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CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL.
i ■
A U€r XJ S T A.
SATURDAY MORNING, JULY 25.
FOR PRESIDENT,
WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON,
? Os Ohio ;
The invincible Hero of Tippecanoe l —the incor
ruptible Statesman —the inflexible Republican—
the patriotic Farmer of Ohio.
/-■ IOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
JOHN TYLER,
& Os Virginia
A State Rights Republican of the school of ’9S—
one of Virginia’s noblest sons, and emphatically
one of America’s most sagacious, virtuous and
patriot statesmen.
FOR ELECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT,
GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe.
DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Camden.
JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee.
JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock.
CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark.
SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin.
ANDREW MILLER, of Cass.
WILLIAM EZZARD, of DeKalb.
C. B. STRONG, of Bibb.
JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke.
E. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs.
d,®
FOR CONGRESS,
WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene.
R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham.
JULIUS C. ALFORD, of Troup.
EUGENIUS A. NISBET, of Bibb.
LOTT WARREN, of Sumter.
THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn.
ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson.
JAMES A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam.
TH5maS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee.
■Barbecue.
We are requested to say, that a Car will leave
the Railroad Depot this day at 10 o’clock, for
for the purpose of conveying passengers to the
Barcebue at Doyle’s, and will return at 6 o’clock
in the afternoon.
% '*
A Reward for Loco Focos.
The Madisonian offers twenty dollars, and
the Savannah Republican fifty dollars re
ward, for the production of a spurious copy of
Holland’s life of Van Buren. If none is produc
ed, the assertion, by the loco focos, “that a forged
copy has been published,” will be proven to be
. false,
The Forged Circular.
Since our notice of this trick of the Locofocos
We have observed that the forged circular is pub
lished in the last Macon Telegraph. Really,
the charge of publishing forged documents comes
with bad grace from a party which gives curren
cy to this circular.
ihe Charleston Courier of yesterday, says :
A correspondent informs us that over two thou
sand plates, and three hundred and fifty dozen
knives and forks were purchased in this city, on
Vy ednesday, being part of the preparations ma
king for the Harrison festival, to be given at Ma
con, oit the 13th August next.
. Did Greene has Spoken.
This County, so long devoted to correct re
publican principles, has spoken in a voice worthy
of her palmiest days, and on.the second Thursday
(the 13th) of August, the influence of her re
publican counsels will be felt, and appreciated
m Macon. Her citizens, devoted to the institu
tions of the country, have almost unanimously
rushed to the standard of republican principles,
to rescue it from the danger which served to
and the voice of a portion of the time
|*nored fifty-six is heard in the shout, to the
the rescue!
' oN ’• f ne New Orleans Picayune
—We find the following in the
Courieroffl^^ve.iing:
“ We understand that a gentleman who arrived
in town this morning, reports that Mr. Winn has
been elected to Congress by a majority of 11 or
12 votes in the 3d district.”
How any such report could have reached the
vve are at a loss to divine, and feel confident
■K 1 turn out a alarm. We made enqui-
BPNtcrday b ut could learn nothing of the elec
tion in the 3d district, and until the arrival of a
steamboat or mail from the upper country we
look for noffurther returns.
Meeting in Abbeville, S. C.
We publish with much pleasure, the proceed"
ingsof a Meeting of the friends of Reform in Ab
beville.—Our letters from that district, assure us
that the indomitable spirit of the people is being
aroused, and regardless of the dictation of dema
gogue leaders, they are determined to resist the
of misrule and corruption.
® ®
Meeting of the Fourth Ward Tippecanoe
| Club.
At a meeting of the Tippecanoe Club of the
fiOOth District, on the 23d inst., it was
Resolved, I hat each and every member of this
Club not already appointed by the Central Tippe
canoe Club, of Richmond County, be, and he is
hereby requested to attend the contemplated Con
vention, of the friends of Harrison and Tyler at
Macon, as Delegates from the 600th District.
# Resolved, That James Harper, Charles B. Hitt,
and William Jones, members of this Club, be ap
pointed a Committee tc act with other Committees
from Tippecanoe Clubs, and Captains’ Districts in
the selection of candidates for the Legislature in |
ctis County. And that J. C. Alford, W. C. Daw
son, R. W. Habersham, T. B. King, E. A. Nisbet,
and Lott Warren, be appointed honorary members
of this Club.
For the Chronicle 5* Sentinel.
