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CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL.
AUGUSTA.
FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 3.
FOR PRESIDENT,
WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON,
Os Ohio;
The invincible Hero of Tippecanoe —the incor
ruptible Statesman —the inflexible Republican—
the patriotic Fanner of Ohio.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
JOHN T YL£ R ,
Os Virginia;
A State Rights Republican of the school of ’9B—
—of Virginia’s noblest sons, and emphatically
one of America’s most sagacious, virtuous and
patriot statesmen.
FOR ELECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT,
GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe.
DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Camden.
JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee.
JOEL CRAWFORD, cf Hancock.
CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark.
SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin.
ANDREW MILLER, of Cass.
WILLIAM EZZARD, of DeKalb.
C. B. STRONG, of Bibb.
JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke.
E. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs.
FOR CONGRESS,
WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene.
R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham.
JULIUS C. ALFORD, of Troup.
EUGENIUS A. NISBET, of Bibb.
LOTT WARREN, of Sumter.
THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn.
ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson.
JAMES A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam.
THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee.
The Army Hill.
In a former notice of this Bill we showed that
it was unconstitutional, and therefore, dangerous
to the safety of the Republic and the liberty of
the citizens. We now proceed to show the force
of another objection, viz : that it is onerous and
oppressive upon every citizen who may be sub
ject to do military duty.
The first section of the Bill requires every
citizen who is not exempt, between the ages of
twenty and forty-five years, to furnish himself,
at his own expense, with a good musket, bayonet
and belt, two spare fl;nts, a knapsack, a cartridge
box to contain twenty-four cartridges, and a suf
ficient quantity of powder. The second section
of the Bill shows you what portion of the citi
zens of Georgia, or any other State are exempted
from performing military duty under this Bill.
Now let us address ourselves to the people,
the common working men of this counrry, and
ask them if they are willing to incur the expen
ses necessary to equip them to take their places
in this standing army of 100,000 men, which
Mr. Van Buren is endeavoring to fix upon the
country. Will they not incui a debt to procure
arms, which in many instances, will be onerous
and oppressive in the extreme. We do not ask
the rich man these questions, but we ask the
poor man, aud we expect him to answer like an
honest frreeman and one who desires to perpet
uate his freedom to his children. But if this
feature of the Bill is oppressive to the poor man,
how much more so are some others which we
shall point out. The I4th section lays off* the
Union into districts, and forms the 6th district
of North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and
Florida. The 17th section empowers the Presi
dent to call out tho militia of each district at
such times and places as he may think necessary
—not exceeding twice in each year. Now we
ask the people of Georgia who are liable to be
long to this active force of 100,000 men, how
they would like to be called from their homes
and their business twice in each year, at the
command of the President. How will you be
pleased at the idea of leaving yout own State, and
marching into Florida, North Carolina, or South
Carolina; for you perceive by this 17th section,
that Mr. Van Buren can order you to assemble
at any place within the district, to perform mili
tary duty under officers not of your own selec
tion, and be then subject to all the odious regula
tions of the regular soldiery of the United States 1
Are } T ou prepared for these things 1 Arc you
prepared to submit to such an outrage upon your
feelings, to be called from your daily business,
excluded from all the endearments of home,
and receive in compensation for these privations
tho pitiful reward which a regular soldier gets 1
Thete is no exaggeration in all this. The Bill
and all its odious provisions are before you, ex
amine it for yourselves, and judge of its odious
features.
But there is yet another feature of this 17th
section, to which we must call your attention.
It also declares that during the period you remain
at, are going to and from the place of rendezvous*
pointed out by the President, you shall be deem
ed in the service of the L'nited States, and the
20th section declares that you shall be subject
to the articles or war, when in that service.
Now what are the articles of War!—asks tho
unsuspecting, honest man. We will show you,
and we will also show you that these articles
will not permit you to enjoy that freedom of
speech which you enjoy while roaming at large
over your beautiful fields and fine forests in Geor
gia. On the contrary, Mr. Van Buren and his
Secretary desire to put into your mouths A
GAG more odious if possible, than the famous
gag law of alien and sedition memory. Gagged !
What, gag an American citizen !! \ es, gagged,
and that too by Mr. Van Buren’s Army Bill.
You will not be permitted to speak in contempt
uous or disrespectful terms of the President or
Vice President, &c. This is the very essence of
the gag law of’9B. Read then the sth section
of tho Articles of War, under the government
of which the citizen is to be placed, who may
belong to this active force.
