Newspaper Page Text
(Sjonitle & Sentinel
“ PUBLISHED DAILY AND WEEKLY,
BY W. S. JONES
THIBSDAV MORNMi, 9E€. 27, 1860.
CO-OPERATION TICKET^
FOR THE STATE CONVENTION.
Election Wednesday, Jan. 2d.
CHARLES J. JENKINS,
JOHN P. KING,
ALEXANDER C. WALKER.
WEDN’SDAY. DE€E]tIBER 26, 1 P. M
Monday’s Dispatches.
We refrained ib our last from making any re
marks upon the dispatches received here od Mon
day, just in the nick of time for our meeting, an
Bouncing that the propositions of Mr. Crittenden
were each and all voted against unanimously by
the Republican members of the Committee, and
that Mr. Toomb’s propositions were (not voted
upon, mind you) tut “treated with derision and
contempt.” The dispatche, and that to the Press
to the same purport, needed explanation, and we
thought best to wait further advices. We had not
the slightest hiut as to what Mr. Toomb’s propo
sitions were, and could not judge of their pro
priety and practicability. The Committee was
not organized until Friday, and it seemed a very
precipitate proceedure to force such important
measures to a vote within twenty-four hours or
less. If the Committee, like that of the House,
were “controlled by Black Republicans” Mr.
Breckinridge was responsible for it, as he made
the appointment, but the list of the Committee
shows that the Republicans were actually in the
minority. Messrs. Toombs and Crittenden, we
are told by one dispatch, were the only members
who voted for Mr. Crittenden’s amendments,
what became of the other Southern members,
Powell of Ky., Davis of Miss., and Hunter of
Va. ? We never had a doubt that they would
vote against the re-establishment of the Missouri
line, but why was not the whole story told ?
Since writing the we have received furth
ther accounts, which put quite a different face on
the matter. There are but four Republicans
serving on the Committee, (Seward absent,) if
these four can control the five Southern mdi and
three Democrats who constitute the remainder of
the Committee, we have need of abler men in the
Senate than we have thebe. It appears that
Messrs. Davis, Hunter and even Mr. TOOMBS
himself voted against Mr Crittenden’s first pro
position to renew the Missouri Compromise, if
voting against” it was so terrible a crime in Wade
& Cos., was it praiseworthy in Toombs to vote with
, them? - 11
As to Mr. Toombs own propositions, no final
action was taken on them, but we see no evidence
of derision or contempt in delay of action—it hap
pens every day in all deliberative assemblies.”
As the best and fairest manner of contrasting
Mr. Toomb’s version and the accounts from other
sources, we publish Ins account and that of the
New York Herald , of the proceedings in com
mittee : \'\
Washington, Dec. 23.—Senator Toombs tele
graphs this morning the following, tpidressed to
the people of Georgia : Df
Fellow Citizens of Georgia : I cslnje here to se
cure your constitutional right or tq demonstrate
to you that you can get no guuriMtLes for these
rights from your Northern confederates.
The whole subject was referred- tfAa Committee
of thirteen in the Senate yesiterdaV. I was ap
pointed on tae committee and accepted the trust.
T submitted propositions, which so \far from re
ceiving decided support from a siugle member of
the Republican party on the committed, they were
ail treated with either derision or contempt. The
vote was then taken in Committee on the amend
ments to the Constitution proposed by Hon. J. J.
Crittenden, of Kentucky, ANI) EACH AND ALL
OF THEM WERE VOTED A G AIN STuJN ANI -
MOUriLY BY THE BLACK REPUBLICAN
MEMBERS OF TIIE COMMITTEE.
In addition to these facts, a majority of tho
Black Republican members of the Committee de
clared THAT THEY HAD NO GUARANTEES Tffl OFFER
ijrhich was silently acquiesced in by thi other
members’ 1
The Black Republican members of this Com
mittee of Thirteen are representative men of their
party and section, aud to the extent of ray iufor
ma ion, truly represent the Committee of Thirty
three in the House, which on Tuesday adjourned
lor a week without coming to any vote, afterUol
eaiuly pledging themselves to vote on all the pro
positions then before them on that date. \
The Committee is controlled by Black Repuisli
cans, vour enemies, who only seek to amuse ybu
with delusive hope iyit.il your election, in order
that you may defeat the Irieuds of secession. If
, .-.you are deceived by them it shall not be my fault.
1 have put the test fairly and frankly. It is deci\
sive agaiust you; and uow I tell you, upon thtij
faith of a true man, that all further looking to the\
North for security for your constitutional rights)
in the Union ought to be instantly abandoned. It
is fraught wit h nothing but ruin to yourselves and
your posterity.
Secession by tbe fourth of March next should
be thuadered from the ballot box by the unani
mous voice of Georgia, on the second day of Jan
uary next. Such a voice will be your best guar
anty for Liberty, security, tranquility aud glory.
Robert Toombs.
From the N. Y. Herald. 23 d inst.
‘Hie Committee of Thirteen were in session to
day six Lours and a half, considering various pro
positions to arrest the progress of dissolution and
give peace to the country.
The amendment to the constitution proposed by
Mr. Crittenden, to settle the controversy between
the North and the South finally and forever by a
division of the country from ocean to ocean, on
the parallel of the Missouri line, was the great
subject of discussion. Messrs. Crittenden, Doug
las and Bigler maintained it with great zeal and
alili y.
Mr. Douglas reiterated his former determination
to consider the question for the preservation of
the country, as though he had never cast a vote
or uttered a sentiment on the subject before. If
that mode of compromise would not answer, he
declared himself willing to go for any other con
sistent with bouor or justice.
The appeals of Mr. Crittenden in behalf of the
Union are said to have been eloquent and sublime.
He, too, was willing to embrace any other effec
tive mode of adjustment.
Mr. Bigler, of Pennsylvania, preferred a divis
ion by a line across the country, becuuse in that
way the questiou of slavery could be taken out of
Congress aud separated entirely from the popu
lar elections in the North, without which we never
could have permanent peace.
Messrs. Wade, Doolittle, Collamer and Grimes
opposed the proposition with much earnest ness
and ability. They maintained that the people in
the late ejection decided the question of slavery
in the Territories, and, therefore, they bad no cou
cesc'ons tonia&e or offer. They manifested great
unwillingness to act in the absence of Mr. Seward,
but as they could give no assurance of his imme
diate return the committee declined to defer ac
tion on account of bis absence.
Messrs, Davis, Toombs and Hunter discussed
the present unhappy condition of the country with
unsurpassed ability, and whilst manifesting a wll
linguess to accept any measure of final settlement
which would secure their just rights in the Union,
insisted that propositions must come from the
dominant party, the republicans.
The vote on Mr. Crittenden’s proposition was as
follows:
For the proposition—Messrs. Bigler, Crittenden,
Douglas, Rice and Powell—s.
Against it—-Messas. Davis, Doolittle, Collamer,
Wade, Toombs, Grimes and Hunter—7.
Messrs. Hunter, Toombs and Davis, neverthe
less, iutimated an inclination to go for it if the
republicans would propose it in good faith.
The second proposition submitted by Mr. Ciit
tenden, denying the right of Congress to abolish
slavery in the dockyards aud arsenuls, was voted
aguiust by Messrs. Collamer, Doolittle, Grimes
aud Wade. The remainder of the committee vo
ted for the proposition, but as it had not a major
ity of the Republicans, it was defeated under tho
rules adopted by the committee, that no proposi
tion should be considered adopted and recom
jnended to ttie Senate which did not receive a ma
jority of the Republican votes, aud also a majority
of those opposed to rbe Republicans.
The third clause, denying to Congress the right
tosaboush slavery in the District of Columbia, was
demated by the same vote, the Republicans uli
voting against it, aud the remainder of the com
mittee for it.
The fourth clause, establishing the right af tran
sit, was defeated by the same vote.
The filth, which is intended to perfect the Fu
gitive biuve Law, by requiring the several States
to pay for fugitives who might be rescued from
the officers of the law, was lost by the same vote
the Republicans all voting in the negative.
Many other propositions were offerecMind voted
upon, but none of leading importance—none that
would meet the great exigencies of the times.
Mr. Davis submitted a resolution expressly re
cognizing property in slaves, but no vote was ta
ken on it.
Mr. Toombs submitted a series ot resolutions,
embracing substantially the principles of the
Breekinridge platform, but final action was not
taken on them.
The committee adjourned to meet at ten on
Monday morning.
It TkfcCarolina Legi&latui * ias declined to
allow the National flag to be JlOieted over the
Mr. Jenkins’ Address at tle City Rail.