Messrs, Editors — I observe in your paper of to
day, a communication fiom the Hon. Edward J-
Black, in reply to one of mine, published some
two or three months since. The question between
us may be thus stated: I charged, that in his com
munication to Governor McDonald, relative to the
resolutions ot the General Assembly of Georgia,
he made certain assumptions, unfounded in fact,
and injuriously affecting me. He maintains that
the assumptions complained of, cannot be fairly
deduced from his letter. Having disclaimed any
intention to assume what I and many others under”
stood from his letter, I should take pleasure in re
tracting all that the gentleman may have consider
ed bitter or angry in my former corn nunication,
had he not sought, in his disclaimer, to convey the
idea that I had perverted his obvious meaning, in
order to find occasion for the gratification of per
sonal hostility. He denies, first, having assumed
that I introduced the resolutions in question, in
lieu of measures more appropriate, &c.; he affirms
that he meant to impute the substitution of them,
for the measures more appropriate, &c.,only to the
Legislature that passed them. Calmly reviewing
his letter, with its author’s own critique upon it
before me, and, moreover, with a determination
henceforth to understand it as expounded by
I still maintain, that in the absence of that aid, I
but gave it its grammatical construction. He char
acterises them as “resolutions relative to the con
troversy with Maine, introduced by Mr. Jenkins
into the last Legislature, and ultimately passed by
that body, in lieu of measures more appropriate,”
&c. The words, “introduced by Mr. Jenkins into
the last Legislature,” constitute one member of the
sentence; the words, “ultimately passed by that
body,” another, which two members, referring to
the same subject matter, are connected by the cop
ulative conjunction. Then follows still another
member, intended to qualify, to wit: “fia lieu of
measures more appropriate,” &c. What does the
latter member qualify? Clearly, it seems to me,
those two members of the sentence, which refer
to the same subject matter, and are connected by
the copulative conjunction. I know of no rule of
construction which would make it applicable to the
one and inapplicable to the other. Suppose the
gentleman had intended to convey the idea, that the
resolutions were both introduced and passed in lieu
of measures, &c., how would he have varied his
I
phraseology? Would he have said, “resolutions in
troduced by Mr. J., in lieu of measures more ap
propriate, &c., and passed by the Legislature in
lieu of measures more appropriate,” &c.? Would
he have thought that repetition necessary to make
the sense clear? If I should sa}', that the Sub-
Treasury bill had been recommended by the Presi
dent, and ultimately passed by Congress, as a finan
cial experiment, I apprehend I should be under
stood as affirming that the President and Congress
were be th financial experiments. Should I say,how
ever, that the Sub-Treasury bill had been recom
mended b}- the President, but ultimately passed by
the Congress, as a financial experiment, it would
be understood that the effect of the disjunctive
conjunction, was to limit the qualifying words to
what followed it. My purpose is to shew that my
construction of the sentence was legitimate and na
tural, not forced. Ido not insist that it was accor
dant with the writer’s real meaning. I treated it
as understood by myself, and all with whom I con
versed. It does, however, often happen that a
writer’s meaning is, to all but himself, a hidden
mystery; I therefore neither question the gentle
man’s prerogative to expound his own composition,
nor object to his exposition in this case. Had the
sentence been indicted by a hand less practiced, or
less skilled in the use of the pen, charity might
have suggested the propriety of an earnest search
fora meaning, less obvious, but more just, and,
therefore, more agreeable to me.
It is said again, there was error in supposingthe
gentleman had assumed that I, “in proposing the
resolutions, had in view a remedy for the case of
Philbrook and Kelleran.” This is the error charg
ed upon me: now mark the correction. “I refer to
my whole letter to shew it is not true, that 1 as
sumed that, and nothing else.” I said the gentle
man had assumed a certain thing. He replies, “it
js not true that I assumed that and nothing else.” —
1 have never asserted that he assumed only one, or
two, or three things. Why! here is neither correc
tion made, nor issue formed. But for the conclu
sion to which he comes, it might be fairly argued,
that in affirming he did not assume that alone, he
admits he did assume that and more.
My inference was drawn from two sentences in
the gentleman’s letter, in one of which, he uses
this language: “ Resolutions relative to the con
troversy with Maine, introduced into the last Le
gislature, by Mr. Jenkins.” Now the controversy
with Maine, as every one knows, originated in,
and had exclusive reference to, the case of Phil
broo/c and Kelleran, and indeed, in speaking of
this matter, the two phrases italicised, are used as
synonymous. Is it not then the same, as if the
gentleman had said, I proposed the resolutions rel
ative to, or having in view a remedy for, the < ase
of Philbrook and Kelleran ? Again, in another
sentence, he asks, “ What fond hallucination could
have influenced the author of those resolutions to
hope or to ask, at the hands of abolitionists, jus
tice, by the enactment of a law, to the penalties of
which, Philbrook and Kelleran would have been
submitted, when these individuals were but en
gaged in accomplishing the very object to winch
the law makers themselves, have been so long and
so ardently devoted.” I have no argument to ad
dress to any man, who does not see, at a glance
that in this extract I am represented as hoping, or
asking justice, against Philbrook and Kelleran, by
the enactment of such a law as the resolutions con
template. The gentleman mr.y have meant other
wise, but I must t onstrue his language as I would
that of any other writer. “ I leave it to any man,
not blind with feeling or prejudice,” and who has
charity enough to suppose that the gentleman uses
words in lhair ordinary and approved sense, wheth
er my construction was either forced in itself, or
wilfully unjust to him. I shall not pause to shew,
(as I easily might,) that in examining the proofs
I had submitted against his assumptions, lie con
siders that which I adduced against the second, in
connection with the third, thereby of course w ea k_
ening its force. This I hope was done inadver
tently.
