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SATURDAY, Auguffi , 1789.]
THE AUGUSTA CHRONICLE
AND
I GAZETTE ok the STATE.
FREEDOM of the PRESS, and TRIAL by JURY, to remain inviolate forever, Ccnjlitution of Giorgio, .
I ■■■ I | »
AUGUSTA: Printed by JOHN E. SMITH, Printer to the State; EJfays, Articlesof
Intelligence y Advert if emcntSy - will bs gratefully receive# and every kind of Printing performed.
PROCEEDINGS of CO-NGRESS ,
la- the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES of
the UNITED STATES.
(Continued fremour las.)
Saturday , May 16, 1789.
THE House resumed the consideration of
the motion of Mr. Maddifoi>tor an
nexing to the Bill for raifrng a revenue a
cteufe limiting its duration.
[The question qfi this motion was largely
and warmlje debited ou Friday. The gene
ral argument in favor of the motion was, that
it was incompatible Wkh the fnarit of the con
llitution and the principles of republican go
vernment to pals-a perpetual revenue law;
that in the House of Reprcfentatives was pe
culiarly veiled the power of applying to the
pockets of the people for the means of sup
porting government'; that this power was
veiled for the wisest purposes, and to protect
our dearell rights ; that it was in a great mea
fbre for these objects thkt the House of Re
prefentatwe® T -wa«, constituted in their present
form, and was diftingtn’fliCd from the Senate'
by their fuperlor number, aud the compara
tively Ihort duration of, their appointment.
The system, it was said, unless its continu
ance was exprcfsly limited, would become a
perpetual one, and, however oppressive it
might be found in its operation, or enormous
in its produft, it wouW not be in the power
of the Representatives to - lessen it and lighten
its burthens; it would-be in the power of tne
Trefidcnt, with one - third -of the Senate, to
prevent at any time a repeal of the aft, and
a diminution of this independent fund, the
extent of which they might find convenient
for the purposes of oppression. This was
throwing out of the hands of the people a
delicate and important light, of which the
House of Representatives was the>proper and
only fafe guardian.:
Agaiuft the motion it was argued, that we
had great objefts to adcomplifti, and it was
jiecefiary that the means in the hands of go
vernment Ihould be co-extensive with them.
These objects were various and unlimited,
"both in extent and duration f the means there
fore ought not to he limited. A lading fund
was necessary for the purppfe of paying off *
the debts of the Union. Unless adequate
funds were provided, our creditors would
lose the remains of their confidence in the
councils of the > Union. • A revenue limited
to a few years would not fumifti these funds-;
nothing but a long and pfofperous operation
of the system could bring into the treasury a
quautity fuflicientto anfwcrthe large cxifling
demands, together with the exigencies of go
vernment. If the duration of the means was
limited, the limitation niuft be made upon a
nice calculation of (he objefts in view, toge
ther with a drift and determined appropria
tion, which we were not now in e capacity
to make.)
This day the question being called for on
the. motion, Mr. Lawrence demanded the
yeas and nays—when
Mr. fackjtm lose to express his approba
motion for the general reefum given yefter.
day. As the yesi ami nays had been called,
he thought it bis duty now to explain hia par
ticular riafou fur that approbation. Hi kid
he bl# g|7i mem 4 wish aw ft Aon the decayed
GEORGIA.
public credit as any man ; but be did not thrcV
' that making this Jaw a perperoat one would
have that tendency. The eftabliihmeut of
the public credit depended upon a regular and
pernianert fyflem of houeft policy—it would
rile from the virtue of the government, and
the general puufteality with which itperform
-cd it» engagement*. Can we, said be, dagbt
. our own virtue } Or do wc suppose that a
future Legifiature will be lefs'virtuous than
ourselves f Ought we not rather to conclude
that there- will always be a difpofitiou in the
Federal Legifiature to dd'jull'ce to themf>;lves,
to the interefte and univerfa! expectations of
the people ?—lf this be their general conduct,
public credit will-be inevitably re-ertablifired
in whatever manner funds are provided for
the payment of debts—. Sir, parting a revenue
bill for two, three, or five years, or forever,
will not affeft credit.
It would be dangerous, he thought, to
make this a perpetual bill. It might soon be
necertary to alter it materially. The House
were far from unanimously approving it
some parts were very exceptionable to the
Members from the foutbern dates, others
again were difagreeablc to those from the ner
.• them; some parts would bear hard on some
of the dates, other parts would perhaps be
oppressive upon others. It was not, he said,
so much the p üblic-credit which was interest
ed in the question—it was the power and the
right of th;s HOufe and the privileges of the
people ; the bill would put too much power
in the bauds of the Senate; they iriiifl ati'ent
to a repeal, and they were so constituted as
that less confidence could be placed in them ;
it was necessary to allure ourselves thXt their
afient would be easily obtained. Thejr du
ration rendered them alinoft independent;
and whatever might be the complaints of the
people refpefting the operation of the law,
the Senate-could not be supposed to fed them
very sensibly.