Monday, Dec. 24tk.
Mr. Chairman and Fellow Citizens: In the midst
of gloom, tbe darkest and deepest that has over
shadowed this once favored laud smee the decla
ration of American Independence, I cannot ade
quately express the gratification I feel, in view of
the quiet, orderly, and grave deportment of the
citizens of Richmond county, here assembled, to
deliberate upon the portentous crisis through
which we are uow passing. Every coautenauoe
before me expresses solemn appreciation of its
magnitude, and earnest inquiry how it may be
rendered innocuous, or bow its evils (if evils must
ensue) may be most largely mitigated. In such
action of primary assemblies, there is hope—in
such counsels there is safety. I entreat you, fel
low-citizens, throughout this terrible agitation,
which must run its course, to maintain unimpair
ed, in the quiet of your own homes, in your social
intercourse, in your primary assemblies, and at
the ballot box, that passionless equanimity and
firmness you so strikingly manifest prf-day! Oc
casional excesses of popular excitement are per
haps inseparable from the operations of free gov
ernments, embracing within their scope large and
diversified interests , but just in proportion to its
height is the necessity for cool heads aud steady
hands, to moderate its fnry and direct its Jcours’e.
You call for au expression of my opinions re
garding appropriate action in this time of peril,
and I will freely give them, valueless though they
may prove to be.
With increasing years, I feel an increasing aver
sion to political excitement, and am therefore im
pelled, both by inclination and a sense of duty, to
present to you thoughts carefully revised, in lan
guage well weighed. I, therefore, ask permission
to read in your heuring an article embodying my
general views, contributed by me, a few days
since, to highly respectable and influential jour
nal, published at the Federal capitol.
Mr. Jenkins then proceeded to read from the
National Intelligencer of the Bth, an article over
the signature of “ Lowndes' l as follows :
Augusta, Oa., Dec. 3, 1860.
Editors of the National Intelligencer :
Gentlemen :—Knowing well your attachment to
the Federal Union, and your sympathy with tho
Southern States of the Confederacy, in these peri
lous times, I ask the privilege of presenting,
through your valuable journal, a few suggestions,
which, if they serve no good purpose, will at least
be harmless. A careful and anxious observer of
the progress of events, menacing the stability of
our Government—a Union man from early man
hood, yet profoundly sensible of the wrongs done
and threatened to that portion of the country to
which I am native, I am now neither young
enough to find attraction in change of Govern”
meut, or congeniality in highly-wrought popular
excitement, uor old enough to heed the sugges
tions of timidity, counselling the surrender of
cherished birth rights, rather than encounter
the perils, small or great, thaj. wait upon their
spirited inaintainance. I would not, even under a
sense of wrong—of grievious wrong —abandon the
Government framed by our Revolutionary fore
fathers, until every hopeful experiment for re
dress within it had been tried in vain. But who
is the Southerner who can now wrap his mantle
about him and lay himself calmly down to sleep
under the delusive whispers of peace, peace, when
there is no peace ?
I have applied to the times in which we live the
epithet periluus, and he must be fatally blinded by
passion and prejudice who does not see the perils
that environ the Federal Union. The sectional
controversy out of which the perils spring, after
a steady progress through more than half the
years of the Republic, is now culminating in a
crisis, whose alternative results must be either
immediate reaction or irreconcilable disruption.
The prevailing feeling at the South now is vastly
different from that which obtained in the commo
tions of 1832 and 1850. In those times conserva
tive men rose, in the strength of patriotic zeal, to
beat back and put down as political adventurers,
as disturbers of the public peace and tranquility,
all who talked of disunion as a remedy for our
wrongs. Now they realize that Southern forbeur
ance has been abused; they declare that the ces
sation of agitution on the subject of slavery is
j both a right and a necessity of the South; they
are resolved to achieve it, within the Union if
they may, without it if they must. The only
question is whether the thoroughly-awakened
spirit of our people cau be moderated to one more
effort in the former, or whether they will instant
ly advance in the latter mode of redress.
This is no exaggeration ; it is a faithful repre
sentation of the state of feeling in the more South
ern States, aud the sooner it is realized by the
border Southern States, and all oefaers who Value
our present political status, the better. They
who would preserve this Union, even for one
brief year, must be up and doing. Theie must
be no thought ot “ masterly inactivity .” That
may sometimes foil the machinations of wily di
plomacy, but as a barrier against the onward,
desolating course of civil discord, of sectional con
troversy, its type is the spider’s web before the
sweep of the tornado. Let there, then, be neither
speech nor thought of quiet submission. So at
least say tens of thousands in this latitude, who
are denominated “ submissionists ” by the advo
cates of immediate extreme action.
It were bootless to pause here to enumerate
Southern wrongs, or to indicate the changejwhich
one brief year has wrought in the aspect of politi
cal affairs. These are apparent to the intelligent
observer. The engrossing problem is, the reme
dy to be adopted, it is not proposed, in this con
nexion, to address oue word to our Northern con
federates. It will be seen how and by whom the
writer would have them addressed. To the peo
ple of the Southern States he would speak—with
them he would take counsel.
The extremes of opinion, regarding appropriate
Southern action, are immediate secession and
eutire non-action. Those occupying tho former
position are intelligent, patriotic and numerous
—tilled with a zeal (in my huuib'le opinion; not ac
cording to knowledge, but well-nigh if not abso
lutely irrepressible. They who maintnin the latter
are too few in number to man effectively a strong
hold if they had one. But there is a middle
ground, and they too who occupy it are nume
rous, intelligent, and not the less resolved or the
less reliable, because they are moderate. And
here it may not be iuapj ropriate to remind Geor
gians and other Southerners, who agreed to stand
with them upon what is called the Georgia plat
form, that from that platform, constructed ten
Tears since, not a plank has been torn by the fiery
7.0 al aud the strong arm of famiticism. There it
stands to-day inviolate. Other modes of annoy
ance aud aggression have been devised, but not
one of those we declared we would not tolerate
bad been perpetrated. This is noteworthy. But
reference is made to that solemn declaration of
sovereign will and intention for another purpose
After enumerating aggressions, then threaten
ed, Georgia said that upon the perpetration of
anyone of them she would—do what? Forth
with secede from the Union ? No. But that she
would Vresist, even (as a last resort) to the disrup
tion of every tie that binds her to the Union.”
Mark, now, firstly, that platform has not been in
fracted ;\und, secondly, that had it been, Georgia
was pledged to ultimate resistance by secession,
only when that became ‘‘a last resort.'’ Freemen
and Patriots of the South, iu the emergency pres
sing on yoq to day, this is not the only “resort.”
There is aVi untried experiment, short of that
“last resort ,t full of hope, worthy as well of the
faithful devotee of the Union us of the zealous
champion ofpouthern rights. That experiment
is joint action of the entire South to be obtained
by a Convention of the Southern States, and,
through that Convention, to be exerted, firstly,
for the vindication and assurance of our rights
within, the Unicoi; and failing this, then, secondly,
for their simultaneous, dignified, and peaceable
withdrawal from, the Union. This Convention
should present to the Federal Government, and
to the people of the non-slaveholding States, with
unanimity, and with all possible distinctness, their
ultimatum of adherence to the Union.
What that ultimatum should be the writer will
not venture to suggest. Let that be the work of
wiser heads, of statesman long tried and fully
proven. Practical Wisdom, aided by the lights of
experience, can certainly devise safeguards which,
if accorded to us, will accomplish the end propos
ed. Let it be well considered and put forth with
out menace or blusters in the calm, dignified lan
guage of settled purpcEse. If it be heeded, well.—
The tide of fanaticism rolled back, peace and har
mony restored, this great Republic returning to
its ancient usages, acting within the scope ot its
constitutional limitations, will go on to illustrate
the grand theory of popular sovereignty, und to
Eerpetu&te the unexampled prosperity, in all
ranches of human industry this day enjoyed by
our people, and acknowledged by the civilized
world- If unheeded, then, conscious of having
done all that forbearance can counsel, wisdom
suggest, or patriotism demand, to save from de
molition the noblest governmental structure rear
ed in all the course of time, the Southern States
assuredly will, nay, of necessity, must withdraw
from a Confederacy no longer compatible with
their interest or their houor. They may then
take counsel together for the construction of a
new Government, framed of homogeneous mate
rials, large enough iu territory, strong enough in
population, and rich enough iu resources ; thus,
“without fear, aud without reproach,” claiming
from other nations the recognition of a separate
nationality.
What objections exist to this course of action ?