Mr. Black correctly presumed, I ‘had no other
grief whereof to complain,” except that produced
by the injustice, I believed he had done me in his
communication to Governor McDonald. I know
not that he has ever before done, or sought to do,
me injustice. lam unconscious that he has ever
stood between me and a desired object, checking
, an aspiration or crushing a hope. I seek contro
i versies with no man, but do not profess the lamb
like temper, which would submit to injury from
sheer disrelish of them.
Whilst I do not claim for myself, my principles,
■ or mj measures, exemption from canvass, discus
■ sion, or objection by my constituents, I would re
: mind Mr. Black, in this country, even a “ public
1 servant ” is not without the pale of Nature’s first
• law, nor yet of the lex talionis. Touching the in
• fusion of “ bitterness and anger ,” wbi:h the gen
> tleman has discovered in my last, I have to say
> that I meant only “ measure for measure.” I could
not perceive, the necessary connection which my
relation to those resolutions, and my motives for
introducing them, had with the ostensible object of
his communication to the Executive. It appears
none of his colleagues thought there was any such
necessary connection, for they, though agreeing
with him in opinion, dealt only with the resolutions ,
leaving their author to be dealt with by his con
science and his constituents.
I thought mysc f gratuitously presented to the
public in a false position, and essayed, (as I shall
always do, in like cases,) to vindicate my course.
If the honorable gentleman did not intend what I
understood, it is well. I certainly have no in
clination to insist, that ha wilfully did me injus
tice. If I have now succeeded in satisfying such
of your readers as may have been curious enough
to read all that has been avritten on this subject,
that my construction of Mr. Black’s language was
reasonable, and not perverted to the purpose of
personal altercation, my object is accomplished.
Respectfully,
CHARLES J. JENKINS.
Augusta, July 23, 1840.
For the Chronicle and Sentinel.
Under the’imposing influence of a name, hew
many and how gross the impositions practised !
With a high-sounding title, our imported rogues
find an easy passport into the affections of our
boasted republicans; and the lofty Count, with his
ancient lineage and endless pedigree, soon leaves
them —he, to laugh at their practical democracy —
they, with their now fruitless reflections, to con
vince themselves that they had been blinded and
deceived by the glittering splendor of a name! It
is even said that the devil quoted scripture when it
suited his purposes; and, at this time, we behold a
party under whose deteriorating influence their
country bleeds at every pore—which has fastened
itself upon her bosom like an incubus, withering
her best energies and impeding her progress to ma
turity and greatness —sailing under the violated
flag ol democracy, and desecrating the principles
they essay to espouse! Thousands enlisted under
their banner at the moment it was unfurled, with
out, I fear, even casting their eyes upon the stand
ard-bearer. To such we would say, pause, reflect,
and look again; ample time is left you yet —exam-
ine for yourselves. Are not these self-styled and
vaunted democrats, truly a party of pledges and of
words? Do they not rest their c.airns on their pro
mises? —empty in some instances and disregarded
in others. What parts of the country, or what
portion of the people, (excepting office-hunters and
holders,) have felt or enjoyed the benefits of their
pure and exclusive democracy? Is it the merchant
or farmer, manufacturer or laborer? Or is their
watchful guardianship and paternal care attested
by the ghastly wounds of bereaved and neglected
Florida?
They call themselves democrats, while they ad
vocate the enlargement of Executive patronage
and power, in the form of sub-treasury and stand
ing army; they endeavor to defend the adminis
tration in its flagrant and alarming abuse of the
appointing power, and attempt to shield and pro
tect it in its extravagance and profligacy'. They
tell the people that, for their own dear sakes, they
had become alarmed at the increasing influence of
the United States Bank; and they have but disrob
ed it of its power, and shorn it of its capacity to do
good, that they might add strength to the growing
arm of the Exccutiue, and enable it the better to
nourish the germ of royalty, whose leaves are ex
panding in the atmosphere of the Capitol.
For more than fifty years, under the auspices of
our institutions as they were, our onward course in
the way of prosperity and improvement, astound
ed our enemies abroad, and warmed, with elevated
hope and pride, the prtriot’s heart at home. Mr.
