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CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL.
A U G USTA.
FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST 28.
FOR PRESIDENT,
WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON,
Os Ohio;
The invincible Hero of Tippecanoe—the incor
ruptible Statesman —the inflexible Republican—
the patriotic Farmer of Ohio.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
J OHN TYLER,
Os Virginia ;
A State Rights Republican of the school of *99—
one ol Virginia’s noblest sons, and emphatically
0 one of America’s most sagacious, virtuous and
patriot statesmen.
FOR ELECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT,
GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe.
DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Camden.
JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee*
JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock.
CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark.
SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin.
ANDREW MILLER, of Cass.
WILLIAM EZZARD, of DeKalb.
C. B. STRONG, of Bibb.
JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke.
E. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs.
FOR CONGRESS,
WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene.
R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham.
JULIUS C. ALFORD, of Troup.
EUGENIUS A. NISBET, of Bibb.
LOTT WARREN, of Sumter.
THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn.
ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson.
JAMES A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam.
THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee.
Lost.
The file of the “State Rights Sentinel” for
1536 has been borrowed from our office by some
person who has omitted to return it. W e would
therefore thank the individual who has it in pos
session to send it home. In the event that we are
unable to obtain our own, we should be glad to
purchase or borrow a file for that year, and also o
the one of the Augusta Chronicle.
Life of Martin Van Buren.
We observe by yesterday’s Constitutionalist -
that the u ( orporal ” is engaged in writing a bio
graphical sketch of Mr. Van Buren, and has par*
tiaily completed his work, up to the close of the ]
war in IS 15. In the next chapter he intends to
exp am Mr. Van Buren’s vote for De Witt Clinton
in opposition to Mr. Madison. What he means by
explanation, we suppose is to show that Mr. Clin
ton contemplated the prosecution of the war in a
more efficient manner than Mr. Madison had done.
This is really an important discovery for the future
historian of the country, and it is rather matter of
astonishment to us, that the supporters of Mr.
Clinton, who were universally known as the peace
party, and who regarded him as the peace candi
date, shou d never have discovered during the can
vass, that he intended to carry on the war more
efficiently. We repeat, tnis is an important dis
covery, and the country will certainly be gieatly
indebted to the present loco foco party for the fact,
that Mr. Clint m was the high-toned war candidate,
and that Mr. Van Buren in suporting him manifest
ed his zeal is support of the war.
Wonders, it is said, will never cease, and we
arc somewhat disposed to yield our assent, par
ticuUily in relation to the political history of Mar
ti.i Van Furen, for his recent I iogiapher, “ Corpo
ra/ Mum,” asserts that he was a zealous advocate
of the war, and certainly no man dounts the Cor
poral’s knowledge on the subject. But, yet it is
passing strange that Mr. Clinton and his suppoiters
should have been such gre.it advocates of the war,
and in Mr. Van Buren’s own county, Mr. Van Bu
ren’s intimate friends and Mr. Clinton’s supporters,
should have in a public meeting, soon af.er the
declaration of war, passed the following resolution,
which was introduced by James A. Hamilton, a
personal friend and partizan of Martin Van Buren:
“ Resolved, That the war is impolitic, unnsces•
tary and disastrov t; and that to employ the mili
tia in an offensive war, (that is, to enter Canada,)
is unconstitutional.”
This resolution, the circumstances under which
It was passed, in Mr. Van Buren’s own county, and
by his friends and partizans, appears somewhat
strange to us ; hut the Corporal says he was in fa
vor of the war, and he is Mr. Van Bureu’s Bi®-
grapher.
What we more particularly designed in this arti- ■■
cle.wasto call the attention of the Corporal, as
he is rapidly approaching tnat eventful era in Mr,
Van Buren’s life, to his vote in favor of negro suf
frage in New York,his opposition to the admission
of Missouri and Aikansas, and also to his desired
instruction* on the Tariff'in 1828. We would not,
by any means, insinuate that the Corporal would
intentionally as a faithful Biographer, pass unno
ticed these veiy important acts of Mr. Van Buren,
but as he may in the pile of documents which he
assures his readers he is collecting from, overlook
those these votes, we were desirous
to remind him, that something would be expected
on these subjects. As these will no doubt, consti
tute one chapter of his valuable work, we shall
deter our suggestions at present.
In the “ Courrier des Elats Unis” the French
piper published in New York, we find the follow
ng important statement; “ A postscript from our
own correspondent informs us, by a new arrival,
the evening of the Ist of August at Paris, that the
Prussian and Austrian Governments , more wise
than then Ambassadors at London, declined ratify
ing, without certain reservation, the treaty of the
new alliance .”
More Changes.
A Harrison and Tyler meeting was recently
held in Wheeling, at which an address was read,
which bore the signatures of forty-seven former
supporters of the present Administration. These
honesrt citizens ofMie Old Dominion have become
convinced that “something is wrong,” and that
a change in men and measures is necessary for
the public good.