It is said, firstly, that the South cannot be united
upon it. This is gratuitous assumption. The ob
jection can never be substantiated until the trial
shall have been made. If not in this, in what
other way can the South be united ? Breathes
there, in all of the slaveholding States, a far-see
ing, reiledting man, who would not concede that,
in the adojptmn of this extreme action, it is in the
last degree desirable that there should be among
them perfect unity of action ? Look for a moment
at the alternative —partial secession Who is wise
enough to toretell, with the degree of certainty
iudispeusable to action so momentous, the num
ber, names, aud relative localities of those who
will promptly, and without concert, elect to take
it ? Will there be two, or three, or four ? Who
knows? Will thev be coterminous? Who can
tell ? Ah I if this Confederacy is to be disrupted,
let it not be hastily broken into fragments, alike
incapable of consociation, of strong self-reliant
nationality; and of perpetuating republican gov
ernment. 1
But, giving to the objection the most respectful
consideration, and claiming from the objectors
the like for our proposition, we ask, how much
time will be required to test the practicability of
uniting the Southern States in tho proposed plan of
action ? At most only a few montns,.and what are
they in the life of the contemplated separate nation
ality? How will this trivial delay in one scale
weigh against the great desideratum of concerted
and simultaneous actiou among the aggrieved
States placed in the other ? Will not ali men
worthy to be trusted with the mighty work of
breaking up oue of the greatest Governments of
tbe nineteenth century and of reconstructing
others pause upon this suggestion ? Bnt it is
further objected that this action, il taken, will
avail nothidg ; that we shall at last be driven to
secession by the unheeding onward course of
fanaticism. Here, again, we nave to meet gratui
tous assumption. Heretofore resistance has been
offered by heated discussions in tbe halls of Con
gress, or by resolutions adopted in State Legisla
tures, or Conventions acting separately. Con
gressional speeches of Southern Representatives
have failed of success, because each, differing
often in tone and in matter from others on the
same side, was the utterance of but one man, and,
though able and patriotic, usually fulminating de
nunciation, defiance, and menace: Those though
well meant und perhaps irrepressible, but fanned
the flame. They but furnished the pabulum on
which fanaticism feeds and fattens. The other
modes heretofore tried lacked the powerful ele
ment of concert, of co operation ; and even in its
singleness, as before remarked, has not been un
heeded. But it is not the repetition of these we
now propose.
Bui let us look on the dark side of the picture;
let us suppose the attempt to fail, as fail it may,
what then ? Why, then, I repeat, we shall by
brief delay have secured that which probably can
be secured in no other way —united action of the
South. Now, do not the promptings of prudence,
of fraternity, (among the aggrieved) and of pa
triotism commend the proposition to all Southern
hearts and minds ?
It has been said that Virginia will probably
propose such a conference, and a voice from
South Carolina has ventured the prediction that
no Southern State will second her movement. —
But this is not the voice of South Carolina speak
ing to Virginia. It may well be, hoped that she
will return no negative response. Let those who
ride on the whirlwind and direct the storm of pop
ular excitement remember that success in the
mighty enterprise they have in hand demands
that they unite, first the masses, constituting the
several sovereignties involved; and, secondly, the
sovereignties themselves. Let them consider
whether uny other plan of action so surely pro
mises the hearty co-operation of all hearts ana all
minds in the work of pulliDg down and recon
structing governments. Let them beware liow
they despise either the scruples or the reasonable
requests of others as patriotic, as firmly resolved
on redress, and nearly us numerous as tliem
eelves. If there be either individuals or States
claiming to wield an influence so potential, essay
ing to speak in a voice so commanding iu the
exodus, what may we expect in the transit
through the wilderness, what upon our entrance
into the promised land ? All profess to aim at re
dress. .Hear, in two words, the secret of suc
cess, gently whispered, “Festina lente.”
Onward, then, Virginia—venerable mother of
States, noble Old Dominion; invite your sister
confederates of the South to meet you in confer
ence, and if there be any hope of the future, in or
out of the Union, if we be not doomed to anarchy
and misrule, they will come at your bidding. And
thou, too, gallant South Carolina, whose chivalric
sons are always “animis opihisqvs paroii,” act if
you will, but, in the name of fraternity, first tale
counsel with us. Southern sister States, all hear
the appeul, and, in view of your grave responsi
bilities, answer it. All have a common interest,
a commou destiny. Let each hear all the others
touching the former; let the shaping of the latter
iu every stage, from first to last, be the work o
all. Should divided counsels finally prevail—
should some stay whilst others go —let this be an
inevitable result, not a foregone conclusion.
Lowndes.
Mr. Jeukins then continued: Allow me now,
fellow-citizens, to add a few unwritten words,
touching an important event that has transpired
since that article was written, and elaborating,
somewhat, some of the views presented. I read,
though inappropriate just at this time, just as it
was written, the allusion to the action of South
Carolina, then contemplated, now, actually taken.
I did so, first, as elucidating the spirit of tho ar
ticle, and secondly as introductory to a few re
marks I feel constrained to make upon the
changed attitude of that State, so far only, as it
may be supposed to influence the action of
Georgia.
South Carolina has seceded from the Union, and
the question is gravely asked, should not this ac
tion on her part, superadded to other reasons, in
duce Georgia, in a spiptof fraternity, and in view
of an example so heroic, to do the like ?
There are those who respond affirmatively to
this question. For myself, I answer most dis
tinctly and emphatically in the negative,
rr South Carolina is a sovereign State—a noble
State-deserving the respect and admiration of all
mankind. And here I may be permitted to ex
press au opinion long maintained aud often re
curring, that in her internal affairs, in all that
appertains to her State government proper, she
exhibits a conservatism, which, in that point of
view, places her a head and shoulders above all
her late confederates, North aud South.
South Carolina is a Sovereign State, and in vir
tue of her Sovereignty, hud a perfect right to do
what she has done. Nay more—she had the per
fect right, if so it seemed good to her, to do what
she has done, without pausing to consult with
sister States, having like ir terests, suffering like
wrongs, and deserving a like destiny, witli her
self. I trust I know too well what is due to her
Sovereignty, and what is becoming my individual
ity, to arraign her before the bar of public opin
ion for this cause. It is her affair, not our’s. I
sincerely trust that in the future, the utmost har
mony may obtain not only between her and Geor
gia, but between her and all other States of the
Confederacy she has abandoned.
My hearvs desire is, that in or out of the Union
the future may have iu store for her, peace, pros
perity, and glory immeasurable.
The action of Georgia under the trying circum
stances by which she is surrounded, Las yet to be
determined. If anterior to, and wholly irrespec
tive of the action of South Curoliua, a majority
of her people had arrived at the conclusion, that
immediate secession was the proper remedy, and
if on the second day of January next thatconclu
sion should remain unaltered, that course will be
taken.
But when I am told that in a spirit of fraternity,
and from considerations of policy, Georgia should
conform her action to that of South Curolina, I
take leave to suggest, that Georgia too, is a sove
-1 reign State, with no lower claims to intelligence,
to respectability, aud to canacity for self-govern
ment, than has South Carolina. If she would not
make the smaller concession of prior conference,
with a view to the attainment of unity of opin
ion and action, should any other State yield con
formity of action, without entire concurrence of
opinion It
No, if one week ago, it were proper, that all of
the Southern Slates should confer together, before
secession, it is equally proper to-day, that all, still
within the Union, should do the same thing.
Again, if it were right, and not unchivalrous, in
South Carolina, to propose co-operation, twelve
months since, it can hardly be very wrong, or al
together spiritless, in Georgia to propose or to
accept co-operation now.
But taking for our stand-point a proposition al
ready asserted, and which it is supposed few will
controvene, that in the event of the formation of
a Southern Confederacy, it is greatly to be desired
that it should embrace all of the slaveholding
States, let us review the whole ground, with refer
ence to the question of co-operation.
It is insisted that these States, other than South
Carolina, will certainly udopt immediate seces
sion as their remedial action—that then, there
will be out of the Union four States, with three of
which Georgia is contiguous—und that then an
unanswerable argument, predicated on her sur
roundings, will be presented to Georgia. But let
us look a little further. There wtll then remain,
beside the five already named, ten Southern
States, whose approval of immediate, separate se
cession, is, by concession, doubtful; the disappro
val of some of them being unquestionable. It is
understood that they are all ready und willing to
confer freely, and to co-operate, if their views can
be harmonized. Os the ten, there are five which
are not border States, which are, to a greater or
less extent, cotton growing States, and two of
which are also coterminous with Georgia, though
upon comparatively short lines. The political re
lations between these States aud Georgia are the
same as between her aud the four first named.—
Does she not owe as much consideration to the
views of oue class as the other? May she not
more safety lean to the advances of those asking
only conference, advisement, than of those which
propose her immediate, irrevocable actiou ?—for
irrevocable it would be, by her own mere will.