“Art. 5. Any officer or soldier, who shall use
contemptuous ox disrespectful words against the
President of the United States, against the Vice
President thereof, against the Congress of the
United States, or against the Chief Magistrate
of any of the United States in which they may
be quartered ; if a commissioned officer, shall be
cashiered or otherwise punished, as a court mar
tial shall direct; if a non-commissioned officer or
soldier, he shall suffer such punishment as shall
be inflicted on him by the sentence of a court
martial.”
What think j'ou of this, you plain, hard-fisted
workingmen of Georgia 1 are you prepared to
submit to such an outrage upon your liberty of
speech 1
But again, we want to call your attention to
another Section of th.se famous “Articles of
War,” to the government of which Mr. Van
Buren and his Secretary desire to subject you,
while in this service. The 9th Section of the
Articles of War is in the following words:
“ Art. 9th. Any officer or soldier who shall
strike his superior officer, or draw' or lift up any
w’eapon, or offer any violence against him, being
in the execution of his office, on any pretence
whatever, or shall disobey any Jawful command
of his superior officer , shall suffer death, or
such punishment as shall, according to the na
ture of his offence, be inflicted upon him, by the
sentence of a court-martial.”
Thus it appears that any soldier who shall
strike his superior officer on any pretence what
ever—no matter what or how great may be the
provocation—the grossest of insults to his wife—
the most tyrannical treatment of himself—if he
dare to resent it, and strike a petty sergeant or a
corporal, he SHALL SUFFER DEATH, &c.
And to all this Mr. Van Buren has given hla
sanction, for he said, “ I cannot recommend too
strongly to your consideration the plan for the
organization of the militia of the U. States .”
General Harrison was in favor of punishing,
in certain cases, thieves and other criminals
by whipping them. Mr. Van Buren is now in
favor of punishing with DEATH, innocent men
—any one of us it may be—who shall resent an
outrageous insult.
People of Georgia, if you are prepared to
sanction these things,—if you are willing to
place yourselves and your children under the
odious regulations of this Array Bill of Mr. Van
Buren and his Secretary, you will give your
support to Martin Van Buren for President; but
if, on the other hand, you are opposed to such
measures, vou will certainly manifest your oppo
sition by supporting General Harrison—the pat
riot farmer—the man who knows your rights
and feelings, r nd who will represent them.
It matters not whether Mr. Van Buren suc
ceeds in getting this law passed ; he has, as we
have already shown, endorsed its provisions, and
recommended it to Congress,—and thereby ad
mits his anxiety to have it passed; and if he is
again elected, ho may endeavor to force it upon
the country in the same manner he has the Sub-
Treasury.
From the New York Courier <$- Enquirer,
“Heave this great People prosperous and
happy.”
These were the memorable words of General
Jackson’s farewell address—this the declaration
to which the friends and supporters of Martin
Van Buren pointed in triumph in the spring of
1837, as evidence of the great National blessings
flowing from the Administration of one, in whose,
footsteps their pliant tool had pledged himself to
follow. “ I leave this great people prosperous
and happy” said Gen. Jackson, —and now after
nearly four years of the Administration of Mr.
Van Buren, what is our position as a people !
What has it been during nearly the whole period
that the destinies of the country have been under
the control and direction of the present corrupt
Administration I
Let the bankrupt merchant, the impoverished
manufacturer, and the embarrassed farmer, with
his large but comparatively worthless crops, an
swer these questions. Let the friends of the Lo
co Foco Presidents and of Loco Foco Legislation,
be directed to our ships rotting at our wharves;
to the death like silence which pervades many of
our largest manufactories, and to others convert
ed into County Poor Houses for the reception of
Paupers created by Tory misrule; and to the
barns and granaries of our farmers stocked with
the produce of the earth, produced by the sweat
of their brows, but absolutely worthless, because
it will not command a price which will pay for
its transportation to market ! We have General
Jackson’s testimony of what was the situation of
this people in 1837, and of the then existing
prosperity which even his eight years of misrule
had been unable to check or destroy—and we
have now the testimony of every man woman
and child in the United States, to the wide-spread
ruin and disaster which has been produced by
the profligate and unprincipled administration of
Marlin Van Buren.
The object of all Government is the happiness
of the people; and hence it is, that the right of
revolution is admitted by all to be a natural right
of which man can never be deprived. When
ever a form of government is found to be oppres
sive or less calculated to render the people hap
py and prosperous than some other form, it.is
their right to demand a change ; and it was this
feeling which led to our declaration of Indepen
dence, and subsequently established our glorious
Republic. —With our from of Government we
are satisfied ;‘and yet this moment, the People of
this model Republic—wc, who boast of being the
only nation of freemen on the face of the Globe,
and who have demonstrate;! our ability to govern
ourselves —wc, who assume to look with pity
upon the enslaved of the old world—we, the en
lightened, free, and educattd people of the Uni
ted States, are at this very lime tlie most oppres
sed, the most embarrassed, and the least prospe
rous people in the civillized portion of the world.
