quote the speeches of a man do not gar
ble them, but present the whole in order that your
constituents may arrive at truth. —When you again '
quote frera the executive journals, do not forget
that some naughty Georgians have been so impru
dent as to procure and retain copies of that journal
and may detect you if you do not tell the truth, the |
whole truth, and above all when you assert again I
that Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison never appoin- j
ted Gen. Harrison Governor of the North Western ;
Territory, you should recollect that some of the ■
limbs of the law, are in possession of Craydon’s
digest containing £the ordinance for the Govern
ment of the North Western Territory which shows i
that the Governor had to be appointed every three
years, with which ordinance, you as a Lawyer, an
Ex-Judge and a member of Congress should have
made yourself familiar before you ventured upon
such round assertions. Bear these things in mind
and they may have a happy influence upon your
future political career, even in the cause of Van
Burenism, should you continue in its support, sin
cerely. We hope that you have never seen’those
parts of documents which you have suppressed in
your circular, aud that you have been the dupe of
he prostituted organ* of the party with which
aie now associated. If so, it is your misfortune
and one into which you have f. Hen with a full and
perfect knowledge of the character of those or*
gans of the party—their continued, combined and
eneigetic efforts to suppress truth and suggest
falsehood. We are unwilling to belire you have
done these things knowingly, because we are un
willing to have our former confidence in your love
of candor and your wish not to mislead any even
the humblest citizen, shaken.
There is, however,one fact which has struck us
with great force on reading your Circular. It is
this: the result of our observation through life has
been, tnat when a man does any thing fairly he is
erfectly willing to “ show his hand” so when he
arrives at any conclusion by fair and honest pro
cess of reasoning, he, in his new-born zeal to make
converts to bis principles, spreads before them the
whole data from which those deductions are made,
without withholding any thing. It remains, there
fore, for you to show why you have suppressed any
portion of the documents from which you have
quoted.
For the Chronicle If Sentinel.
Mr. Gvisu says I misrepresent him, and that
is all the notice he will take of me. In the first
place, when an editor publishes the remarks of
his own regular and acknowledged correspondent,
without note or comment, he virtually endorses
them. In the second place, the remark in ques
tion was published without signature, separated
by a dash from the Darien Bank Report, which
immediately preceded it, and prefixed by a (£7*.
Before the editor can fix on me the suspicion of
misrepresentation (my proper signature would
satisfy him that none was intended,) he must
show that there was some > token of the remark
referred to being a communication.
But I did not intend to provoke a discussion
with the Editor, —I merely gave him a hint
And if his correspondents, at Milledgeville and
elsewhere , are not a little more cautious what they
write, than they have been for a month past, ho
mav get other hints, from other quarters.
Hard Cider.
For the Chronicle and Sentinel.
Messrs. Editors. —The Editors of the Con
stitutionalist turned Doctors ! ! Hear them ! ! “ We
are charitable enongh'lo ascribe such a support of
the Federal Whigßto infatuation—to an extraordi
nary hallucination which sooner or later will be re
moved, when the mind willjbe left free to'acl.with
calmness.” They certainly have mistaken tle
symptoms—l think the patient is decidedly better—
the frequent doae&td emetic so liberally adminis'er
ed by them and -their 'Washington Correspondent ,
have had a most happy effect- Continue the ton
ics which you k have commenced in the “Sentinel
and Reformer,” and depend upon it, Messrs. Guieu
and Thompson to the contrary, notwithstanding, by
November next, the patient (the public) will be in a
sound state of mental and bodily health.
They have not read any late works on the Patholo
gy of the bnan, —if they had I would not have been
compelled to lecture them for the gross missrepre
sentationof the stats of the public mind. Look how
they cant about “ republican principles ” “ anniver
sary of the north,” “ anniversary of the west,” “ an
niversary of the south” **protective tariff” “ con
nexion between Bank and State.” “ internal improve
ments,” “ federal whigs,” “ abolitionists,” “ pledges
have been given ! /”* ** pledges will be kept /” Ok !
how they talk! They speak on all these points
with a warmth that would induce people that did
not know them, to believe every solitary word they
say. But they “ coulin’t came,” Messrs Editors*
We have been surfeited with such stuff. The flag
of Harrison, Tyler and Reform, is nailed fast to
the mast ; and .the watchword is board her—board
her—board the miserable shattered government
i bank! Stand by with grappling irons and we’ll
| have her under way in leas than no lime !
Bob Short, Jr.
For the Chronicle and Sentinel.
j To all whom il may concern —Van Buren men
in “ grneral” Harrison men i .cidentaUy, and Car
olinians in “ perlicler.”