But let us extend the view a little further, tak
ing in the five border States, extending in unbro
ken line from the Atlantic to and beyond tho Mis
sissippi. Here new views present themselves—
additional and more cogent reasons for good fel
lowship and generous co-operation, press upon us.
Drrcticully these States are more aggressed than
aro we. Their annoyances, their losses, their
perils are tenfold greater than ours. They have
ever been, and in or out of the Union, will con
tinue to be to us u strong defensive cordon, against
anti-slavery aggressions. They are, and of neces
sity must be, our impregnable break-water,
against which the surging billows of Abolitionism
dush, often unfeit by us, and known only by the
rising spray, or the distant murmur of the wave.
At the same time, we are to them a strong sup
port—a dernier reliance. I maintain, fellow-citi
zens, thatout of these circumstances, there spring
peculiar relations —strong claims upon our gene
rous confidence, our active sympathy, our loyal
fraternity. Yet we arc told; that if these very
States invite our conference aud co-operation, we
must coldly repulse them—nay, arrogantly tell
them to follow our lead, or take the consequences
of thinking and acting for themselves. Remem
ber, the people of tho States are of the same
lineage with ourselves—that they have been rear
ed under institutions identical with our own—that
they have like ourselves keen sensibilities and
rnauly resentment. Do Georgians expect to give
them the cold shoulder to-day, and beckon them
back to-morrow ?
Now if the proposition were, that each State
goiug into conference should surrender her right
of independent action ; if it were sought to bind
all, absolutely, by the of the majority,
there would be some excuse for the rejection of a
proposition so reasonable, so just, so wise. But
this apology does not exist—no such obligation is
demanded—each State will be as free to act sepa
rately, after conference, as befoae.
The plan of co operation looks to two alterna
tive results, either of which promises vastly more
good tt*n the irregular, uncertain proceeding of
separate, unconcerted secession.
One is, the pacific adjustment of the controver
sy, without a dissolution of the Union, and with
ample guaranties for the future. This is not al
together hopeless. It is our right, and lam for
insisting upon th; right. We are entitled to all
the benefits of tbi| great confederacy, and I as-
sert that there is more manliness in pressing upon
our confederates one united, conciliatory, firm
demand for redress, than in giving up the ship,
and retaking ourselves to such small life-boats as
we can hastily seize and hastily man.
Then let the effort be made. If one-third of
the aggressed States adopt the coiirse of immedi
ate secession, let the remaining two-thirds trv the
pirn of pacific adjustment. We may be able to
effect au adjustment, and to secure guaranties
satisfactory to all, and thus win back the more
precipitate. It is even possible that their ab
sence from'our counsels, their extreme position,
may make more apparent the necessity for amica
ble adjustment, and may tf/iw/aid our negotiations.
If this best result can be effected, I cannot but
indulge the hope, that even South Carolina will
return to the fold. She played too conspicuous a
part aud achieved too large a share of our com
mon glory in the revolutionary struggle; she has
contributed too many pages, all aglow with intel
lect, and statesmanship, and patriotism, to the
civil and diplomatic history of the Government,
not to be willing, upon a proper basis, to renew
the bond and to perpetuate the Confederacy.
But conceding for the argument, that pacific
adjustment is hopeless, I would still adhere in
flexibly to co-opeiatiou, iu view of the alterna
tive —viz: simultaneous secession of all the South
ern States, and the immediate, harmonious con
struction, with such and so abundunt materials,
of a nationality that would at once command the
respect and confidence of all mankind. Thus
would spring into life a nation that need seek no
support in foreign alliance. Already do we hear
it said the cotton States, united in a separate con
federacy, could secure an advantageous alliance
with Great Britain.
See, fellow-citizens, how at every step, in this
hasty programme, we are departing from the
sage counsels of the Fathers. Do you not remem
ber that Washington, in his address—his last will
and testament, bequeathing to his dearly loved
children, the heritage he had won for them, coun
selled us to avoid entangling alliances with for
eign nations, to “have with them as little political
connection as possible.” Do you not know that,
however many departures our Government may
have made from the course he marked out, it has
faithfully adhered to this injunction ? Do you
not perceive that to this adherance, we owe in a
large measure, our exemption from foreign wars
—our perfect tranquility, when Europe is convul
sed with intestine strife, our real independence,
our towering strength ?
Why do any now talk of foreign alliances?—
Only because they are conscious of being about to
construct weak governments. Just as sure as
four or five of our cotton-growing States fform a
separate government, and contract an alliance
with Great Britain, just so surely will experience
teach them that in the nature of things, a monar
chy and a republic cannot work well togelher in
alliance ; just so surely will the stronger ally, by
slow advances, transmute the alliance into a pro
tectorate ; just so surely will the weaker gradually
dwindle into the proportions of a tributary. And
so we go hack to collonial vassalage.
But if argument be unheeded, shall we in vain
hold up to view example—glorious example—the
example of all the Fathers of the Republic ?
When the thirteen colonies found the yoke of the
mother couutry intolerable, did they separately
and without conference, each for herself declare
independence ? No. With a wise forecast, know,
ing that in Union there is strength, they summon
ed a Congress for united counsels. In that Con
gress were their Adams, their Shermans, their
Livingstons, their Franklins, their Carrolls, their
Jeilersons, their Rutledges, their Waltons, and a
host of other worthies known to American histo
ry. The result was, tin unanimous declaration,
“tnat these united colonies are, and of right ought
to be, free independent states.” So, unitedly,
they threw off the yoke—so, unitedly, they formed
an independent government, unitedly fought,
unitedly conquered, aud unitedly have prospered.
Have all these glorious memories faded, have all
these illustrious examples lost their power over
the minds of their descendants ?
Fellow-citizens, the issues before are of the
gravest character; the consequences will reach all
classes and all interests, and the end no man cun
foresee. Consider what a revulsion this agitation
has already produced; business of every descrip
tion stagnant, oommerce paralysed, resources
locked up—employment failing. * If such be the
first fruits, who will answer for the ripened har
vest? All these evils maybe mitigated, if not
averted, by culmness, deliberation and co-opera
tion.
1 feel that I should detain you no longer. The
subject is a vast one. I have hardly touched it.
The investigation of it in all its bearings, would
task the most gigantic mind.
In the spirit of one of your resolutions, I re
peat, the making up of a greut aud powerful gov
ernment, and the reconstruction of oue or more
in its stead, is no light undertaking. It is a work
not to be well done in haste, or in the tumult of
passion. It is a work, in view of which, the lof
tiest intellect and the proudest Stute, may well
pause, to take human counsel, and to implore Di
vine guidance. Let us trust that guidance will
not fail us in this extremity.
REPLY
To the Speech ol’Thos. R. R. Cobb, I£sq..
delivered In the Hall of’ the Ilouve of
Representatives, Nov. 12, 1860.
BY H. 11. TUCKER.
The speech of Thos. R. R. Cobb, Esq., deliver
ed in the llall of the House of Representatives—
and afterwards written out by himself, has been
widely circulated and has attracted much atten
tion. That there a r e qualities in this performance
calculated to make it effective as ;i campaign
document, is not to be questioned. Its spirit is
ardent and glowing ; una this exactly harmonises
with the roused feelings of all the South. Itjseems
to come from the heart of a patriot; and however
mistaken many may conceive the views of its au
thor to be, tins quality commends it to the kind
consideration of all. It is plausible in argument,
aud this is all that is necessary to convince men
whose judgment is already half blinded by pas
sion. Nor under the fresh insult of Mr. Lincoln’s
recent election, is it wonderful that nearly all our
population should for the moment at least, be in
fluenced more by feeling than discretion. The
weak points of the speech ure ingeniously kept
out of view by the author, —entirely covered up
with handsome language and with pieusing decla
mation. It is not inteuded by this to imply that
Mr. Cobb meant to deceive. I‘labits superinduced
by long practice as a jury luwyer would account,
without unpugniug his motives, for the plausible
and taking manner iu which he has presented ar
guments, which the least consideration would
show to be unsound. Indeed it is not doubted by
the present writer, that tbe mind of the eloquent
gentleman whose pamphlet is under review, was
so influenced by the feelings which existing cir
cumstances are calculated to excite, that he was
not himself aware of the defects of his argument.