If this be true, we believe there arc none who
will deny it, what is the cause of this universal
distress! Is it to be found in the character of
our Institutions, or has it its origin in the mal ad
ministration of the Government! If in the for
mer, let us get rid of them; but if the true and
only cause of this sudden change from the height
of prosperity to general and universal embarras
ment, is to Ik traced to want of honesty aud
w'ant of talent in our rulers, then are we called
upon by every consideration of patriotism and
of duty, to hurl from power and place the unfaith
ful public servants, who have so administered
their stewardship as to bring widespread ruin
upon a people whom Gen. Jackson in 1837 ‘ left
prosperous ami happy,” and disgrace audoppro- <
brium upon those institutions and that form of
government which was dearly purchased by our
Patriot Sires, and which are alike the subject of
envy and jealousy to the old world.
Let the creatures of the rotten manarchies and
. iron despotisms of Europe laugh as they may at
our present distresses, and continue to point to
them as evidence of the baneful consequence of
Free Institutions—the people of the United
States will never faulter in their patriotism, or
for a moment visit upon our form of government
the cosequences which are only chargeable upon
the corrupt and unprincipled men who have ob
tained control of our National affairs. But the
simple fact that the mal-administration of our
public affairs, has given to the enemies of the peo
ple an argument against free governments, de
mands at our hands more than ordinary efforts
to pnt down so vile and dangerous a slander.
We repeat therefore, that patriotism as well as
duty, call upon us to use all the means in our
power to hurl from office our present corrupt and
inefficient rulers.
We are well aware, that whenever a friend of the
existing administration leaves the ranks of its
supporters and arrays tiimself on the side of the
people, pointing to the state of the country as
the cause of his change of politics, it is the cus
tom of the creatures of power, to taunt him with
acting from interested motives ! We admit the
charge. We contend that the whole object of
government is the happiness and prosperity of
the people; and surely we should not desire any
better grounds of opposition to an administration
than that it has failed in the great object for
which alone governments arc instituted. What
matters it to the Farmer and Mechanic whether
he lives under a monarchy or a republic , so long
as the measures of his rulers arc calculated to
lessen the value of his labor, destroy his useful
ness, impoverish his family, and keep him forev
er in a state of dependence and poverty 1 And
it should always he borne in mind by the people,
that whenever their rulers so administer the gov
ernment as to deprive them of the great object of
Free Institutions, it becomes their duty—a duty
from which they may not shrink—to unite in
producing such a change as will secure to the
country that prosperity and happiness which can
never fail to flow from our republican form of
government when faithfully, ably and honestly
administered.
The present, we contend, is a crisis which calls
for the prompt action of the whole body of the
People. Not only have the measures of the
Administration reduced us from a state of unex
ampled prosperity to one of general bankruptcy,
distress, and ruin; but it is openly avowed by
the organs of the present Executive, that the
great object of these measures, is to reduce the
price of labor—to lessen the wages of industry—
and ultimately, to produce the same state of
things here that now exists in the despotic coun
tries of Europe. Mr. Van Buren avows that
his object is to bring every thing to a hard money
standard ; and in his last annual message points
to the state of things now existing in twenty
three European Governments, as that which he
desires to see in this free and independent coun
try. Mr. Buchanan tells us, that never will the
manufacturer accumulate wealth until he can
hire his operatives at seven pence a day, and by
means of the Sub-Treasury, compel the Farmer
to sell his produce at a fourth of what it has
heretofore brought in market. In short, the fol
lowing declaration of Mr. Tappan, the Loco Foco
Abolitionist Senator of the United Stales from
Ohio, and the especial organ of Mr. Van Buren,
embodies the whole creed of the Administration
on this subject, as expounded by Mr. Van Buren
himself, by Messrs. Buchanan, Benton, Calhoun,
and indeed, all who speak the sentiments of the
Loco Foco party:
(Xj 3 “ The price of labor is entirely too high.