For the Chronicle and Sentinel.
Free Discussion!
The following is taken fra in an account of the
Scriven meeting, published in the Constitutionalist
of yesterday; —
“After Captain Black had concluded his speech,
the presiding officer extended te the opposition an
opportunity of addressing the meeting, when a Mr.
Young, whose name is a fair index to his character
and standing in this community, had the presump
tion to rise and address the assembly in opposition
to what had been said. 2 -ere was an instant rne
ous movement of the people towards the dinner ta
ble, as soon as Mr. Young commenced spewing,
&c. The chairmen, however, kept their seats un
til he closed.”
The reader can judge whether there was pre
sumption after the invitation given; and he will
doubtless recognise in the instantaneous movement,
a species of tactics often practiced by the \ an Bu
ren men, when an opponent rises to address an as
sembly convened for the purpose of bearing both
sides. A ' z *
“ Stripes upon the bare back ” —lndiana.
We give it up. Harrison must have signed a bill
directing culprits to be whipped. The ret^L r ° s
from Indiana is proof conclusive of the fact, ine
people have given Locofocoism at least I WLLVh
THOUSAND “ stripes upon the bare back. De
troit Daily Adv.
For the Chronicle and Sentinel.
A Sober Appeal to the People ol Georgia.
Fellow Citizens: —The object of this paper is to
inquire, concisely and dispassionately, into the cau
ses of the present embarrassment and depression of
business. All parties agree to the two following
propositions, and we will not stop to discuss them:
Proposition Is/. That the embarrassment and
depression of business has resulted
ding and over-speculation.
Proposition 2d. That over-trading and over-spe
culation have been occasioned by over-banking.
But what was the cause of the over-banking ■
The establishment of three propositions will clear
ly answer this question. In our argument we have
then to consider
Proposition 3d. That the over-banking was pro
duced by the destruction of the United States Bank,
the removal of the deposites, and the distribution
of the surplus revenue.
A few historical and statistical facts will prove,
beyond a doubt, this proposition. Hostilities began
between the Bank and the Federal Executive in
1829. The bill for rechartering il was vetoed in
1832. In 1533 the deposites were removed and
placed in the State Banks. The charter of die
Bank expired in 1836, Such is' the history of this
institution. Let us look at the State Banks during
the same period. The following table, compiled
accurately from the reports of the Secretary, will
give their history;
Years. | | Capital. | Loa»a.
1830 320 145,000,000 zuu.ouo,ouo
1834 506 200,000,000 324,000,000
1835 558 231,000,000 365,000,000
1836 567 252,000,000 458,000,000
1837 677 324,000,000 591,000,000
We are compelled to infer from this table, Ist.,
that the States doubled the number of their banks
in seven years, commencing with the war on the
X'nited States Bank. 2d. That they more than
doubled their capital, and trebled their loans within
the same period. In the mean time the millions of
deposits had been placed with the State Banks, and
of surplus revenue with the States; and thus loans
were increased and new banks established. The
signal in every State for creating banks, was the
destruction of the United States Bank; and the
federal government furnished the means for new
bank capital, in the deposits of public money and
surplus revenue.
Proposition 4th. That the surplus revenue was
occasioned by the forced and unnecessary sale of
the public lands.
As proof of this, take the following table, com
piled from the reports of tho Secretary of the
Treasury:
-r Receipts Receipts „ ~
Ycars - from Linds. Cm Customs. K *P enJ res
1833 3,976,682 29,032,508 24,257,298
1834 4,857,600 16,214,957 24.601,982
1835 14,757,600 14,391,310 17,673,141
1836 24,877,179 23,409,940 30,868,164
1837 6,776,236 11,169,290 37,265,037
This table shows that the surplus revenue in
1835, ’36 and ’37, resulted from tho extravagant
and useless sale of the public lands. In 1836, the
receipts from lands were six times as great as they
had ever been before the lands were pushed into
market.
Proposition slh. That the federal executive and
his friends, by their measures and policy furnished
the means, and excited the desire, for over-bank
ing, and are, therefore, responsible for all the evil
resul's.
Who vetoed the charter? The federal executive
and his friends. Who removed thedej osites? The
same. Who placed the deposites with the banks?
The same. Who forced the public lands into mar
ket? The same. Who stimulated the banks to
increase their loans? The same.
Read the following extracts from circulars sent
out to the deposite banks by the Secretary of the
Treasury. On the 9th of October, 1833, Mr. Ta
ney wrote as follows, to the Presidents of the
Banks: —“The deposites of the public money will
enable you to afford increased facilities to the
commercial and other classes of the community >
and this department anticipates from you the adop
tion of such a course, respecting your accommoda-
will prove acceptable to the people and safe
to the government .” On the 29th of January, 1837,
Mr. Woodbury wrote as follows to the Banks:—
“The deposites of the public money will enable
you to afford increased facilities to the commercial
and other classes of the community; and this de
partment anticipates from you the adoption of such
a course, respecting your accommodations as will
prove acceptable to the people and safe to the go
vernment.”