He is, therefore, as much deceived as deceiving;
and this is only saying that in this instance, the
emotional part of his nature hus triumphed over
the intellectual. A calm and close scrutiny of his
address, will show that there is but little argu
ment and indeed but little attempt at argument, in
it; that it consists almost wholly of glowing ap
peals to the passious, ignoring the judgment;
and that what argument it contains, is utterly fal
lacious.
The present writer lias subjected Mr. Cobb's
speech*.to a rigid and thorough analysis; and in
order to aid the reader iu forming a jnst concep
tion of the entire performance, that analysis is
now presented.
Mr. Cobb begins by remarking that the ques
tion may be viewed in two aspects: Ist. Legal.—
2d. Political. Asa legal question he argues that
the election of Mr. Lincoln is unconstitutional.
Ist. Formally ; beause nine of the States which
voted for him have passed unconstitutional laws,
and have thereby forfeited their claim to constitu
tional privileges, and so their votes ought to be
thrown out; in which case lie would not liuvo a
majority.
2d. In spirit the Constitution has been violated
by these States, and therefore their votes ought
to be thrown out. Those violations of the Con
stitution consist in the following particulars :
1. Negroes were ullowed to vote.
2. The result of the election shows that a ma
jority of the people were opposed to Mr. Lincoln.
8/Neither “domestic tranquility” nor tho
blessings of liberty can bo enjoyed under the pro
posed administration.
4. The party electing Mr. Lincoln proposes to
monopolise the Territories of the United States.
Asa political question Mr. Cobb remarks that
he “would not risk the consequences of dissolu
tion,” but for two things, which are : Ist, That
tho issues are vital ; 2d, That they are permauent.
Iu view of these facts, however, he is for imme
diate and unconditional secession. Here his di
rect argument closes. He then states aud replies
to what he supposes to be the objections to his
policy as follows: 1. Lincoln might betray his
party. 2. The Senate might refuse to ratify his
appointments. 3. Both houses of Congress being
against him could sufficiently restrain him ; ana,
4. His inaugural might satisfy the South.
Mr. Cobb proceeds further to remark :
1. That there is nothing to be gained by delay.
2. That if we were out of the Union there are
not ten voters in Georgia who would wish to go
in, and therefore we ought not now to stay in.
3. That our sister States, Carolina, &c., are im
ploring us to join them.
Mr. Cobb then observes that there is danger in
delay, because—
1. The North construes hesitancy into fear.
2. Delay invites aggression.
8. We have now many friends at the North, but
their number is daily diminishing.
4. The urmy and navy are now in good hands.
fi. Delay takes away from our cause its justice.
6. Delay keeps open our territory to emissaries
from the North.
Mr. Cobb continues that — .
1. Iu the Union we shall be hemmed in.
2. Out of it we shall have glorious soil, immense
natural resources, cotton, &c.
Mr. Cobb concludes with au argument which to
hiß mind is more potent than any that have pre
ceded; aud that argument is as follows: by se
cession we Bhall have peace; for we have
nothing to fear from servile insurrection nor
from Northern bayonets. Without secession
we shall have war; because even if tho
State of Georgia Bhould decide by the will of
a majority of her people to remain in the Union,
there are some among us who would rebel against
the authority of the said State of Georgia, thus
becoming traitors thereto, and also to the United
States; that they would of course come in collis
ion with the government of the latter, and that in
such case he (Mr. Cobb) and others would sustain
said traitors, while others whom he calls slaves,
would refuse to sustaiu them; and thus Georgia
would become the seat of war, and Georgians
would be engaged in slaughtering each other.—
Mr. Cobb thea presents tbs alternative of giving
up our “love of the Union” or giving up “frater
nal peaceand concludes with an appeal to the
Legislature not to wait until the cross-roads and
grog-shops send up a discordant voice from a
divided people. *
The reader will find oh examination that the
above is an exact and exhaustive analysis of all
that Mr. Cobb’s pamphlet contains. If anything
has been omitted, misstated or falsely colored, it
has not been intentional; and the reader is earn
estly entreated in order to assure himself that all
is honorable and fair, to examine the document
under review, and compare it with the above
statement of its contents. I’ the present writer
were even capable of nufairness, he would surely
by too wise to incur that guilt when he could be
so easily convicted of it. The utter unworthiness
of the argument last used, and which Mr. Cobb
regards as the best of all, is so apparent in the
above statement, that some may suppose it im
possible that this is what Mr. Cobh really meant,
and that the reviewer has misunderstood him.—
Every reader, however, may satisfy himself, on
carelul examination of Mr. Cobb’s closing para
graph, beginning near the bottom of page 16 of
liis pamplet, that the above is not only a fair in
terpretation of his meaning, but that it is the only
interpretation of which his language admits. If
the mere statement of what Mr. Cobb has said
in this closing paragraph seems like a refutation
of it, that is owing not to the intention of the re
viewer, but to the nature of*the argument.
In regard to the legal argument it would seem
that but little need to be said, for the reason that
Mr. Cobb himself says, (page 9, about the middle)
“1 must confess that the mere election of a candi
date to the rt-esideucy in a manner legally uncon
stitutional does not in my judgment justify neces
sarily a dissolution of the LTnion.” The author
hereinvalidates his own argument by confessing
that it is not pertinent to the matter in hand. He
states the question to be, (on page 4,) “is the
election of Lincoln a sufficient ground for the dis
solution of the Union ?” He then offers the ar
gument to show the uuconstitutionality of said
election ; but on page 9, as above quoted, he ad
mits that the said argument even if conclusive,
does not prove that the election of Lincoln to the
Presidency is sufficient ground for the dissolution
of the Union. This is the very question which
was to be proved, and on Mr. Cobb’s own admis
sion, his argument however satisfactorily it may
prove something else, does not prove this. The
author’s own candor having compelled him to ad
mit that his argument is irrelevant, it would seem
to be scarcely necessary for his reviewer to give it
further notice. Yet Mr. Cobb must have suppos
ed that some persons would in some way be af
fected by it, or he would not have introduced it.
To disabuse the minds of such, if any there be,
the following reply is offered.
“First, then,” says our uuthor, -‘the election of
Lincoln is unconstitutional formally, because nine
of the States voting for him have passed uncon
stitutional laws and have thereby forfeited their
right to vote.” In reply to this it may bo re
marked :
Ist, That if is not the performance of an unlaw
ful act that disfranchises a party, but his convic
tion of \t. Until a criminal is arraigned before
the proper tribunal, and until sentence is pro
nounced on him by a tribunal, he is not amenable
to the penalty which the law attaches to his crime.
This is a fundamental principle of liberty. Were
it otherwise, any man, even the most innocent,
would be liable to punishment without trial. Al
though in many cases guilt may be notorious, yet
if the forms of law are not complied with, the law
is virtually set aside, and progress is made to
wards anarchy and barbarism. Now that certain
States have violated their constitutional obliga
tions is not denied. Nav, the world knows it.
But have they ever been legally convicted of it ?
Nay, have tliey ever been arraigned before any
tribunal whatever ? Their action has called forth
many outbursts of righteous indignation from our
members of Congress and from ourselves. But
it is the fact that up to this hour, no constitutional
remedy has ever been attempted ; and those
States* guilty before the world, are to this day
unconvicted of their crime ! Until they are con
victed, the constituted authorities must regard
them as innocent, and thus they retain their
privileges. True, the Supreme Court has, us Mr.
C. says, virtually decided that these acts are un
constitutional. ‘Yes, and so the statute of Geor
gia has long since decided that stealing is to be
punished as a felony, but that does not prove any
particular man to he guilty of it. This decision
of the Supreme Court only proves that if the
offenders were prosecuted they would be convicted.
It does not prove that they are convicted, nor is
it pretended that they are ; though doubtless in
deed they ought to he, and ought to have been
long ago. Nor will it avail to say that there is no
tribunal. The question might have been raised,
(if nowhere else) in the House of Representatives,
when the delegates to Congress from the offend
ing States first, offered to take their seats after
said States had forfeited their rights. This leads
to remark—
2d. Mr. C.’s argument, if it proves anything,
proves too much ; for if said States have forfeited
their right to vote for President, so also they for
feited their right to vote for members of Congress,
who are Federal officers just as really as the Pre
sident is ; and therefore the objection, if raised
at all, ought to have been raised long ago ; and
by recognising for years their members of Con
gress as being legally elected, we hate admitted
the principle that these .States hud the right to
elect them ; and the same principle would give
them a right to vote for and elect a President.—
At all events, the argument for the unconstitu
tionality of an election, comes with an ill grace
from those who established the precedent for said
election, by admitting others just like it.