The laborer in this country can afford to work
for eleven pence a day, and the hard money sys
tem will bring down wages to that sum—wheat
will also come down sixteen cents a bushel , and
every thing else in proportion. This is the best
tariff you can have, and the only one that can
enable the manufacturer to compete with Eng
land. The Sub-Treasury trill effect both objects
—it will put down the banks and bring wages
and every thing else down.” Jjg)
It would he useless to multiply words on this
subject. These are the openly avowed principles
of the administration ; these the results which
they are pledged to produce if Mr. Van Buren
should be re-elected; and this the issue upon
which the Whig and Tory parties go before the
public in the coming contest. If the farmers and
mechanics of the land are desirous of seeing the
price of wages of produce reduce to the Eurepean
standard, they will of course give their support
Mr. Van Buren, as it is their duty under such cir
cumstances to do; but in the mean time it may
he well to call their attention to the following
plain facts from the Wheeling Times, portraying
the difference between what the situation of the
farmer tm/s when Mr. Van Buren came into pow
er, and what it now is. Let the Sub Treasury be
come the law of the land and permanently fixed
upon us by the rc election of Mr. Van Buren, and
in three years, produce and labor will fall as much
below their present value, as they now are below
their value in 1830. In one woid, the professions
of Tappan, Benton. Calhoun and Buchanan wil
be realized, and the Farmers and Mechanics of
the United States will be placed on the same
footing as those of Italy, France and Cuba.
From the Wheeling Times.
The farmer can raise no more wheat on an acre,
no more wool from a sheep than he could in 18-
36, and he gets only a third as much for what
he does raise. In 1836, a farmer brought 100
bushels of wheat to market. He got for it $1 25,
cash. He bought 100 lbs, of coffee at 14 cts.,
§l4 ; 10 lbs. tea at 75 cts., §7,50 ; 10 yards of
cassimerc at §1,50, §15,000 ; 8 yards of calico,
§1,00; one bridle, §2; and 1 lb. of Cavendish
tobacco, 37 J cts. He then had to carry
home. He goes to market in June, 1840, with
his hundred bushels of wheat, sells it and buys
the same articles. What does he have now to
carry home 1 twelve and a half cents. Is not
that farmer the loser of §BS by the present slato
of things I
Gex. Jacksox and Gex. Harrison.— We
have recently heard it hinted, on respectable pri
vate authority, that Gen. Jacksox, though oppo
sed, of course, to the election of Gen. Hauiusok
to the Presidency, is far from endorsing the ahuso
and rudeness displayed by a portion of the Ad
ministration party towards that war-worn patriot.
The foul epithet of “coward” he is said to especi
ally deprecate, as being wholly unwarranted by
the conduct of Gen. Harrison during the war.
If this be true, the fact is highly creditable to the
magnanimity of the venerable ex-President, and
should serve as a warning to the enemies of Gen.
Harrison against the violence of party malig
nity.
We are aware that the relation subsisting be
tween Gen. Jackson and Gen. Harrison during
the war, and particularly while the latter was act
ing as Governor of Indiana, were of the most
courteous character, and we confess it would have
sounded strange, after what then transpired, had
the ex-President suffered himself to he made a
party to the abuse heaped upon the veteran Hero
of Tippecanoe by the leading friends of the Ad
ministration in Tennessee.— jYashvillc Whig.
Largest Inox bridge. —The largest Iron
bridge in the world is in China, near Kingtung,
where it forms a perfect road from the top of one
immense mountain to the other. It is formed of
chains, twenty-one in number, and bound togeth
er by other cross chains. This bridge is more
than 150 years old, and yet the Chinese are con
sidered fools by foreign barbarians.
a
The Barbecue.
The late hour at which we write, will not per
mit a detailed notice of the proceedings at the
dinner yesterday. Os the dinner itself, it will
be sufficient to remark, that it was sumptuous,
and one of the best served, in the true old \ ir
ginia style, that we have ever partaken. There
were from five to six hundred persons present,
principally from the country, —the bone and
sinew of the land, —and all seemed to mingle
with unalloyed pleasure in the proceedings of this
festive occasion. Soon after dinner, the multi
tude assembled and in obedience to their call
were most forcibly and eloquently addressed by
Dr. F. M. Robertson, George W. Crawford,
C. J. Jenkins, and A. J. Miller, Esqrs., and
Mr. Lloyd and Major Stark of S. C. and when
wc took leave, our enterprising and zealous me
chanic, John W. Walker, had mounted the ros
trum in obedience to repeated and loud cJIs, and
was holding forth to an enraptured and delighted
auditory. Altogether, it was amongst the
most agreeable, spirit stirring festivals we have
attended.
From the N. Y. Commercial.
QQ3 9 Q
Iletrenchment and Economy.
When the Appropriation bill was on its pas
sage through the House of Representatives, va
rious Whig members were induced to bestow
some pains upon the investigation of Government
expenditures, and some very curious details were
brought to light, illustrating most remarkably
the emptiness of Administration professions to
the exercise of a just and prudent economy indis
posing of the public money. From among the
instances thus brought to light, we select a few,
which formed the subject of a witty and sarcastic
speech delivered by Mr. Stanly, of N. Carolina,
on the 29th April.