Madison managed our ship of state, most honorably
and successfully, through a tedious and expensive
war, without difficulty or apparent danger with re
gard to the fiscal operations of the government;
our flag was hailed with admiration and respect on
every sea and by every nation, while it bore with
it the emblems of unimpeachable credit. If, under
these institutions, we were enabled, in so short a
time, to attain this proud station among the nations
of the earth, where is the excuse for the innova
tions that have been made? Go ask the spoilers-
Will you not heed the clanging of the chain which
is forging for you, and which the march of federal
encroachment would fasten about your necks?
Mr. Van Buren is a great man—not as a poet,
an orator, or a statesman—but he is a great promp
ter, and a great pledge-maker; ami with all his
great fertility of resources in these respects, he
sometimes overreaches himself. He even admits
| the Constitutionality of Congress (in his answer to
{ the N. C. Committee,) to abolish slavery in the
District of Columbia, but pledges himself to veto
the —Constitution ! Will you be content with the
, shadow without the substance —the semblance
without the reality ? Will you suffer your judg
ment and your patriotism to be biased by the cun
ning pledges of self interest ? Cunning, too, at the
eleventh hour, from the eleventh hour friend of the
war—the eleventh hour, friend of De Witt Clin
ton —and the eleventh hour, friend (in his pro
fessions) of the South ? No: you will “judge the
tree by its fruits.” Hear what Thomas Jefferson
said about pledges: “ Coming out of the Senate
Chamber one day, I found Govemeur Morris on the
steps. He stopped me, and began a conversation
on the strange and portentous state of things then
existing, and went on to observe, that the reasons
why the minority of the States were so opposed
to my being elected, were, that they apprehended
that Ist, I would turn all the federalists out of of
fice ; 2d, put down the Navy; 3d, wipe off the
public debt. That I need only r to declare, or au
thorize my friends to declare, that I would not
take these steps, and instantly the event of the
election would be fixed. I told him that I should
leave the world to judge of the course I meant to
pursue, by that which I had pursued hitherto, be,
lieving it to be my duty to be passive and silent
during the present scene ; that I should certainly
make no terms; should never cro into the office of
President by capitulation, nor with my hands tied
by any conditions which should hinder me from
pursuing the measures which I should deem for the
public good.” vol. 4, p. 52!. Richmond.
Old Greene is Coming.
At a large meeting of the citizens of Greene
county, held at the Court House in Greensboro,
on Thursday, 23d inst., Col. Y. P. Kiso was
called to the Chair, aud James B. Nickelson
appointed Secretary, When the object of the
meeting was explained by the Chairman, Col.
James M. Porter offered the following preamble
and resolution:
Whereas the Anti-Van Buren Convention held
at Milledgeville in June last, adjourned to meet
again at Macon on the second Thursday in Au
gust next, therefore.
Resolved, That the county of Greene be rep
resented in said Convention, and that the Chair
appoint a Committee of Ten, to nominate to this
meeting the names of one hundred and twenty
suitable persons to represent us in said Conven
tion.
The following gentlemen composed that Com
mittee :
James M. Porter. Wm. L. Alfriend,
John Coleby, Albert Jernighan,
John A. Baugh, Robert Newson, sen.
Seaborn McMichacl, John Wilson,
•Alexander Walker, George W. Slaughter,
Who having retired for a few minutes, through
their Chairman’ Col. James M. Portkr, report
ed the following names as delegates to said Con
vention :
John Shaw, a Revolutionary soldier.
Henry English, sen. do. do.
Thomas Stocks, Win Daniel,
William C. Dawson, J W Battle,
H H Watts, O S Furlow,
W W D Weaver, John Copelarnd,
Jas. B Nickelson, James Jackson,
Robt. Newsom, sen. D Jones,
Jas. M Porter, E P Jarrell,
James T Johnson, A Simonton,
Albert Jernigham, Wm Lucky,
A Hutchinson, E Bruce,
John Wilson, Wm Greer,
John Colchy, R Carlton,
Samuel Wright, J J Kelly,
Augustus Pitcher, Burnet Moore, jr.
James H Willy, Jefferson Mapp,
J R B Cox, John Dorsey,
Edward D Alfriend, Stephen Kimbrough,
Thomas H Moseley, John Kimbrough, sen.