Thus it appears that this department, for mo-e
than three years, had a standing circular, with
which it stimulated the banks to loan their funds
and expand their circulation.
Who stimulated the States to charter new banks?
The federal exe utive and his friends. The fol
lowing extract from the official oigan of December
1833, speaks for itself:—“The new coalition,”
(Clay, Webster and Calhoun,) “has labored in vain;
every Western State is about to establish a State
bank institution. Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri
and Kentucky, are resolved to take care of them
selves, and no longer depend on the kind guardian
ship of Biddle, Clay & Co.” And who did estab
lish State banks and increase the paper circulation?
The federal executive and his friends. The fol
lowing facts are compiled trom the official reports
of the Secretary. Those State Legislatures which
were governed by the administration party, in
creased their bank capital more than $61,000,000.
while those Legislatures where the opposition had
a majority, increased their bank capital only
$27,000,000, during the two years, 1836 and ’36.
j The above facts and conclusions | mbmit to the
I candor and deliberation of the people of Cedigta*
If there is any flaw in the argument,! am not able
to perceive it I hope that it will be seen by every
eye, and felt by every heart in my native State.
A NATIVE GEORGIAN.
Meeting of the Central Tippecanoe Club-
Pursuant to previous notice, on Tuesday eve
ning last, a number of the friends of Harrison, Ty
ler and Reform, assembled at the City Hall, to re
ceive the Report of the Committee appointed by a
former meeting, to nominate suitable candidates to
represent them in the ensuing Legislature. The
Committee, through their Chairman, made the fol
lowing Report:
The Committee appointed to nominate suitable
persons to represent the county of Richmond in the
next General Assembly of Georgia, respectfully
REPORT,
That they have agreed, without a dissenting
voice, to nominate the following gentlemen for the
honorable offices opposite their names, viz :
For Senator, A. J. MILLER, Esq.
For Representatives, CHAS. J. JENKINS, Esq.
GEO. W. CRAWFORD, “
WM. J. RHODES, «
The confirmation of which nomination they res
pectfully recommend. They trust it will be ac
cepted by the gentlemen whose services are desir
ed by the Committee and those whom they repre
sent ; and they have the fullest confidence that it
will be triumphantly sustained by the friends of
Harrison, Tyler and Reform, on the first Monday
in October next.
By order of the Committee,
JAMES HARPER, Chairman.
August 26, IS4O.
On motion of Mr. Harper* the Report wasjman
iraously agreed to.
Mr. Miller, in a brief and forcible manner, re
turned his acknowledgements to the meeting, and
cheerfully accepted his nomination.
Mr. Jenkins, in his usual happy manner, briefly
addressed the meeting, accepting his nomination.
Mr. A. G. Bull then moved that a Committee of
three be appointed to apprize George W. Craw
ford and William J. Rhodes, Esqrs., of their nomi
nation, which was carried. The Committee ap
pointed, were Messrs. A. G. Bull, James Harper,
and John Riley.
B. H. Warren, Esq., moved the following Reso
lution :
Resolved, That a Committee of ten be appointed
to make arrangements and fix the time and places,
for one or more Public Barbecues, in such parts of
the county as they may design ate—which was
adopted.
The Committee appointed were Messrjj. B», H.
Warren, M. M. Dye, A. G. Bull, I. A. Hibler,
P. Boisclair, R. P. Allen, John
Samuel Tarver, C. B. Hitt, Jas. Harper.
gjames Gardner, jr. introduced the following res
olution :
Resolved, That said Committee be authorized to
invite specially, residents of other counties to at
tend the Barbecues when given, and to extend
general invitations to our fellow of our
own and adjoining counties, without distinction of
party, to attend, and enter into a free discussion of
the great political questions now agitating the pub
lic: which was adopted.
On motion of B. H. Warren, Esq.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting
be published.
MOn motion, the meeting then adjourned.
THOMAS DAWSON, President.
Robert T. Harris, Sec’ry, pro tern.
From the United States Gazette.
Which is Right.
It seems now that men of all parties (not all men
of both parties,) are satisfied that Mr. Poinsett’s
plan of a standing arm}', was one of the worst
measures ever proposed by an administration that
has proposed the worst measures ever condemned ;
and such has been the denunciatory tone of the
Whig press, and the craven cry of the Locofocos,
touching this measure, that Mr. Van Buren has, in
a letter to certain citizens of Elizabeth City, Vir
ginia, disavowed any approval of the plan, and
pronounced it unconstitutional as well as impoli
tic; nay, he went further, and declared that he
never did approve of the plan, having never seen
it until it had appeared three months after the
opening of Congress. We subjoin, for the benefit
of our readers, two passages, one from Mr. Van
Buren’s annual message of December last, and
the other from his letter to the men of Elizabeth
City:
Text. Comment.