The appropriation under view was the sum of
§12,000, for expenses of the branch mint at
Charlotte, North Carolina; and the motion ofMr.
Stanly was to reduce the salary of the superin
tendent to §ISOO, on the ground that he had
wasted the public money and abused his authori
ty-
In support of this allegation, Mr, Stanly show
ed, by ollicial documents, that the expense of the
branch mint was §1166 greater in 1837 than in
1838, although it did not go into operation until
December, 1837. The compensation of officers
in that year was §10,466; in 1838. only §7,000;
and the sum charged for wastage of gold and con
tingent expenses in 1837—that is for one month
—was §5,500, being §IOO more than in the
whole of 1838.
Curious to ascertain by what magical process
this result could have been effected, Mr. Stanley
! betook himself to the vouchers on file in the Trea
sury Department, and among the first that he
drew forth was the annexed bill of “contingent
expenses.”
Philadelphia, Nov. 3, 1838.
L*. S. Mint, Charlotte, N. C.per Col. Wheeler,
Bought of D. Landreth & Co.
50 Alianthus trees §1 00 §SO 00
50 Horse chesnutdo 1 00 50 00
5 Magnolia grandiflora 5 00
5 do macrophylla.... 150 750
5 Tulip poplars 1 00 5 00
5 Silver leaved maples 1 00 5 00
5 English walnuts 1 00 5 00
5 Chinese arbor vita? 75 3 75
5 American do 75 3 75
5 Balm of Gilead 1 50 7 50
10 European lindens 1 00 10 00
10 Morusmulticaulis 62£ 6 25
1 China rose 50
1 Tennessee do 50
1 Macrophylla do .. ’ 75
1 Green box tree 50
1 Variegated do 50
100 yards box edging 12 50
1 Chacorus Japonica 50
1 Pyrus do 1 00
] 2 best double dah1ia5........ 50 6 00
1 Lonicerafluxuosa 37
1 Monthly honeysuckle.... 25
12 Apple trees assorted 25 3 00
6 Peach do do 25 1 50
3 Plum do do 624 1 88
3 Apricot do do 75 225
3 Pear do do 1 87
1 Garden reel 1 25
1 do line 50
1 Scuffle hoe 50
1 Swan neck do. .44 and 31 75
1 half round do. 50, 56 &69 1 75
1 p’r fancy flow’r pots. 37 & 54 87^
1 copy Amer. Orchardist 1 00
1 do do Gardener 100
1 do Florist’s Guido 27^
1 do Lindlcy’s Outline 25
1 Transplanting trowel 87^
Packing 11 bundles & 2 b’x’s with porterage. 16 50
§2lB 25
Received, Philadelphia, 7th November, 1838,
of John H. W heeler, Superintendent of U. S.
branch mint at Charlotte. North Carolina, the
above amount of two hundred and eighteen dol
lars and twenty five cents.
D. LANDRETH & CO.
Horse chesnuts, magnolias, tulip poplars, roses,
honeysuckles and morns multicaulis ! AM very
useful and indispensable, doubtless, in coining
Benton mint-drops. Garden-ieels, scuflle-hoes,
swan-necks and flower-pots ! Necessary imple
ments in stamping eagles and half dollars. Two
hundred and eighteen dollars and twenty five
cents expended in this way, to illustrate the econ
omy of the Administration.
But farther. The branch mint commenced
operations, as eve have said, in December 1837 ;
the superintendent's salary commenced in Janu
ary of that year, that of the coiner in March, and
that of the clerk in May. Moreover, from June
1837 to January 1838, the superintendent was
allowed §lO per month for pay of his servant
for attending the offices, making fires, &c.
He was also allowed §l5O for his expenses in
going to Philadelphia to make purchases of gar
den seeds, flower-pots, &c., and stationary; of
which last here are a few specimens from among
his purchases.
2 reams superfine satin post gilt edge pa
per §l3 00
4 pair office shears 6 00
4 large inkstands 00
3 Rodgers’ four-bladed pen-knives 7 50
I Bennett’s book-keeping 2 00
1 large inkstand 75
Then come various items of furniture, as fol
lows :
1 scroll sofa, boxing, cartage, &c §Bl 50
1 1 mahogany bedstead 25 00
1 hair mattress 22 50
1 case of shelves for superintendent’s office. 90 00
77 y’ds superfine ingrain carpeting §1 37.105 49
Making and binding 10 00
2 floor cloths, §8 jg oo
2 hearth rugs, §lO 20 00
2 table covers qq
5 Venetian blinds, §8 40 00
2 do do §lO 20 00
6 mahogany chairs, §5 50 *33 00
Box for the chairs. qq
I chair covered with morocco, for office.. .* .34 00
Box for the chair j -q
Pretty well, all this, for an economical Admin
istration. Sofas at eighty dollars, bedsteads at
twenty five, easy chairs at thirty-four, and ink
stands at eight dollars seventy-five cents ! No
wonder the “contingent expenses” amounted to
so large a figure.