S McMichacl, Daniel Perdue,
Robert Rea, H H Lawrence,
P C Johnson, B L Kimbrough,
A Carlton, N Armour,
A Perkins, C J Burke,
Wm Rowland, sen. Nowell Crawford,
J Q Bolton, B E Spencer,
II Sanford, Edwin Willis,
John E King, Albert Hutchinson,
Win F Welloorn, George Martin,
R J Dawson, Samuel Akers,
Y P King, Stewart Anderson,
Henry Love, P W T Stovall,
Thomas Baldwin, A L Walker,
E S Hunter, A H Randle,
Thomas G Banks, Augustus Greene,
D C Watson, Absalom*Janes,
Francis Hester, C S Credell,
Moses Foster, Lemuel Greene,
F C McKinley, E H Macon,
John H Broughton, James Moore,
John Branch, Edward Alfriend,
Greene Moore, S Gentry,
E H Metcalf, A King,
J W Godkin, James Carlton,
Henry Walker, G W Slaughter,
D S Terrell, J G Holtzclaw,
Thomas Cunningham, Harda Bridges,
J R Hall, Thomas H Smith,
Jasper Copeland, Wm Bryan,
James M Houghton, Wm T Gaston,
George Hall, W K Walker,
Wm Tuggle, jr. Matthew Winfield,
T C W r inn, John H Ray,
Loudon Willis, James Burke,
J K Sanford, Jesse Champion,
J Cutright, J J Spencer,
Wm Porter, Albert Jackson,
A M Wright, B F Greene,
W C Dawson, jr. L Philips,
Wm L Alfriend. James Anderson,
On motion of Henry Sanford, Esq.—
Resolved , That the citizens of Gieene county,
friendly (and who of them are not?) to the elec
tion of William Henry Harrison for President,
and John Tyler for Vice President of the United
States, are cordially invited to attend said Con
vention, and they will be considered as delegates
in connection with those nominated by the Com
mittee.
On motion of J. T. Johnson, Esq.—
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting
be signed by the Chairman, and countersigned
by the Secretary, and sent to the Chronicle &
Sentinel and Reformer, for publication, with the
request that the Georgia Journal and Southern
Recorder, will also publish the same,
i he meeting then adjourned.
P. KING, Chairman.
James B. Nickelson, Secretary.
Harrison Meeting in Abbeville Histrict.
According to previous arrangement, a meeting of
the citizens of Abbeville, friendly to the election
of Wm. H. Harrison, to the Presidency of the
United States, was held at Abbeville on the 11th
of July, 1840.
Col. Larkin Griffin, was elected Chairman, and
Wm. S. Burch, was appoited Secretary.
On motion of Dr. Paul Conner, it was
Resolved, That a committee, of five or more, be
appointed, for each of the four battalions, and an
additional committee of five, be appointed for the
Court House, whose duty it shall be to nominate
candidates for the State Legislature ; each commit
tee now appointed having the privilege of filling
vacancies or increasing their number.
Resolved, That the members composing thi s
meeting, are fully convinced that the present Ad
ministration is corrupt, and that its measures, if
canied out, will result in ruin to our “common
country;” that, therefore, “ we pledge our sacred
honor” to use every honorable effort to effect its
final overthrow.
On motion of Dr. Franklin Branch,
Res'. Ived, That we do highly approve the manly
and independent ciurse pursued by the Hon. Wra.
C. Preston, Senator from South Carol'm, and the
Hon. Waidy Thompson, Representative from our
adjoining districts, in the Congress of the United
States, especially upon the currency of cur govern
ment and the Presidential election.
On motion of Dr. W. C. Norwood,
Resolved, That a committee bo appointed toad
dress letters o f invitatfbn to the Hon. William C.
Preston, Hon, Waddy Thompson, James L, Petti
grew, Esq., Hugh S. Legare, Esq., Maj, W. W
Starke, Dr. F. M. Robertson, and Ex Governor P.
M. Butler, to address the general meeting oLthe
Harrison on Saturday" the third day of Au
gust, or at sucli subsequent period as shall suit
their convenience.
On motion of W. C, Norwood,
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting
be ’published in the National Intelligencer, tiie
Southern Chronicle, the Charleston Courier, the
Reformer, and the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel.
On motion, the meeting was adjourned.
LARKIN GRIFFIN, Chairman.
Wji. S. Burch, Secretary.
Messrs. Editors: —Will you be so kind as to
publish in the Reformer, and in the Chronicle &
Sentinel, the following communications from the
Rev. Wm. Moseley, of Henry county. Mr. Mose
ley is a man of sound sense, ardent patriotism, irre
proachable character and deep piety, and formerly
a citizen of Putnam county. He is a Minister of
the Gospel, of the Baptist denomination, useful
and influential in the sphere of his labours, and he
is a hard working, industrious farmer, who sup
ports himself and family by the sweat of his brow.
Thus, by his works, he proves himself to be a real
Democrat, and a genuine Republican. —He has
heretofore proved his patriotism by shouldering his
musket, and marching forth under the command
of Gen. Floyd, to fight the enemies of his country'
and he then proved his bravery by receiving a bul
let from the enemy in his face. Such a man wilj
be heard and respected even in the whirlwind of
party' strife.