Extract of a letter from Extract from the message
Mr. Van Buren, tocer- of President Van Buren
tain citizens of Eliza- to botn House 3of Con
beth City county, Vir- gress, on the 2d De
ginia, dated Washing- ceraoer, 1539 “
ton, July, 1840: “The present condi
“We have been com- tion of the defences' of
pelled to see, not, I should our principal sea-ports
think, without snarac and and navy yards, as repre
mortification on the part sen ted by the Secretary
of every ingenuous mind, of War, calls for the ear
whatever may be his po- ly and serious attention
litical preferences, the of Congress ; and as con
names of respectable citi- necting itself intimately
zens subscribed to state- with the subject, I can
ments, that I had in my not recommend too strong
annual message expressed ly to your consideration,
my approbation of apian the plan submitted by
which not only never had that officer for the organi
been submitted to me, bu: zation of the militia of the
was not even matured un- United States .”
til more than three months M. Van Buren.
after the message was See President’s mes
sent to Congress” sage—public doc.
M. Van Buren.
The alternative is, that Mr. Van Buren did not
see, read, and understand, the plan of Mr. Poinsett,
of which he said : “ I cannot recommend too strong
ly to your consideration the plan, etc.,” and thus
the President or the United States most earnestly
recommended a plan of which he was ignorant;
or, that he had seen the plan, approved re
commended it, and then said that he had not seen
it, and thus the Piesident of the United States "
We leave the alternative to the arrangement of •
his friends ; but
“ Either way he’s sped.”
Confidence in Means.
We are struck with a question in the Rich
mond Enquirer, and which we have put by Van
Buren men very frequently when the Whigs ex
press confidence of saving the nation. It is as
follows:
“ The Whigs affect to be sanguine of success.
Are they 1 If they be so, why their sleepless
exertions 1 Why that ridiculous log cabin, those
Hotspur orators who are pouring over the land 1”
The question seems to be pertinent; for while
the Whigs are crowing louder than ever Chap
man was asked to do, it is evident that they are
laboring with as much earnestness and industry
as it they had not a majority in a single ward or
district in the Union. Whence, then, this con
fidence 1 We have a story to tell:
Ihe passengers in one of the steamboats, a
few days since, asked the captain whether he
could reach the capes by four o’clock. A restless
hi tie gentleman was disposed to bet in favor of
time, and he busied himself in attempting to prove
that it would be six o’clock at least before the
ooat arrived, and, what was more, he did not be
lieve that the captain thought she would be
there at that time.
“But I do,” said the captain.
Ii you do,” said our busy fellow-traveller,
“if you real.y think we shall get. there by four
o clock, why do you keep thrusting wood into
J the furnace, and why do you keep the steam so
| I reckoo, captain thlt you are-not quite
jo confident as you seem to be.”
“The current and wind being favorable gave
me hopes,” said the captain, “ but my confidence
is founded on the very circumstance which you
notice as proof of want of confidence. We shalf
get there in season, because we use the means.”
—United States Gazette .
From the Cincinnati Gazette.
A Speech of Gen. Harrison.
Some days since we noticed the Celebration at
Fort Greenville, and mentioned that Gen. Harri
son addressed the crowd. We now cut from
the Eaton Register Mr. Bell’s address to the
General, aad the General’s speech to the people;
they are too good to be passed over.
After the meeting was organized, H. Bell, Esq.
rose anil introduced Gen. Harrison, and address
ed him as follows:
Gen. Harrison: Having been commissioned
by a large and respectable portion of my fellow
citizens of Dark County to tender unto you up
on this occasion their hospitality and good wish
es, in their name and stead I welcome you to
« Old Fort Greenville.” The citizens of Dark,
like those of the West generally, are agene
reus people. Need I assure you, then, that they
will hail with gladness the return of their ancient
and well-beloved friend ? Need I declare to you
on this occasion that the invaluable services which
you have rendered not only them but your coun
try also—your whole country —are not, yet, no
and never will be forgotten I—Sir, some among
us have witnessed your achievements —most of
us have read your history—and all have learned
the pleasing tale of your high renown—and we
regard you, therefore, more than any other man,
our benefactor. And hence it affords us the high
est pleasure to greet you here to-day.
Twenty-seven years have now elapsed since
the auspicious period we are this day met to com
memorate. Twenty-seven years ago, how dif
ferent, how unlike to what it now is, was this re
gion of country. And now how changed the
scene! Little, indeed, at this time remains to re
mind you and your comrades of other days of
your past deeds ! Nay, few even ot those com
rades survive to meet and shake hands with their
old acquaintance on the theatre of their former
action! Alas! the greater part are gone—the
silver thread is cut!—the golden bowl is broken.