But now let us look for a moment at the buil
ding itself, erected for the purposes of this branch
mint.
The principal edifice cost .$29,800
For extra work on mint edifice not in
cluded in contract 1,758
For building fences, summer house, ice
house, &c., 5,500
Summer-house! ice-house! $5,500! Were
these things necessary sos coining 1 But these
were not all. There wore also a carriage-house
and stables—a hat king-house, moreover, of which
the following descriptions are given in the* con
tract :
“ Stable and rarriag'-house —all ihe walls to
be a brick ami a half thick; the windows in the
upper part of the stable to be in the form of a
crescent, with green slats fixed or moveable; roof
to be covered with heart shingles; roof, doors and
windows to be painted with three coats of paint,”
&c. &c.
“ Carriage-house to have a firm plank floor,
doors to be uniform and batten; door and window
sills to be of stone,” See.
“ Ice-house to be 16 feet deep, at least, with a
well and roof as per plan No. 4; the roof to be
shingled with heart shingles; the well to be 14
feet square at the top, walled with skid pine poles,
good strong batten door, with lock, and a'floor
above.”
“ Wood-house to be 35 feet long by 24 feet
wide, and 15 feet high, to Have two doors ob the
end and one in the centre: to be underpinned
with stone, to be weatherboarded and shingled,
and to be painted with three good coats of paint. ’
“ Bathing-house to be eight feet square, at
tached to one end of the kitchen, as per plan No.
2, eight feet high, covered with a shed roof, and
shingied; one window in the rear, of the same
size, and finished in the same manner as the kit
chen windows, plastered and whitewashed as the
kitchen, with a fixture for a shower bath; panel
door, with a transom light; tin pipes, to run from
well and engine to kitchen and bath, and a drain
from bath to lead off water to culvert.”
[What snug arrangements for coining money!
—What glorious specimens of Democratic econ
‘ omy ! !]
“ Summer house, [for a branch mint!] to be
octagonal, and plain, about twelve feet across, to
stand upon eight posts, with a shingle roof, to be
painted, to have seats of plank, marked W' in
plan A.”
“ The whole of the buildings, &c., herein de
scribed to be finished with good and suitablo
knob and stock locks and hinges, and all the
walls to be of the thickness of a brick and a half,
and all to be rough cast, except the wood-house,
and all the wood work to have three good coats
of paint, except where otherwise specified.”
All very comfortable, no doubt, for the super
intendent, but not quite so economical as might
be.”
From the Richmond Whig.
Negro Testimony.
Case or Lieut. Hooe.— The principle es*
tablishcd in the case of Lieut. Hooe, and appro
ved by the Secretary of the Navy and the Presi
dent, of admitting negroes to testify against offi
cers of the Navy, has excited much feeling in this
State. It is one of those questions on who h the
people feel more than they reason, and it is one
which wai ranis the strongest indignation which
can inflame the bosoms of a free people. It is a
measure, more deeply imbued with the spirit of
abolitionism, than any which has come to our
knowledge, and in its practical effects, it goes
farther to put the negro upon a footing of equality
with the white man—the great object of the Ab
olitionists—than any thing ever achieved by Tap
pan or Garrison. The social equality between
the white and black races, preached and practiced
by a few fanatic women, such as Miss Grimke,
Miss Abby Kelley, &c., and a few designing hy
pocritical men, has produced, and can produce no
bad effects. Examples set by such characters,
carry no weight and influence; they only serve
to bring their authors into odium and contempt.
But the affair assumes a very different aspect,
when the first officer of the Government, and the
Minister of the Marine, sanction a principle,
which reduces every gentleman in the American
Navy to a quasi level with free blacks. Here
the elevated stations of those who set the exam
ple, and the high authority with which they are
invested, conspire to attach importance to (heir
precepts and practices. No man in the public
service can disregard the one or dispute the oth
er, with impunity. Their ipse dixit is law to the
Army and the Navy, and whatever regulations
they may adopt, are imperative upon all connect
ed with either of those important branches of the
public service.