“But” says Mr. C.: “The spirit of the Consti
tution has been violated by the States,” from
which the inference is presumed to he that the
votes of those States ought not to he counted.
The first item in this account is, that negroes
voted. True, they did vote, and their votes are
illegal. But that fact does not make the election
illegal. If an election is always illegal when some
of the votes are so, it is probable that but few
legal elections have ever taken place in the United
States. In almost every purty contested election
where there are rnuny voters, pome of the votes
are illegal. If there are enough of these illegal
votes to change the result of the election, then in
deed that candidate only is elected, who has a
majority of the legal votes. But if the result be
not affected, then the illegal votes are simply
thrown out, and the election is legal. For ex
ample, when Hon. Howell Cobh was elected Go
vernor of Georgia, he received a majority (eu the
Union ticket 100 as it happened) of about nine
teen thousand. Now, suppose that as many as
niue thousand ol these had been illegal votes,
would he not still have had u majority of ten
thousand? And would any body have thought of
saying that because there were so many illegal
votes, the spirit of the Constitution was violated,
and that, therefore, Mr. Cobb was not constitu
tionally elected ? Now it is not pretended that
there were enough negro votes to change the re
sult of the recent election—therefore, their votes
though illegal, do not make the election so. It may
be furthermore added, though it is aside from the
argument, that it is only quite recently that free
negroes were permitted bv law, to vote for Feder
al and other officers in the State of North Caro
lina.
In the next place, says Mr. Cobb, the election
of Lincoln is violative of the Constitution in this :
that he was elected by a minority of the people.
Admitting that this is so, it is liard to see how
any particular State is guilty of a wrong in this
regard. Near the top of page 5 Mr. Cobb says :
“ According to the spirit of the Constitution, these
States have violated its provisions in this elec
tion,” and assigns as his reason for it, that Mr.
Lincoln did not receive a majority of the votes
cast. Which State is to blame for this V This
was an accident of the election—not au essential
element of it. This was simply because the peo
ple voted for the wrong man—not because the
State, as such, had been guilty of a wrong. But
waiving this point, Mr. C.'s argument is met by
the fact that the election of a i*resident by a mi
nority is not inconsistent with either the letter or
the spirit of the Constitution. On the contrary
the Constitution carefully provides checks which
the minority may put upon the majority. This
was done at the formation of the Constitution by
the efforts of Southern men, and was a concession
to State rights. The State of New York has 34
Representatives; the State of Delaware has but
oue. So in the electoral college th a people of New
York have 84 times ns much influence sis the peo
ple of Delaware. But the State of New York has
only two Senators, and Delaware has juslso many.
So in the electoral college the little State of Dela
ware has as much influence as the great. State of
New \ ork. What is this but a concession to a
minority ? Again, when the election of a Presi
dent is thrown into the House of Representatives,
the vote is taken by States, euch having owe. Thus
the vote of Delaware or Florida would have as
much influence in the election of a President, as
the vote of great States like Pennsylvania and
New \ ork ; eighty or a hundred thousand per
sons having as much influence as four or five mil
lions. And indeed, in the very formation of the
Constitution itself, the rote was taken by Stales,
each, whether large or small, being entitled to
one vote. From that day to this, the Southern
States have unceasingly contended for the lights
of minorities. Why, the very plan of electing the
President by electors instead of by the people,
was adopted in order to prevent a majority of the
people from keeping a minority in hopeless sub
jection. It is in virtue of this very principle that
Mr. Lincoln is elected. True, the result is unfor
tunate. But if we claim the protection which the
Constitution affords when it works in our favor,
we ought to yield to the same when it works
against us. That a minority should elect a Presi
dent is therefore not contrary to the spirit of the
Constitution. Mr. Cobb’s remark (page 6 near
the top) that “ the Constitution provides no pro
tection for a majority against the despotic rule of
a fanatical, infuriated and sectional minority is
equally without foundation. The argument here
is directed not against Northern fanaticism, but
against the wisdom of the framers of the Consti
tution ; Mr. Cobb affirming that they made a “fa
tal omission” in framing that instrument! It is
needless to defend that august body of men from
the attacks of any one. Suffice it to say, that if
we receive our rights under the Constitution as
it is, and as our fatbeis left it, we shall be satis
lied ; and as for the idea that a minority can per
manently rule in this democratic country, or that
a minority can really rule at all, is simply prepos
terous. The Constitution gives minorities checks
for their protection, but that is all. Our fathers
have not bequeuthed to us an instrument which
necessitates or even admits of oligarchy. This is
probably the first time the charge has ever been
Drought against them.
But says Mr. Cobb in the third place the “en
suring of domestic^ tranquility” and the “securing
of the blessings or liberty,” two objects proposed
by the Conatitation, will be contravened by the
. -----
election of Mr.-Lincoln. In attempting to prove
that “domestic tranquility” will be destroyed, Mr.
Cobb says, (bottom of page 6:) “Recur with me
to the parting moment when you left your firesides
to attend upon your public dudes at the Capitol.
Remember the trembling hand of a loved wife as
she whispered her fears of the incendiary and the
assassin. Recall the look of indefinable dread with
which the little daughter inquired when your re
turning footsteps should be heard ” with much
more of the same sort. Now is this hysteric ti
midity which Mr. Cobb describes, this trembling
and quivering, this indefinable dread, this whis
pering of terrors with pale lips ; is this a truthful
representation of the feelings of the people of
Georgia? The writer must say that he is utterly
a stranger to such feelings, and so is every mem
ber of his family, male and female, and so he be
lieves is every man, woman and child jn the State,
with perhaps one exception in half a million. It
has been constantly charged upon us bv Aboli
tionists, as au argument against slavery, that we
live in perpetual terror, but until now it lias al
ways been denied. Mr. Cobb is the first and only
one to confess it. Surely he furnishes the Aboli
tionist with material for argument as well as an
indefinite amount of sneering and scoffing.—
Doubtless he will be quoted by them as authority,
for saying that we are all terror-stricken and pal
pitating, like trembling hares before the hounds.
This and similar appeals to our fears, constitute
the argument used by Mr. Cobb, to prove that
Lincolns election is unconstitutional! If the
reader suspects that Mr. Cobb has been tnisunder
stood, let him turn to the document, examine and
judge for himself.
In regard to the other point, the “ securin'’ of
the blessings of liberty,” Mr. C. says : (page 7)
hat liberty have we secured bv the Constitu
tion of the United States?” Implying by this
and similar questions, that all the liberty we have
is secured to us by the State of’ Georgia alone •
and that the government of the United States is
in this respect of no value to us. Suppose Mr.
Cobb were travelling in Europe on business or
for health or pleasure, under what protection
would he be ? The State of Georgia is powerless
out of its own territory, at least it is so, beyond
seas. Suppose he should take so short a trip as
to Cuba, and were impressed into the Spanish
military service, or eveu sold as a slave? The
power of this great Republic could rescue him
but what could the State of Georgia do ? She has
no navy—not even a shallop. Suppose a foreign
power should send a ship of war to our coast and
kidnap a hundred negroes, aye or even a hundred
white people, how could we obtain redress 9 Sup
pose this were practised habitually how could we
help ourselves? We could run down to the sea
shore and fire off our rilles aad shot-guns, but of
what avail would that be against a vessel out at
sea? Suppose we had a fe # w ships of our owu,
(and nobody pretends that we could have many)
and some great naval power were to seize our
ships, cargoes, crews and all, what could we do
more than cry like a w hipped child ? How could
we protect ourselves even from pirates? Is it
said that we could get up a navy ? It is idle to
suppose that Georgia, which is an agricultural
State and not maritime, having only a very small
sea coast, <&uld ever be able to cope with the
great naval powers of the earth, or even with the
pirates that scour the seas. But admitting that
we could defend ourselves airainst the whole
world by sea and land, it is at Teast true that we
never have done it. We have been protected and
defended hitherto by the government of the Uni
ted States; consequently we are indebted to it for
all the liberty, whether little or much, that we
have ever had. WeSiave the same liberty now’
that wo had w'hen Washington was President.—
That liberty was satisfactory to the patriots of
the Revolution. Mr. Cobb’s assertion that w ? e
have no liberty under the Constitution, is in di
rect contradiction of the coneiousness of every
citizen of the Republic; it is a dishonor to the
memory of our forefathers; asserting that they
were satisfied with a phantom, and that the in
heritance which they bequeathed to us at the
price of their blood, is worthless ! But suppose
Mr. Cobb’s assertion to be true, what is his argu
ment? The Constitution secures to us no liber
ty, therefore Lincoln is unconstitutionally elected !