AN OLD CITIZEN of Putnam County',
Now of the Cherokee Country.
Henry County, Ga., June 2. 1840.
Fellow-Citizens of the State Rights Party, and
all others who feel your distress arising from the
derangement of the currency, and the consequent
embarrassed state of commerce and agriculture—
and especially you, who cat your bread by the
sweat of your sac who have no motive to
influence you to suppon an Administration, which
is aristocratic in its tendency ; the rolling
of a mighty current, is bearing you and your chil
dren to the gulf of vassalage, wretchedness and
misery'—l entreat you to suffer an humble plough
man to place a few reflections before you. viz:—
The time is rapidly approaching when we shall
be called upon to exercise the small remains of
Sovereignty which the encroachments of the Fed
eral Government have left in our hands —in cast
ing our vote for President and Vice President of
the United States —which should be a matter of the
greatest importance with us, and above every other
temporal consideration in this world; for our peace
and happiness, as well as that of our children and
children’s children, depend much upon our conduct
in casting our votes at this time, and therefore we
should retrospect past events, and if w’e And any
thing disastrous growing out of the conduct of the
present and past Administration, we should judge
of the future by the past, and act upon principles,
and not for the sake of party, in casting our votes
with an e.ve to thegoodof the country.
It is a point now well settled that one of the two
men, either Martin Van fiuren or Wm. Henry Har
lison will be our next President—and notwith
standing many contend that we should out of two
eviis take the least, yet I think differently. I ad
mit, if we were left to voluntary choice 'whether
we should take one of two eviis, or let both alone,
and not partake of evil at all, neither directly nor
indirectly, I would say, stand aloof. But if it is
a matter of necessity, and we must have one or the
other, 1 say—reason, good sense, and wisdom and
prudence all say—take the least; which will be
exemplified in the following statement, viz :—if
you were starving, and the chance was a half loaf
or no bread,'would you say, No Bread. I think not.
If you must have one eye put out, or both, either
of which would be evil, w r ould you not say r , one ?
If you must lose one horse or all, wou'd you not
say, one ? lam bound to believe all would say,
one, every time. Believing, then, that we are des
tined to have but of the men to rule over us, we
should determine whether the choice of either
would be an evil to the country; and, of course, if
either, or both, would be an evil, choose the one,
that would afford a half loaf to a famishing Repub
lic. It therefore becomes a duty we owe to our
selves, to our children, and to our fore fathers, who
purchased our liberty by their blood and lives, to
determine whether the choice of Mr. Van Buren
would be an evil, or whether the choice of Harri
son would be an evil; and if both are evils, of the
two choose the least. 1 shall first examine the ad
ministration of Mr. Van Buren, and then deter
mine the future by the past, which is the only cor
rect way I know of determining things in futurity,
and which is done according to the rule,same cause,
same effect. I now proceed to examine the first
case by saying—
-Ist. Is there distress in the land such as never
has been witnessed, since the Revolutionary War?
Your answer must be yea.
2d. What has produced it ? Has famine? no.
Has the sword ? no. What, then, say you ? over
trading, and the fall of produce ? Granted. But all
this is an effect produced by some cause —and what
is the cause ? 1 answer overtrading and the rise of
property arose from the country’s being flooded
with paper money, and that arose from the check’s
being removed that operated upon our local banks,
viz: —the United States Bank. And this together
with the highhanded and unconstitutional interfer
ence with the Treasury in the removal of the De
posites, deranged the monetary affairs of the coun
try, affected commerce, reduced the price of pro
duce, and left the whole country in debt. And ho
sooner did the Banks discover this, than they, with
a few exceptions, changed theii operations from that
for which they were chartered, to that of brokers,
and thus united with the aristocracy of the coun
try, for the purpose of crushing the poor and labor
ing part of the community, which is the back
bone and sinew ol the country, and make them
hewers of wood and drawers of water to a proud
and profligate aristocracy, which always has and
always will support a monarchical head. And yet
they raise a mighty shout—“Huzza for Martin Van
Buren and the Independent Treasury and hard mo
ney cuirency ” and I believe this is the reason
some of the State Rights party have gone over to
\an s support; and in evidence of this, show me
one leading man that has gone, that is not wielding
a money capital, either directly or indirectly, pri
vately or in bank, if you can (I am sure it will not
be Cooper.) They know, fellow citizens, if there
is a change in the Administration, there will be a
change in the policy, and the hope of their gain is
gone. But you will say, Mr. Van Buren did not do
this. Granted. But his predecessor did, and he
stands pledged to follow in his steps ; and in evi
dence of the fulliling of the pledge, see him pur
suing the course, and instead of giving a hard mo
ney currency he is converting the Treasury into a
bank, and issuing thousands and millions of Treas
ury notes, (and, God bless you, a Treasury note is
not made of gold and silver) and thus, while he
promises gold and silver, you get paper ! While
he proposes to divo.ee the banks from the Govern
ment, he is converting the whole Treasury into a
bank, over which he, if successful, will exercise
an entire control, and thus at one snatch, grasp
sword and purse, and with his standing army
which he is trying to obtain, with the stfCord in one
hand and ike purse in the other, he will carry his
point, and compel me and you to do his bidding
But you still say his course is calculated to put
down the banks. Well if it is, why has it not
done it We have bad three years experience,
and I ask .you candidly, are there fewer banks
now than there were then ? or are there more ?