It is in this light, in which we regard the prin
ciple established in the case of Lieut. Hooe, and
which invests that decision with a pervading and
enduring importance. It is a direct insult offered
by the President and his Naval Minister, to the
feelings of a large portion of the American people,
and in subjecting the conduct of Naval officers
to the surveillance of the black servants ol the
commander reduces them to a state of degrada
tion to which neilherNorthern nor Southern gen
tlemen can submit. This cannot fail to exert a
most baneful influence upon that favourite arm of
the national defence. Gentlemen of honour and
sensibility will, by degrees, be banished from the
service, and they will be succeeded by a mean
spirited generation, willing and fit instruments to
do the bidding of a master.
But there is another consequence resulting
from the principle here established, of not less
consequence. If negro testimony is admissible in
the Navy, is it not also admissible in the Army,
and even in the Federal courts! We cannot
conceive of a reason for a distinction, and we pre
sume there is none. An officer «fthe Army may
be cashiered upon the strength of negro testimo
my, since a Lieut, in the Navy has been repri
manded and dismissed upon the testimony of two
servants of Capt. Uriah F. Levy ! And in the
Federal Court, any individual, it this principle be
recognized, may be prosecuted by the Govern
ment for a breach of the Revenue or any other
laws, and by the testimony of his own servant, be
amerced. Suppose, for example, the Government
should arraign a citizen of Richmond upon the
charge of smuggling English cheese, or any other
article paying duty.—The case comes before
Judge Peter V. Daniel.—Suppose the accused to
he an incorrigible Whig; his servant or that of
some other man is summoned to give testimony
—conviction ensues, as a matter of course,—and
his Honor, the Judge, has the supreme felicity of
passing sentence upon the political reprobate.
This is not an impossibility—it is the legiti
mate sequence of the principle established in the
case of Lieut. Hooe—i. e. that negroes are compe
tent witnesses in cases in which the United Slates
or any of its officers are interested.
Since the facts in this extraordinary case were
brought to light, several efforts have been made
by the understrappers of the Paity to relieve the
Administration of the odium. The Globe fhas
put forth sundry articles, distinguished much
more for their violence than respect for troth.
The Enquirer, always Charley at the hole, ha*
lent a helping hand. This worthy, in his other
self, as Editor of the “ Crisis,” has procured a
letter from Mr. Paulding to exonerate Mr. Van
Buren from all blame in the premises. The de
sign, as in the case of Mr. Poinsett and the Stan
ding Army, is decidedly good ; but heie as there,
the execution is decidedly bad. The Hon. Secre
tary hits wide of the mark, and does not touch
the true matter in issue. In other words, he ad
mits the offence charged, and does not even offer
matter in mitigation ol damages. He admits that
negroes, and they the servants of Captain Uriah
T, Levy, were introduced as witnesses against
Licul. Hooe ! This cannot be palliated.
combination of circumstances, or bo rnad a B
blc to whits gentlemen, either north o*' 0 *' f): ‘ !a B
His apologies for approving proceedin'
vel revolting, are; I. “ The a hnission of
senption of testimony objected toby M r
is a universal practice o n board ofVu/'-p
--war.” So much the worse, if it be so a °B
greater the necessity for arresting such a
But can another instance of the kind U , P n Cl B
We never heard of one before. 2. *. Thi
ion was no doubt made on the ground u l ‘ f °B
disqualification of a legal nature” which co>M m
ly exist by a law of Congress, was shown’’tß
admits every thing—and claims what vv'e >, r B
stated was a legitimate sequence of the de B
that negro testimony is admissible in
and in the Federal Courts! 3. “ The *, •
of the negroes maybe entirely rejected wTB
affecting the sentence of Ihe Court.” HowljM
the Secretary know this I But it is a rule onß
as well as common sense, that irrelevant B
ny shall not be admitted, for there is no
ting what undue bias it may exert on the
of the jurors—and if admitted, it is good'"'B
for an appellate jurisdiction to set aside the*!®
cislon. But all this has nothing to do *ith .?||
main point. Os the merits of the decision B
far as relates to Lieut. Hooe, we know Votl B
and they have nothing to do with the queji'B
we are discussing—i. e. the admissibility 0 f ■
gro testimony against white men. This i s !fl
great matter—this it is which docs violent ,jB
the feelings of the people, and which the Sec**
ry of the Navy and the President have apmJfl
The 4th excuse is for the President, and j s B
of quibbling, a la mode his associate Pni B
It is as follows; ’ "B
“ is not deemed nccessaiy to go further inti
this subject than merely to add, that the p rP , 1( ] B
had nothing to do with the Cou-t nr its pro«S
ings. The judgement of the Court was vIM
I ved, and cirricdinto effect by the order of'B
Department;—the approval or opinion of anil
hichcr power was not necessary.”