A few, a precious few of them yet live—scatter
ed, as the fallen leaves of the forest, over the
contiguous plain. Here is a little remnant of them
gathered around you. They are come to bid you
perchance a last farewell. The winter of Time
has frozen their locks to whiteness. They have
almost paid the debt of Nature! These are the
men whom erst you led to victory. They battled
with you in their infancy, and restored peace to
the frontiers. When danger threatened they
flew to the standard of their country. With
you that country’s foes they braved ! with you
they fought—with you they suffered—and with
you they h iumphed ! Yes, and with you they
will triumph again ! They were faithful to you
in youth, and they will prove constant in age.
A nation cries unto you to become its deliverer;
the People echo the cry—Gen. Harrison will
obey ! Again I bid you welcome—thrice wel
come to your Old Treaty Ground !
Mr. Bell having closed, Gen. Harrison bowed
to the congregated thousands—and after a mo
ment’s survey of the immense auditory, he ad
dressed the throng to the following effect:
Friends and Fellow-citizens: It is with
no slight emotion that I undertake to address you
on this occasion. Nor am I a little embarrased
for woids wherewith to express my deep sense of
your kindness towards me, manifested by the
friendliness and magnanimity of your greeting.
I must receive a different nature, become some
thing more or less than what I am, than what
any man, while living, can be, before I can cease
to remember and appreciate the too favorable
regard and kind demonstration of respect for me
of my fellow-citizens here present. My heart
yelds up to you the homage of its deepest grati
tude, though my tongue expresses it not.
Fellow-citizens, you are all aware of the po
sition that I occupy before the American People
—being a candidate of a portion of them for the
Presidency of the United States. It will doubt
less be said by some that I am here for the pur
pose of electioneering for myself, that I have
come to solicit your votes, but, believe me, gentle
men this is not ihe case. lam present on this
occasion but as an invited guest of the citizens
of Dark. It is my deliberale opinion and sincere
desire that the bestow ment of office should be
the free act of the People; and I have no wish
to bias their judgement unjustly in my favor.
But, notwithstanding my wish and determina
tion not to engage as a politician in the pending
canvass for officers to administer the General Gov
ernment, although I would have preferred to re
main with my family in the peace and quiet of
cabin at the Bend, ralher t than become en
gaged in political or other disputes as the advo
cate of my own rectitude of conduct, yet from
the continued torrent of calumny that has been
poured upon me, from the slanders, abuses, and
obloquy which have been promulgated and cir
culated to my discredit, designed to asperse and
blacken my character, and from the villanous and
false charges urged against me by the pensioned
presses of this Administration my attendance at
this celebration appeared to have been an act of
necessity, a step which I was compelled to take
for self-defence. Chiefly for this purpose have I
come among you, and trusting you will all per
ceive the propriety of this course, it seems super
fluous to add any further reasons for its adoption.
Years ago, fellow-citizens, when I left this spot
—for aught I knew, for the last time—l had lit
tle idea of the surprising change which would be
wrought in its appearance during the time which
has supervened. Never did I expect to stand
here ana behold such a scene as this. It resem
bles somewhat the recent siege of “ Old Fort
Meigs!” lam now sixty-seven years of age.
I have therefore lived to behold much of the glo
ry of my country; I have seen the palmy days
of this Republic; and especially have I witness
ed many of the brilliant events which have char
acterized the growing greatness of the lovely
West; but this very day and its incidents mark
an epoch in my own history, tne like of which
I have seldom experienced. It isnow twenty-five
years since last 1 was at Fort Greenville—then
surrounded by a dense forest, dark and drear. At
that period there was scarce a Log Cabin be
tween Greenville and Cincinnati—all between
was one entire, unbroken wilderness. How
wonderfully and how speedily have the giant
woods bowed their stately tops to the industry
and enterprise of Western pioneers, as if some
magic power had cleaved them fiom the earth I
And now in their stead what do we behold l
Broad cultivated fields, flowery gardens, and
happy homes. Delightful picture— gratifying
change! Proud reflection ! that th:s transition
of things is the result of the handiwork of West
ern People—of American freemen.