H there are more, then the argument is, it is
n0 r t r f a l C i!j 4t i7 to h ut down, but to increase banks.
nf ia L Mr ' Van ® ui ; en . did give his vote in favor
of the Missouri restriction, cannot be denied. That
le did vote to allow tree negroes to vote, provided
.ie\ were worth a certain amount of property,
thus placing the negro upon an eoinl r
tac white man, and at the same tune I
tocracy, cannot be denied. That ho j° rin ?»iI
the constitutional right of Congress
with the subject of slavery, but says a lnlf h „ I
impolitic, will not be denied. Thatihc Wo,l 'U,
a greater waste of the public m on . v Za
ministration, than under that of any H
dent of the United States, will nonius
think. Ihat he has been for and a?ai
everyone, and eccry thing, except S!IS
in the expenses of the Govermn nt lc Sr
has always been against, I think cannot? ttlJt -
That the distress of the country has
worse than under any other Admini t,?" a ‘ !( l«
not be denied. And that these things dil 1
under any other Administration, <■ t,: '
only with the present policy of the Exorm 'N
his predecessor, i think will be admitted
Now, if cause produce effect, and th f
visible, we must trace it to the conduct nr ?* ct « 1
ecutive of the United States. Then if i tle^- ‘
pledged to pursue that course, and that * \ •
bringing, and has brought ruin upon you r J Urs h ■
is a plain one, that he stands pledged to ’ ; s ' k.
and has ruined many’, and intends
balance, and one more term will effect i?"
you, then, will you suffer him to du i!;
forbid! • Goj
I now enter upon the examination by v ,
shall determine whether Gen, Harrison f,
ble, like the half loaf; and in doing this**?’’ -
first notice the objectionable acts of Gen ij
and compare them with Mr. Van Bme n ’
the reports in circulation against him • an’l ■ i
the evidence in his favor. ’ ' %l!
Ist. Did General Harrison vote for the T
He did ; and did not Mr. Van Buren ? R ut i
vote for it in 1828, or was it at a previous nt
If at a previous period, did not Mr. CrawWy
other republicans do the same, for the 3 rea^j!s
the Government was in debt and required iG 3
Was he friendly to tho Force Bill ? jj e
And was not Mr. Van Buren and Judge
W r as he a member of a ColonizatiolfSocier
He was ; but was that an Abolition Society’ 1 i
What then ? It was for the purpose of settlin®.
free negroes in Africa, in order to destroy the*
influence which their presence had upon the« 4
and to prevent their being a pest to the wy
and to belter their condition, with a hope iti :
be the means of carrying the word of the U
and the gospel of the Son of God, to those bene
cd negroes.
Is he called a Federalist ? He is by some. \ 5
that make or prove him to be one ? No. l s v.
Van Buren called by the same name ? He
some. It Harrison’s being called a Fcdeib
proves him to be one, then Mr. Forsyth isjf,.
eralist—for lam told that Mr. Schley beat>
once for Major, because Forsyth was a worse f.
eralist than Schley ; and has not Gov. Schley
called a Federalist again and again ? Yes. jj r
not Mr. Randolph call Harrison a Fedeialy
his face f He did ; but did Harrison own thecha
to be true, any farther than Adams’ Adminiq
tion related to the French Government ? No i
pray what was Mr. Randolph called ? Let k
speak. What was the reason that the
. of the county of Jasper was altered from Rani*'
to Jasper ? Answer, good fellows ! R ut
good-hearted laboring young men know but lir.
about those by-gone days, and make up tnem«.