No one supposed the Presi lent had any thiß
to do with the Court or its proceeding ”wln B
were held according to the Secretary, «*d n hJB
a U. S, Ship of War in the Bay of PensacolaS
But he had s< mething to do with them aftenvariß
at Washington. The facts are these; The V r fr ß
ccedings were sent to Washington ; they were#
endorsed by the Secretary ; Jh
“APPROVED, J. K. Paulding.” j
Lieut. Hooe then appealed from the decision B
the Court and the approval of the Secretary, B
the President. In his memorial to that hijß
Functionary, he expressly complained of theß
legallity of negro testimony, and asked thecspß
cial attention of the President to it. The Prtß
dent examined the record and memorial, ami .|1
turned the same to the Navy Department witluß
following endorsement;
“THE PRESIDENT FINDS NOTHIN*
IN THE PROCEEDINGS IN THE CAS®
OF LIEUT. HOOE, WHICH REQUIREfi
HIS INTERFERENCE. M. V. B.” ’I
I his leaves no loop-hole for escape. Out r||
his own mouth he is condemned. But we wi,l|
do ihe Presiden; the justice to say, his conducß
in this particular is consistent with his past life,*; 1
and in perfect keeping with his advocacy of Fr«J|
i\egro Suffrage. He who had maintained thel
fitness of the African race to exercise the higher] I
rights of afieetnan, that of electing LegislatoiiH
and rulers, could not consistently object to theill
competency as witnesses before civil and miliiarjl
tribunals.
Great “Democratic” Electing.
Once on a time—’tis little matter when,
But not a thousand years ago—a call
Was published—that all “ Democratic ” men ,|J
Should meet together, at the City Hall, \ |
And nominate themselves a delegation,
To attend a fourth of July celebration.
8
To this asssembly, also, were invited
The friends of Cooper, Colquitt, and of Black—
So earnestly! it must have quite delighted
The worthy trio, that their sudden tack,
Was likely to produce amalgamation,
Between the Sta.e Rights and Administration.
The hour came—and out of curiosity,
I went along with others to the Hall,
To see the mixture and the generosity
I hat party leaders would show, one and all, |
To the new converts in the congregation,
Not yet accustomed to their situation.
State Rights, Union, I\uHificrs, Federal,
W ho once \ an Buren never could endure,
Were here, most nicely link’d together all,
And every one a real Simon Pure
Os ’9B, “ evinced determination ’’
To go his death for this Administration.
If few in numbers, ’tvvas “most enthusiastic,”
Their paper saith—“ that ever hal been held;"
And the new allies proved them very plastic,
Though some old Unionites, e’en then rebelled,
And swore that from the party they would all quit,
Rather than swallow Cooper, Black and Colquitt.
The wise ones passed a flaming resolution—
(Which “ was received,” they say, “with great
appause,”)
Made of such woids, in glorious confusion,
As “patriotim,” “freemen,” “ principles,” and!
“laws,” j
And not to get in another hobble again,
Endorsed the course as “sound republican” — j
Os th’ immortal three ! Next they agreed,
To farther honor the illustrious Black,
By giving him some diy a public feed,
When from his arduous duties he came back: |
The place se'octed to display their bounty,
Was on the line of Burke and Richmond county. I
These tilings disposed of to their satisfaction, I
They next proceeded to discuss with zeal
Their present prospects, and to urge to action
The backward and the lardy. You would led
Amused no doubt, with solemn face to see men
Collared so well, yet dub each other freemen .'
The second speaker, with a look “ emphatic,”
Yet soberly , addressed the wondering crowd,
Warning them all, in tones that seemed prophet
That if “ Old Tip, the Hero,” was allowed
To gain the day, an universal ruin
Would ’whelm the spoilsmen end their head, Van j
Buren. "
With warm appeals to the “ beloved people,”
He closed. Such cries rose from the assembled
throng, 2
Startling and loud —that Justice on the steep lo
Knit her high brow, as they were borne nion.
The mountain labored —and amid these
Up rose “a Northern man with Southern feeling
His speech was brief, but “ chaste and beautiful*
A democrat entire, he bade them all,
Unto Van Buren and the cause be dutiful,
And all the game was surely theirs next fnd*
He finished. Three times they raise tumu.tn
cry,
And then adjourn, to meet next ~
“ Sine Bin-
A Magnificent Plant. —V. c find * n
our late English papers, the following Cs
of a splendid botanical curiosity
“ There is, at this time, a splendid sj