Fellow-citizens, you have undoubtedly seen it
oftentimes stated in a certain els is of newspapers
that I am a very decrepit old man, obliged to
hobble about on crutches; that I was caged up,
and that I could not speak loud enough to be
heard more than four or five feet distant, in con
sequence of which last misfortune I am stigma
tized with the cognomen of “ General Mum.”
ou now perceive, however, that these stories
a se. m there are some other more serious
“ J 6” « har ged against me. which I shall take
the liberty to prove untrue. You know it has
y s°me, that I have no principles;
r IVOWl VOW principles; and that I
aTi k fhil U . nd 7, tbe surv iU ™<* of a “committee.”
false Th* t SC uncondit ionally, notoriously
f> J**- Th «..<*»qe of my being i„ the taping
iof a committee u the only one that seems to
i merit a me®ant*e consideration, and that barely i
to indicate fe» origin. A few month* past almost
i every mail that has come to the post office at
i which I receive my letters and papers, has
i brought me a greater or less number of letters—
r all of which I have opened and examined, borne
’ of them have proved abusive and contemptible,
designed especially to taunt and insult; and such
were, of course, consigned to the flames. But,
on the other hand, letters decorously written, for
the purpose of eliciting information, have been
uniformly replied to, either by myself personally,
1 or by some one acting under my authority and
' obeying my instructions— communicating my
1 opinions, and not his own. Is there any thing
• criminal or improper in this mode of doing busi
• ness 1 Surely, my friends, I trow not.
New, with regard to the political condition of
• our common country, I trust there is no impro
' priety in my addressing you upon subjects con
cerning the public weal. What means this
I “ great commotion ” among the people of this
’ great nation ? What are the insufferable gr.ev
• ances which have so many thousands,
1 nay, millions, of the American people into conn
> cil for the purpose of devi ■: g measures so” t’ Zlt
f mutual relief? Wherefore do they cry aloud,
■ as with one voice, Reform ! Reform! Reform !
r Our country is in peril! The public morals
1 are corrupted. How has it been done ? “To
1 the victors belong the spoils,” say your rulers.
1 What are the consequences ? Ask the hundred
' public defaulters throughout the land ! Ask the
• hirelings of corruption who are proffering “pow
> er and place ” as bribes to procure votes ! Ask
• the subsidized press what governs its opeiations,
I and it will open its iron jaws and answer you in
1 a voice loud enough to shake the pyramids—
» Monet ! Monet ! I speak not at random —facts
’ bear me testimony. The principle is boldly a
vowed, as well as put in practice by men in high
5 places, that falsehood is justifiable in order to
accomplish their purposes. Why this laxity in
the morals of our rulers and of their followers ?
Did they inherit depravity from their ancestors ?
5 How does it come that such recklessness of
| truth and justice is manifested of late by some
individuals among us ? Why, some of the
’ causes which produce these evils I have already
r intimated. There are others. Intense party
spirit destroys patriotism. A celebrated Grecian
1 commander one said, and said truly—“ Where
virtue is best rewarded, there will virtue most
prevail.” It is even so—a wise and true saying.
! But how has the practice of your Government of
1 late accorded with this maxim ? It is proverbial
1 with the advocates of monarchy in the Old World
! that Republics are ungrateful. How does your
experience for the last few years give the lie to
! this proposition ? Nay, fellow-citizens, I fear
that this Government affords many examples
which tend but too strongly to verify the proverb.
Among other instances of its manifest ingrati
tude, to one only will I here recur. I mean the
removal from office, without cause or provoca
tion save a difference of opinion with the Presi
dent, ofjGen. Solomon Van Rensselaer, of New
York. He was a noble friend of ours in the
“winter of our discontent.” I became acquaint
ed with him when, like myself, he was a young
officer in Gen. Wayne’s army. I found him an
agreeable, sociable companion, as well as a brave
and magnanimous soldier. He assisted in fight
ing the battles of his country; ay, fpr-your *l* >
hoof, my countrymen, his blood has been poured
out upon the soil of Ohio. The bullets of your
enemies have pierced his body while fighting in
defence of your firesides. And not only on the
plains of Ohio has he stood between danger and
his country, but in other places likewise. In
the sanguinary battle of Queenstown he received
six wounds from his country’s foes. Well, what
is his rew.ird ? After having spent the flower
of his youth and the vigor of his manly prime in
the service of his country as a soldier, he was
called by the American people to serve them in
a civil capacity. He obeyed the call with thank
fulness of heart. But he has been cruelly driven
out of the service by the Administration, and
why i Bacause, fellow-citizens, he was the
friend of the companion of his youth; because
he would not forsake a fellow-soldier; because he
was my incorruptible friend ; and because the
emoluments of his office were wanted to reward
the partizan services of a supporter of my political
competitor. “ Ah, there’s the rub!” But you,
my friends, I am confident, will not long permit
such wrongs to the men who “ righted your
wrongs” in olden times.
Fellow-citizens, you know that my opponents
call me a Federalist. But I deny the charge : I
am not—l never was a Federalist. Federalists
are in favor of concentrating power in the hands
of the Executive, Democrats are in favor of the
retention of power by the People. I am, and
ever have been, a democratic republican. My
former practices, will bear me out in what I say.