Is it necessary to reply to such an argument as
this?
But lastly on the legal question, Mr. C. says
(page 7) that the party which elected Lincoln pro
poses to degrade us from our equality iDfthe Union
by excluding us from the Territories, and that
therefore his election is unconstitutional. On close
inspection it will be seen that this is the argument
so far as there is uny. Tc state the argument is
to refute it. What connextion is there between
the premise (for there is hut one) and the conclu
sion ? Aside from this, have we ever been depriv
ed of territory ? Has the President power to de
prive us of any ? Is he a king? Is he omnipo
tent ? Can he say to the South thus far shall
thou go and no farther? Mr. Cobb goes on to
say, (page 8) that our negroes have been stolen
from us, that we are insulted when w e attempt to
recover them, that many of them are now in Can
uda protected by the British flag, that our mem
bers of Congress are so cowed (lion. Howeli Cobb
among the rest) that they dare not even ask for
restitution —that we have been denounced ub
thieves and pirates- All these things are so, says
he, and therefore Lincoln is unconstitutionally
elected ! This is the legal argument!
It is aside from our present purpose but might
we not well ask, if our members of Congress are
so “cowed” in the Union, would not the same
men be still more “cowed” out of It? And if we
dare not ask Great Britain for restitution for our
slaves in Canada now, could we ask it if Georgia
were an independent power without a navy or
other means of enforcing respect ? Would there
he fewer of our slaves in foreigu parts, if the
Canada line were brought down to Tennessee?
Pardon must be asked of the reader for having
detained him thus long on a part of Mr. Cobb’s
address, which lie himself (middle of page 9,) re
pudiates. He published it to accomplish an object;
it is answered for the same purpose.
[to be continued.]
f FECIAL NOTICES.
ELEC I ION NOTICE.^
PT” Office Inferior Court Richmond County.— An
Election is hereby ordered to be held, in terras of the law, at
the place of holding said election?, on the second SATURDAY
in January next, for two Justices of the Peace for each Dis
trict. The Polls to be kept open from 10 o’clock A. M. to 6
o’clock P. M.
And It is further ordered, That the Clerk of this Court pub
lish the foregoing older for ten days preceding the election, in
Chronlcl e A Sentinel and Constitutionalist.
A true extract from the Minutes.
dec22 B. F. HALL, Clerk.
tV* Sealed Proposals will be received at the Clerk of
Council’s Office until the 28th of December, at 12 M., for fur
nlahing lor the use of the City, for the year 1861, fourteen
able-bodied HANDS, and eight No. 1 MULES with CARTS,
and Harness complete—the be employed on the
works to be of the best quality. The contractor Boarding,
Clothing and paying Doctor’s bills. The whole force to be em
ployed on the Streets and Drains within the corp .rate limits of
this city, and such other work as may be required of ’hem.
WM, H. GOODRICH,
Chm’n Com. Streets and Drains.
Augusta, Dec. 20th, 1860. dci£2
PV* Fresh Garden beeds.— We expect to receive our
stock of GARDEN SEEDS this season, much earlier than
usual. The assortment will be more extensive and more com
plete than formerly, having added several new and choice va
rieties to our already large catalogue.
octl2 BLUXIB A LEITNEK, Druggists.
I W~ Dutch Bulbous Roots !— Now in store, HYA
CINTHS, forty choicest varieties; TULIPS, flfteen varieties
GLADIOLUS, four varieties; CROCUS, seven varieties;
IMPERIAL, tt ve varieties ; LILIES, four varieties; NAR
CISSUS, seven varieties, etc., etc. Just received by
PLUMB & LEITNEK,
octi-dtf 212 Broad street. Augusta, Oa.
RT Augusta & Savannah Railroad, Dee. 5, 1860
—Wanted to Hire, Fifty able-bodied NEGRO MEN, to work
on track. Apply to M. O’CONNER, Supervisor, or to
dec6 W. G. JONEB, Agent.
——►
J3T Messrs. Clark, Gregory fc Cos., Nashville,
Tenn.—Gentlemen : 1 havejust used some of your AMBRO
SIAL OIL for a deep and poignant pain In the- region of my
heart, and found relief In twenty minutes. I have an afflicted
family, and this Oil seems to be a remedy adapted to every
case. Please send me oue dozen butties by Express to Tor
rence Depot, Mississippi Central Railroad, Yalobusha county,
Miss. J. M. Keixkt.
From the same gentleman, April 18th, 1860.
Mr. McCorman, a neighbor has been very much benefllted
by your AMBROSIAL OIL In aeaseof Rheumatism. 1 gave
some to a lady afflicted with Rheumatism, who liasnot walked
a step for five or six years. Three bottles, she says, afforded
her more relit f than; ny thing else ever used. There was not
enough to give her a periect cure, and she is unable to procu-e
It here. Send me some immediately, as I think I can sell
quantity here. 1 nave tried It and proved Its efficiency, and
must have some for my own family at least.
J. M. Kxllt.
Torrence Depot, Yalobusha county, Miss.
For sale by
dec22-d&w2w TUTT, Augusta, Ga.
|3?“ It L seldom that we notice anything in tiie medical
line, nor would we now unless we could be convinced that we
are not doing our duty as a journalist, in recommending to the
public DR. ,J. llOSTETTEß’Scelebrated BITTERS, for the
cure of that most terrible anu fatal of all diseases—Fever and
Ague. From our own experience with this valuable specific,
we can safely say, that for diseases of the above nature, i
stands without a rival. Its timely assistance has saved many
fellow being from a premature grave. Every day we hear f
its conquering the worst cases of Fever and Ague. To those
who are in the least afflicted with any of the complaints arising
from an Irregularity of the digestive organs, nothing can be
more beneficial than these Bitters. We cheerfully recommend
them to the thousands in this State, who are guttering the
most intense pain, a3 a certain cure for their ills. Try them,
and be convinced oftlielr many excellent qualities.
For sale by Druggists and dealers generally everywhere
dec22 djtwlw
PT“ Sirs. Winslow, an experienced Nurse and Fema
Physician, has a SOOTHING SYRUP for children Toethinge
which greatly facilitates the process of teething by softening the
gums, reducing all inflammation—will allay all pain, and Is
sureto regulate the bowels. Depend upon It, mothers, It will
give rest to yourselves, and relief and health to your infants.
Perfectly safe In all cases. See advertisement in another
olumn. _____ mhl6-d&wly
f-P~ Dr. Wilson’s Tonic and Anti-Dyspeptic Fills.
More Testimony—Every mall brings fresh evidence of the effi
cacy of these PILLS. The Rev. Dr. Howard of the Chicago
First Baptist Church, under date of April 18th, 1858, states
that Imliad Suffered periodically from nervous headache, and
during twenty-four years had In vain tried medicine prescribed
by Allopathic and Hommpathie physicians, when he was In
duced to try WILSON’S PILLS, which afforded Immediate
relief. decJlffd&wlw
13?“ Boggs & Parker, Auctioneer*, have this day
REMOVED to the Store formerly occupied by D’Antlgnac &
Weems, 292 Broad Street. Persons requiring the services of an
Auctioneer, would do well to give us a call. . _
BOGGS * PACKER.
-
announcements.
zw We are authorised to announce JOHN H. MEAD
as a candidate for Receiver of Tax Returns of Richmond
county at the election in January next. Mast Totem.
jy We are authorised to announce WILI <AM B.
CHAVOUS as a candidate lor Tax Collector of Richmond
county, at the election in January next. dec2o*
jy We are authorised to announce JOHN A.
BOIILKK a candidate for Receiver of Tax Returns of Rich
mond county-.
tT” A Change ! A Change! !— We are authorised to
announce JOSEPH E. BURCH as a candidate lor Receiver
of Tax Returns, at the election in January next. dec2o*
s#- To the Voters of the Second Ward: The un
derajgued respectfully announces himself a candidate tor Jus
tice of the Peace for the 120th District G. M., at the ensuing
election, on the first Saturday in January next.
decl3 SAMUEL FROST.
IF” Chas. G. On tier for Tax Collector.-I offer my
self to the citizens of Richmond county for the office of Tar
Collector, at theensuing election in January.
dee2 * CHARLES G. BUTLER.
|y sf r . Editor: Please announce that lam a candidate for
Tax Collector of Richmond county, at the election in January
next. [nov2fl*j DAVID A. PIIILPOT.
ty Wo are authorized to announce HENRY P.
WALKER as a candidate for Tax Collector of Richmond
county, at the election in January next. novl4*
We are authorised to announce Dr. JAMES Y.