“ He had declared uncompromising hostility to the
principles upon which the Administration was com
ing into power, and that nothing could reconcile'him
to ratify those principles, by a re-election of the
man although he might be found supporting any of
his measures that might be sound.” Mr. Pickens of
South Carolina, in Congress, after tle election of
Van Buren, but before hit inauguration. Where is
the Honorable Gentleman now ? Not in the Van
Buren ranks of course, but supporting the star of
the South ! Oh ! consistency, consistency ! where
art thou ?—These deuced reporters ! hong on them
all ! A man can’t express his sentiments upon any
subject without it’s being placed down in black
and white to stare him in the afterwards !
Heir him again : “ We have been foully betrayal ,
and against the principles of ihe succession toe de
ilare uncompromising , unextinguishable war —‘ war
to the knife.' ” “Il may be we sha'l be but few in
numbers ; it may be th it our fl ic-staff shall be sha’~
■ ttred and broken ; but roe will nail the flag to the
gunwale , and conquer or perish under it.” ’Hiis
sounds as though it came from the'raouth of a man
possessing fixed and unalterable opinion*—lt seems
to glow with a pure patriotism, indignant at the
| corruption which than filled every department of
the Government. Alas ! for human weakness!
j That booming shot hurled from the mouth of the
! £ub Treasury mortar, has proved too much for
I their shattered bark. Shesunk—bat not before the
crew had found security in the enemies vessel.
And how well they seem 10 like their new.quarters!
Is it not amusing, Messrs. Editors, to contemplate
tnis change—at the same time keeping in view their
I frequent talk about “ principle.”
Bob Short, Jr.
The Journal of Commerce says the vaults of
the Banks of that city overflow with coin ; also,
I that the Banks offer to take the State Loans at 5
per cent. Major Noah remarks “Certainly
Having no business paper to discount, having
materially abridged their circulation in order to
pay specie ; the Banks have now to loan on State
! Stocks in order to employ their capital. They
are not making their expenses.”
The Madisonian says a subscription paper has
been presented to each of the Clerks in the Gen
, eral Post Oifice Department, drawing a salary of
a certain amount; and they have been requested
to put down their names for six copies of the Ex
tra Globe at five dollars ! Every body is aware
that although this modest application is quietly
made as a request, it will operate as a rmndale, to
be disobeyed at the peril of dismissal from office.
The same system will be pursued towards all the
officers and agents of Government throughout
the land. A general tax is to levied to increase
the resources of the paper, and pay for the servi
ces of an ex-member of the Cabinet.
. If
The examination of W- B. Dabney, who ; ;ig *
been admitted as a witness in tho trial of B. W i?
Greene, at Richmond, is still going on. The tes
timony thus far has disclosed the fact that the
checks found in the Bank to the amount of $534 .
000, represent that amount of money
Office of the Gazette,)
Apalachicjla, May 10, \
More Murders by the Indians I
THREE FAMILIES. I
By the steamer Hyperion, Capr. Churchill, which $
arrived last evening, we have received the melan
choly’intelligence of the murder of Three more
families by the Indians, since that of Mr. Me Lane,
noticed in yesterday’s paper. The name, however,
of but one, has Item ascertained by us, that of Mr.
Lamb, about eight miles from BJounlstown, and
within a few m les ot a military post. They at
tacked Ins house on Friday evening, shot him w hile
endeavoring to escape. There was in the house,
at the time of ;be attack, several other persons, two
ofwhom weie severely wounded. After they had
killed and driven from their homes, the family, they
pillaged the house, and set on fire ihe dwelling to
gether with seveial out houses. /1
The oilier families that were attacked, live 1 in
the neighborhood, several of whom were killed, but .
we have not been able to learn (he r names
The Indians which committed these depredations
are said to number about fifty or sixiy, and conceal
themselves in the hammocks between the Apalach
icola river and Tallahassee until a lavorable oppor
tunity offers lor them to commit such like deocs
This forms ihe tonrih family which has been
murdered in ihal vacinity since the 23d ultimo, and
it is time some steps were taken to prevent them in
future.
Steamboat Explosion.
The steam tow boat Grampus, Captain J.
Martin, blew up on tne 13th instant, at 6 o’clock,
a. m, with a tremenduous explosion, when roun
ding to for the purpose of taking the schooner
Victoria in tow, about 25 mile inside of the Bar,
at the Balize. The boilers parted and fell on the
guards, injuring the bull is such a manner as to
sink her in half an hour.
John Sprigg, 2d engineer, died in two hours
after the explosion, from being scalded.
Wiliam Walker, missing, supposed to haro
blown overboard.
William T. Knight, mate, slighty scalded.
Capl. Kenyon of the Victoria, sent his boat to
the wreck and had the wounded brought on board,
and every attention paid them. The engineer
was buried at the Balize.—JV*. Orleans Bee.