When I was Governor of Indiana Territory, I
was vested with despotic power, and had I cho
sen to exercise it, I might have governed that
people with a rod of iron. But being a child of
the Revolution, and bred to its principles, I be
lieved in the right and the ability of the people
io govern themselves; and they were always
permitted to enjoy that high privilege. I had
the power to prorogue, adjourn, and dissolve the
Legislature; to Jay off new counties and estab
lish seats of justice; tc appoint sheriffs and other
- officers. But never did I interpose my preroga
tive to defeat the wishes of a majority of the peo
ple. The people chose their own officers, and I
invariably confirmed their choice; where they
preferred to have their county seats, there I loca
ted them; they made their own laws, and I rati
fied them. I never vetoed a bill in my life.
But I have been denounced as a bank man.
Well, let it go. I ana so far a bank man as I be
lieve every rational republican ought to be, and
i no farther. The Constitution of the United States
makes it the duty of the Government to provide
; ways and means for the collection and disburse
, men! of the public revenue. If the people deem
, it necessary to the proper discharge of the func
i tions of their Government to create a National
Bank, properly guarded and regulated, I shall be
the last man, it elected President, to set up my
authority against that of these millions of Ameri
can freemen. It is needful to have a larger mo
ney circulation in a land of liberty than in an
i empire of despotism. Destroy the poor man’s
credit, and you destroy his capital. The peasant
who toils incessantly to maintain his famishing
hourehold. in the hard money countries of Eu
rope, rarely, if ever, becomes the noble lord who
pastures his “ flocks upon a thousand hills.”
; There are, necessarily, difficulties connected with
every foim and system of government; but it
. should be the aim and object of the statesman to
form the best institutions within his power to
make, for the good of his country.
1 Fellow-citizens, I cannot forbear to invite
> y°ur attention to the concerns of your Govern
i ment, in the welfare of which all good citizens
• feel a deep interest. I warn you to watch your
rulers. Remember—“ Eternal vigilance is the
t price of liberty.” When Hook around upon the
i dangers which seem to be suspended as by a hair
> over this People, I tremble for the safety of this
• re Pubhc. In an evil hour has the Chief Magis
i trate of this nation been transformed into a mon
• arch and a despot at pleasure ! To show .hat
; thls ‘ S ca 1 se ’ 1 " eed but refer you to the philo
sophicaJ and profound historian, Gibbon, who
5 !n«m» obvious definition of monarchy
i seems to bo that of a state in which a single per
' B ° n, . by whatsoever name he may be distinguish.
. ed, is entrusted with the execution of the laws,
f the ™ n *g eme nt of the revenue, and the com^
1 »° f i h ® t rm ?‘ Is not Martin Van Buren
entrusted wuh these functions? Most assured
y e is. Call him by whatsoever name or title
I f™?« C n° OSe TS reSid l nt ’ Exec utive Chief Magis
• trate, Consul, King, Stadtholder—it doea not al-
ter the nature of hie power ; he remains tU
same, unchanged; and the President therefor#
possesses oil the functions necessary to constitute
a monarch. Y on hare often hesrd the “moneyed
influence of the country” denounced, while it
yet remained in the hands of the people, as dan
gerous to publkj liberty.
Have yau, then, no apprehension, no fear o f
a moneyed influence, equal te that of half tb
nation, concentrated in the hands of a single i *
dividual, at the same time possessing two oth *
•f the meet potent powers that belong te
Government ? The great Julius C®sar—the co**
quering Julius—has said, “Give me soldiers, and
I will get money; give me money, and l’ w n|
set soldiers.” The public purse is already con.
ded to the hands of the President; a respect
ble army is also under his control, and ith‘
contemplation by the Administration to add to
the present military force of the Unitrd States n°
army 0f200,000 men. American Ireemen, paus J
and reflect. Meditate before you set. Matters
of the highest moment depend upon action a I
await your decision. There may be no ambitj.
ous Caesar amon£ us who will dare to vj se t [j*
ample means ntfw combined in the hands of the
President, for the subversion of our liberties, but
the exceptions to ambitious men so inclined ar
so few that they but fortify the rule. Look
around you, fellow-citizens. Are you girt with
your armor, or have you surrendered it toanotherl
The “ sentinels upon the watch-tower of f ree ’
dom”—have they been true to their trusts or
have they slept ? I warn you, my countrymen
against the danger of neglecting your duty-J
Power is always stealing from the many to the
few. Beware how you entrust your rights to
the keeping of any man. They are never so -
secureas when protected by your own shield, and
defended by yourselves with your own weapons.
General Harrison adverted to the interference
of the officers of Government with elections, and
pointed out its impropriety in a clear manner.
“ If (said he, in conclusion upon that subject,) I 0
should be so fortunate as to be elected President
I would deem it my duty to prevent, as far as
possible, the practice of Government officers
using their official influence and patronage for
electioneering purposes; but, at the same time,
those officers should be allowed the freest exer
cise of the elective franchise—-at perfect liberty
to vote for and against whomsoever they pleased,
without the fear of being proscribed or removed*
from office on account of their political prefer
ence.”