BARTON as a candidate for Tax Collector of Richmond coun
ty, at the ensuing election In January next. novT-dtd
ST” We are authorised to announce JAMES BRAN
DON, Jr., Esq., as a candidate for Tax Collector of Richmond
county, at the election in January next. Manx Vovkas.
oct26* ——
Jh. CARD.,
tF” Fellow-Citizens of Augustu and of Richmond
County lam a candidate for the office of Tax Collector of
Richmond county, and there is, perhaps, no candidate before
the people that would appreciate their support more than the
subscriber—and I expect none of them are more needy. Should
I be ©leted, it will be my greatest p.eastue to discharge the du
ties of the office with satisfaction to ail; should I not be, it
won't be my fault—that’s all. Respectfully,
dec!B M. IV. WOODRUFF.
NEW ADVERTISEMENTS.
WANTED TO HIRE,
A NEGRO GIRL, (under twenty years old preferred.i
suitable fora House Servant. Apply at the Adams Ex
press Office. dec24-2t*
BEIIII ISLAND TIINTERS.
THE Steamboat COLUMBIA is now prepared to bring
Corn and other Produce from all Landing< as far down as
Point Comfort, at rates to suit the times. As this Boat Is ex
clusively In the Wood and Produce trade, she will attend to
all orders at short notice on application to
JOHN A. MOORE, Agent.
A few thousand SHINGLES for sale. ec24-swlm
ByBOGGS & PARKEMuctionecrs.
WILL be hired at the lower market house in the city of
v V Augusta, between the usual hours of sale, on the first
Tuesday in JANUARY next, for the ensuing year thefollow
lng negroes, to-wit: Mose.-, Frank, Emanuel, .Jack, Tom and
Cornelia, field hands—Peggy. Henrietta. Diana, Minda and
Clarissa, cooks, washers and ironcm—lsreal and Spencer cat ■
penters, and william a painter. Hire payable quartern and
secured by approved paper.
Will be rented at the same time and place, till October Ist,
1860, the residence of the late Win. H. Oakman, on Greene st
Applv to
THADS. OAKMAN, J
ROUT. OAKMAN, } Ex’rs.
D. H. VAN BUREN. )
dcc27
DEV’EREUX & KLAPP,
IMPORTERS.
23 McINTOSH-STREET, AUGUSTA, GEO.
Kiportixg our stock direct, we are enabled to offer to
th t ade and the public generally, an assortment of WINES,
ANDIES, and GINS, from high qualities—though all the
lower grades at prices as low as they can be purchased North,
including transportation.
Being young men, and having a reputation to build up, we
are confluent that we can offer greater inducements to buyers
than can be obtained el ewhere. dec27dAwlv
FROM the fir,t of January next, a prime NEGRO MAN,
about thirty j ears of age, a good Painter and an excellent
Store Boy—having been employed in the latter capacity for a
number of years. Apply at this office. declit
to hTre7
SEVERAL NEGRO MEN, by the month or year—oae ot
IO them accustomed to B.acksmith work. Apply at this
office. declS
TO KENT,
mHE DWELLING HOUSE, on Broad street, three doors
A. below Campbell, lately occupied by Dr. R. C. Black.
FOR SALE, ‘
One HOUSE, sound, gentle and fust—can be very highly re*
commended. -
Also, one TOP BUGGY.
Forterma, apply to EDWARD W. A ABLE Y, at the store
of Daniel 11. Wilcox A Cos. dec.’O dtl
DESIRABLE CITY RESIDENCE
FOR SALE OK TO RENT.
fff'HE desirable residence on Greene street, next below the
JL Cit v Rail, belonging to the estate of Mrs. Wm. H. Oak
man. The location is one of the flue tin the city—cool, quiet,
and comparatively free from dust. The Lot fronts eighty-one
seer on Greene street, extending half way through to Telfair.
The House contains twelve rooms, besides closets, store rooms,
cellars, Ac., all finished an good style, and is in good repair
throughout. The out buildings comprise kitchen*, servants’
houses, stable, carriage house, Ac. Thete Is also a hydrant in
the yard. For tenus, Ac., apply to
Dr. K. 11. OAKMAN, 1
THADDEI'S OAK MAN, > Exr’.
declS or D. H. VAN BUREN, )
LOST\
AN the night of the 8d Inst.., between the Bank of August
w ano the corner of Centre and Reynold streets, a FITCH
CUFF The finder will pltßse leave it at the office of this
paper. decMf
LOST!
riIEN days ago. a white and liver colored SETTER DOG,
J. ten months old. His head is all liver color, except a white
mark that passes from his brow to his no-e. Rig name is
“ Miller.” He has aw. nderful fondness for fresh eggs and
young < hi. kens— if he is of any value I never found ft nut;
but he is my Dog, and I will give a reasonable reward for his
recovery. [deo33-6t| J, C. DAWSON.
NEGROES FOR SALE.
A FAMILY, consisting of a Woman, thirty-six years old,
with lime children, aged flitetn, eleven and six years
old—the two eldest Girls, large and very likely ; the youngest,
a boy. All first-rate Negroes.
For further particulars, enquire at (hi* office. deoffO
noticeT
■DROPOSALS will be received at the Office of the Gas
JL Ligiitum ipany, until January’ Ist, 1861, for one thousand
ecnls ui LIGHT WOOD and eight hunured cords of PINE, to
b delivered at the Gas Works. For particulars apply at the
Office of the Gas Light Company.
decl GEO. 8. HOOKEY, Sup’t.
FOR SAVANNAH.
The Iron Steamer AMAZON will leave a* above, tor
Freight of 1200 bale* Cotton, apply to
decOCTt J. E. GUIEU.
SALT ! SALT'7!
bYA/iik SACKS new SALT, large sacks, on consign
ed x H I x t meiu, for sale, to arrive per stesmer Amazon, by
dec2ofit JOHN B. GUIEU.
WE HAVE~KIXfeD UP NICE
F>R Christmas, lots of PRETTY THINGS, and we have
so many that we actually want to sell some of them.
So now, you that want to buy, will do well to call at 2flo
Broad Street. [dcc2S-2t] E. MUBTIN A SON.
MADISON FEMALE COLLEGE,
Spring Term 1861.
TITHE Exercises ft his Institution will open on the first
.1 MONDAY In JANUARY.
All the I)ep irtments are supplied with experienced and
faithful ‘l eachors.
Board, including Lights, Fuel aDd WasLlng, Ninety Dollars
or the Term.
I No Boarding Pupil will be allowed hereafter to contract any
debts, or make accounts. Parents or Guardians are requested
to furnish their daughters and warns frnn, home, or if they pre
fer It, leave money with some member of the Faculty, who will
make all needful purchases. The above rule will be'rigidly en
forced. W. A. WILSONt
hec’v Faculty.
Madison, Dec. IS, It'k). __ declf! dAwlm
♦ ATTENTiOx i!
I7OR BALE, sixty UNIFORM COATS of dark green cloth,
’ trimmed with best quality gold lace and gilt buttons,
—brass scales or epaulettes, attached to each coat. A bargain
may be had If applied lor soon. The attention of Companies
now organizing. Is re.-pceuully called to the above. Address,
or apply to BROOM ,tr DAY,
declS-dlwA'wSt Augusta, Ga.
$25 Ileward!
E ANA WAY from the subscriber, on or about, the 26th of
, November last, my Negro Woman t RANGES, aged
auout 82 tears, of dark copper complexion, about 5 feet 2 inches
high ; when spoken to 8 nrply, stammers badly in speaking.
She was formerly owned by Hezekiali Bastln, or Columbia co.,
Ga., and was purchased from Mr. ‘’hue. Bastin, who lives near
the Quaker Springs. I will pay the above reward for her de
livery t>> me in Augusta. File Is well known In Colombia
county. In the neighborhood of the Quaker Springs, Sand Hills,
Augusta and Hamburg. JOHN FOSTER,
dec22 d&wtf
Land for Sale,
A TRACT containing between six ami seven hundred
IV acres, on which there Is a considerable hotly of creek
bottom within four miles ol the city of Augusta ; aoout TO
aores of which Is cleared. The place is unsurpassed for health.
Immediate possession given. For terms, which will be Übe
*l. apply to faec22-dtf] J. p. FLEMING.
30,000 LBS.
Bulk Pork.
fTIHR subscriber has the above amount of PORK now in
JL sart, ready to smoke by the first of January, which he
offers to the Planters of Georgta, Alabama and South Carolina,
in exchange for the issue* of any solvent Bank within those
States. Addrsti JOB. A. MABRY,
decSOdß . SaoKYllle, Toan,