diet from evidence afforded from garbled extrir*
and false statements, made by designing
which they should not do. Then hear an old jw |
headed ploughman, and askyour unassumimj.' .-
farming fathers, is it true ? But did not the eli '
Adams appoint him to that office ? He did. V.J
1 does not that prove him a Federalist? NV 1
Washirglon did it first, and Madison and orb
followed suit. 1
I now' come to the 2d proposition. Did Harr* 1
serve his country from the age of eighteen yej
|to the close of the War ? He did. Did he &
1 more victories according to the number of barjl 1
I he fought, than any ether commander in theUnafel
; States ? I think he did. Did he enjoy the cos*
1 dcncc of the army, officers and men ? I think t tH
I did —for 1 took the newspapers then,
1 lect about it—and those chaps that had on tie
j hippins then, and are now spouting about.tain 11
1 fool the old ploughman, if they were born toafc| |
tune. Has he proved himself to be a man of hr a
ent and experience ? He has. Has he proved bl i
self honest ? He has. Has he proved hiir,«: |
disinterested and a friend to the South i 1 tins'll
he has, or he would not have voted to recoi j
Missouri without restriction, when he knewii
foretold that it would be the cause of his politki 1
death. Is he yet poor—the result of sacrifice,ha- *
esty and disinterestedness ? lam told that ties, c
Has he told the abolitionist that none but m> ( r
carnate devil couid view without honor these® |
their course was calculated to produce ? I thinks ||
I has, or words to that amount. Has he givens j
dence that he is a friend to his country and fell)’ .
beings ? I say unhesitatingly, he has. ,
j And now', fellow-citizens, let me ask youn \
is the most likely to sympathise with you in pc ■
sufferings, and if placed in power, to afford ns I
—the rich or the poor —the disinterested or des; 1
ing ? Hearken, doth the rich oppress you,fcc. 1
State Rights men! Union men! of Georgia-* |
poor laboring men all over the United States. |
which class I am,) I think you cannot hesitate-
We have a chance for a half loaf —yea I this! I
whole one. The pow'er is now in your own .
I call upon you, therefore, to come to the •
and in the power of your might, rally around V I
Henry Harrison and John Tyler, and proclaim \
the world that you intend to remain free. v j
have not had a real good President since web g
Virginian. We have not had a good one since’ c
had a poor man, and I fear we will not haw* j
we get another. Then I call upon you (off ,
strength, and let the aristocracy know that; ®
arc not prepared to be tenants,and hewers of* 1*
and drawers of water to a proud and 1
set. Adieu lor the present. t
• WILLIAM MOSELEI e
1
William Henry Harrison, 1,
The brave and skilful general, the wise and i‘ a
politician, the prudent farmer, the poom- c
friend, and the people's can didate for Fres&
of the United States.
Messrs. Editors:—Since my last I have!* g
ploughing, and thinking about the striking simu
ity between our condition as a government.*
that of ancient Rome in the days of Cinch®-’
and the striking resemblance between the *
ter and conduct of old Cincinnatusandthatof 1 - Jj
H. Harrison. Ancient Rome was a republic— |
through the wisdom, patriotism, and eloquent* J
Cincinnati, was prosperous. He, thinking f
course of affairs being well directed, and ref- g
upon the wisdom and patriotism of his felio* -0
zens, and desiring repose, retired to hish®;,
doubt hoping all would go well. But
a course of bad policy, the peace of thegovc j
was disturbed, and its prosperity blighted. U
state of affairs, the repose of the old man
turbed by a committee from the people, who*'
ed upon him, and finding him at his pl° u |r'
their petition before him, who, though to l '-* ’ <
tirement and repose, with a deep sigh, in" 0
by love of country and regard for his fell o *’, r
zens, left his plough and domestic enjoying . n
paired to the post assigned him, and throu;; |
wisdom, firmness, and patriotism, peace
perity w r ere again restored. 80 Wm. H. h* . X
when 18 years old, left the delightful home,;,
patriotic fathei, took upon himself
and braved the dangers of the tented hew, '•
ping-knife and tomahawk of the norlhc' 11 t
until they were humbled, and P cace * 1 *
our north w'estern frontier. He enjoy ed th xi
dence of Washington, Adams, Jefferson anJ -,, p
son, in evidence of which,see the appom |n
received, and which he honored by a di>i” , ? 3
and faithful discharge of duty',until the 0 ®- Q
late war with Great Britain, when, in e yl ' -:3
the people’s knowledge of his firmness an |B
he is placed by them in the national counc m
republic. There he commanded
disinterested and patriotic vote upon 1 J
question, which he fearlessly gavc,imp e j.m
love of country and equal rights, and ; V f # c
knowledge as expresstd by himself G* a
result in his political death. P<- pI jit- p
Ploughmen ! think, O think ! not 0 I ,
your battles, but he laid down h,s P° , oU *nl J
defending your interest. Do you, can } ;
greater evidence of his regard for y oU
net. Meihinks I hear a general
ploughmen of Georgia, “No—it is e n ° u ? j j (? &
ft How-citizens, did he begin now’ to a<- I
tious and aspiring politicians do,
and change his coat ? No. But dclig* l ■ |
prospect of peace and prosperity attt ' n f r
loved country', he breathes his bentuH 1
future welfare, and retires to his pl° u £ ’ »
But, fellow-citizens, when garrison L
field fighting your battles, where
ren? By hi- side 3 No —not he. *