In conclusion, fellow-citizens, indulge me in a
few remarks in regard to my old fellow-soldiers.
A small number of them are here by my side.
They stood by me in battle, firm and invincible,
in by-gone days. Some of them are remnants of
the Revolution—soldiers with whom I served
under the gallant Wayne. Where, my brethren,
are our companions in danger on the -field of
strife? Alas! many of them are taking their
final repose in the calm and peace of Death!
“Let them sleep on, sleep on,
In the grave to which kindred have borne them,
And blest be the Braves who are gone.
And the friends who survive but to mourn them!”
The old soldiers, one by one, are dwindling
away—gliding as it were down the river of Time
into the haven of a long-sought rest. But a few
of them even now are remaining to sorrow in
gladness for the ingratitude of their country.
When this country was a dismal howling wilder
ness, those warriors were exposing themselves to
danger and disease in the unwholesome swamps
and morasses of the West, by guarding and
defending ous frontiers. Many of them became
present victims to ihe malaria of the marshes and
the insalubrity of the climate ; others returned to
their houses with disease engendered in their
systems, but to linger for a time, and perhaps
wasie away with consumption; while a yet
smaller portion still remain among us, though
generally shattered in constitution and feeble in
health. Why is it, fellow-citizens, that these old
soldiers of Gen. \Vayne’s army have never been
repaid for their services or been allowed pensions
by our Government? The nation is much
indebted to them, and justice requires that the
debt should be paid, and I could never die in
peace, and feel no sting of remorse, if I were to
permit their claims to pass unnoticed and without
making an effort, when opportunity offered to
have them satisfied.
Fellow-citizens, my character has been most
grossly and wantonly assailed by the demagogues <
of the Administration party. They have falsely
charged me with the commission of almost every
crime, which is denominated such, that man
could be guilty of. My character, which I had
fondly hoped to preserve uhsullied as a boon and
an example for my family, has been much tra
duced and belied within a few months past, and,
for this reason, I have sometimes regretted .hat
your predilection had made me a candidate for
office; hut, nevertheless, I claim no sympathy of
the Public on this score. I only desire you to
examine my past conduct, to read the history of
your country, and ascertain my political course
heretofore, and the principles on which I have
ever acted, and if you find that my doctrines are
unsound and unworthy of your support, it is
your sacred duty to reject them. I ask not your
sympathy or favur. I want but common justice.
Let me have a fair trial, and, whatever may be
your verdict, I shall be satisfied. Investigate mat
ters fairly and honestly, compare the doctrines
and practices of my adversaries with mine, and
then decide as you shall th nk right and proper.
Cast aside your'prejudices and predilections, and
vote only from principle. It is your duty to do
so. Heed not the censure of knavish politicians
who reproach you with the name of “turn coat,”
&c. It is not opprobrious to turn from a party to
your country. We should despise the odium
sought to be heaped upon us by designing men,
from their selfish motives, as they despise truth
and honesty.
Hoping that the right may prevail and make
our country prosperous, I will only add the wish
that you may long enjoy its blessings, maintain
its free institutions, and rejoice in the indepen
dence of happy freemen.
An Apt Illustration.—A western farmer
has just related to us the following facts:
Four years ago, he borrowed of a friend in the
eastern part of this state, one thusand dollars to
improve a new and and large wheat farm in «
Michigan.—His farm, before clear from allincujr
brance, was mortgaged to secure the payment of
the money borrowed to make it productive, and
after the expenditure of the SIOOO and a good
deal of hard labor, Jn making the needful improv
ments, it was thought to be worth S4OOO. For
the first two years 35 busheles of wheat annually
paid the interest.—Then it took 70 bushels, and
this year it cost him 160 bushels to pay £7O » n '
terest, and the principal has become due. At
the present prices of agricultural products in tb®
interior of Michigan, the cultivators of the *oil
cannot realise enough from their crops to cover
the first cost of production consequently they#®*
no profit on their laborious business. Hence no
monied man wishes to invest his capital in i m '
proved farms: The person who loaned the SIQOO
wants it for other purposes, and the unfortunate
borrower is in a fairway lose the savings of a
whole life of honest industry.
It will he recollected that four years ago the
country rejoiced under the glorious success ot
Gen. Jackson’s “belter currency,” when the banks
had just been urged to “discount liberally,”
triumphant Jacksonism was every where creating
scores and hundreds of “bank rag factories, t°
supply the pretended “ vacuum ” occasioned by
the sudden annihilation of the “Monster.” Now,
nothing but gold and silver will answer to pay
the enormous expenses oFtbe Federal Govern
ment, and the Dictator at the Hermitage has
issued his ukase, to the effect that ail bank notes