The American Bible Society held a session at
New York on Thursday morning, at which tho
Hon. John Cotton Smith presided. The re
ceipts for 1839, amounted to 97,355 dollars and
9 cents, being an increase of 2,225 dollars and 83
cents over those of the previous year. Twenty
three new auxiliaries have been formed, and a*
many more re-organized during the year. The
number of Bibles and Testaments issued during
the year was 157,261. The report contains a
brief account of the operations of the Society in
the different States, showing the amount received
from each, and the number of books distributed.
—National Intelligencer.
From the Boston Mercantile Journal.
A Re«t apture.
nr hawser martingale.
A short time previous to the declaration of
war by this country against Great Britain, while
the celebrated “ Orders in Council” of Great Bri
tain and the “ Berlin and Milan Decrees” of
Napoleon were in full force, an American schoo
ner, Baltimore pilot-boat-built, called the Purse
sailed from New-York with a considerable quan
tity of specie, «sec., on board, bound for Bordeaux
in France. At that time the whole coast of
France was blockaded with British cruisers, and
they were particularly. fond of sailing up and
down the Bay of Biscay. It was consequently
regarded as a sort of desperate undertaking, to
attempt to thread the ganlle., and enter a French
port —and none but 1 eal clippers were used for
that purpose.
The Purse was a real clipper, well provided
with legs and arms—and with an intelligent
Captain, two smart and active mates, well ac
quainted with the peculiar qualities of the kind
of vessel in which they were embarked, and a
stout and athletic crew of twelve men, there
seemed but little fear of being captured by John
Bull’s cruisers, unless some unforeseen accident
should lake place; for not a vessel in the British
Navy could equal her in sailing, especially on a
wind.
But the most careful calculations sometime*
prove erroneous, and on the fifteenth morning
after leaving port, being then on the eastward of
the Western Islands, as the shades of darkness
and of mist were dispelled by the rising sun, the
Purse, very much to the mortification as well as
surprise of the officers and crew, found herself in
a snug position on the lee quarter, and under the
guns of a heavy English Frigate ! Escape was
out of the question. The sharp bottom and
clean run ol the pi lot-boat shooner w ere of no
use to her in this predicament, as a shot from a
long twenty-four pounder would overhaul the
fastest vessel ever built in Baltimore, if placed in
a similar situation. This was found by an ex
periment which the Frigate tried, of sendings
bah athwart the forefoot of the schooner, as a
broad hint for her to heave to. The experiment
was successful.
The Purse was boarded by the man of war and
from many circumstances it was so evident that
she was bound to a French port, that the English
Captain did not hesitate a moment in taking
charge of her, and sending her to a British port
for adjudication. Accordingly, the Captain and
the crew were transferred to the Frigate—of
those originally belonging to her, the chief male
only was allowed to remain on board. A Lieut
enant, ot the name ot Dennis, was put on board
as a prize-master, with an Irish master’s mate, a
sleepy-headed, heavy-moulded fellow, by the
name of O Urien, and a crew of twelve stout
man-of-war’s men. Lieut. Dennis was ordered
to make the best of his way to Plymouth.
Both Dennis and 0 Bnen were good seamen
enough in their way and could manage a square
rigged vessel indifferently well—but they soon
found to their surprise and mortification, that
they knew nothing of schooner-sailing and
that the proper management of one of the**
large clipper schooners, with their heavy spar*
and enormous sails, required more skill and ex
perience of a peculiar character, than are often
found among old seamen, who had passed the
greater part of their lives in ships or brigs. And
it was not long before they were compelled t»
acknowledge their want of skill, by summoning
the American mate* whose name was Xurner, to
their assistance. But Turner was a shrewd
long-headed, taciturn, calculating Yankee. Hi*
frame was rather slight—and there were no
marks ot superior intelligence, or during resolu
tion in his countenance. His physiognomy, how
ever, did not do him justice—for lie possessed a
superior intellect, and an undaunted spirit. When
he found that the schooner was likely to be cap
tured, he secreted two brace of loaded pistols and
a dirk, in a snug corner of the cabin lockers—
not knowing but an emergency might arise, when
they would do him “yeomen’s service.”
To the application made ?o him by the prize
master, that he would give them some instruction
and assistance in managing the schooner. Tur
ner replied that he was regarded by them as &
prisoner, and had no authority on hoard —and
that while such was the case, his superior know
ledge could be of little service—but if the prize
master would confer on him the authority of an
officer, with power to give the requisite orders to
the men, in making, taking in, or trimming tb*
sails, he would not object to give bis captors all
the benefit ot his experience in srhooner-sailing ;