But if the Prefideut fiiould be averfc to a
repeal, and one third of the Senate Ihould be
of his opinion, it would be importable for a
majority in both Houses to erteft it. Thtr
would ciezte divisions and jealousies between
the branches of government, and would rend
to destroy mutual confidence between the Se
nators and Keprefcutatives. It was better to
pievent these difficulties, by keeping as far as
partible the power in that House, where the
Constitution intended it Ihould remain. lie
hoped that gentlemen would nOl easily part
with a power which had been given to them -
for the protection of liberty*; but wonld sup
port the limitation as the means of securing
U.
Mr .White said he did not fee the proprie
ty of calling the yeas and nay#. The mea
forc most have one of two efiefts, to ihcwto
the world that one part of the House was
more patriotic or more difreruing than the
• other, or that there was a party who thought
theinfelves wiser than the majority cf the
Houle. But be was as willing, he said, fur
his own part, to hmbi6 vote appear in-fa
vor of the amendment, as any ether gentle
man could to publilh his vote against it. It
had been objsfted to the motion for a limita
tion, that a temporary Uw would have a ten
dency 10 injure the public credit, He thought
r diiTsiimly—he believed the credit of the
United fttaiei was cftibliihed onasfulid priu
-1 cipUs aku Mfm est tuiiU ifteblaih »t i lift
[Vol. 111. No. CXLVm.J
•
I ter funded indeed than that of any other
country, for it had been made a part of the
national compact—it was a part of the con
i' Action under which the House then Tat. He
believed that no other nation on earth had
made the public credir an express part of their
. t facial compaCf; This cnnftitutional provision
'* fc**en to the public creditors all the con
tidenre and fatisfattiou which it was in the
power of any government to give. What
. lh€u « ucccffary to do ? Nothing but to
execute the Constitution. Would foreigner*
entei into a minute examination of our reve
nue Mem, hr order to determine their own
confidence in us as a nation ? Would public
creditors ferutinize all the meafurcs and mean*
of government in detail to afeertain the pro
portion of public faith which it poffelTcd'?
No J They would observe the general con
durt of *the United States as a nation, and fee
whether that conduit was directed by wisdom
and prudent#;-if they saw this, they would
be confirmed in the belief of that justice of
which the Constitution itfelf had given them
ir j • » , « ®{ c the means of efta
bhlhingithe riational credit. It was then pro
perly the objert of tke House to deterramb
whet.icr to render the revenue law perpetual
would be a measure wife and prudent in •
It fell e
* 4
It had, he said, been well observed, that*
fom« parts would bear harder on fume Bate*
than others. Perhaps there was no rtate which
wuu d not feel its preflure. It appeared thar
gentlemen who represented opposite extreme*
of the Union entertained very different fen
ttments, and expreded those ftotiments with -
great earneftn.fc. There had been imima
tionsand predictions of the dangerous confe
qudnees of high duties, which he would nor
icppat. If these dangers were real; would
it be prudent to nlk these consequences, and
to make thele daugers unavoidable, by reu
dermg the law perpetual > It was true there
had uecn pains taken to impose the burtheuß
as equally as portable. If fame Hates were
preiied by a duty on molasses, it seemed to
be balanced by the tonnage duty imposed up
on others; but it was Hill probable that there
were important minakes in the bill, which
expetieucc alone could point out to the fans*
faction of all parties. The fyllem, he said,
was great, complex; and qomprehcnfivc. Ic
embraced finance, navigation, commerce,
mauufaftures, agriculture, in short, every
thi <g in which a nation could be concerned.
We were young and unexperienced; was it
proper then uuder our prelent difa- vantage*
and on so difficult a fubjett,' to- enaft a lavpi
' affecting the dcaieft iuterefts of the people,
which waa never to- be repealed but by the*
ooufent oft he three diftind branches ? It had
been said that the Senate had -greater power*
. than the Hrcpre.eutativc*. He agreed, that*
in some inrtaiice*, they had greater powers, .
but in others their powers were Icfs ; in re
spect to icvcuue matters it was certainly less ;
and very properly so : He feared that the *
ReprefcMtaiive Body, by a perpetual system, -
would give tr: the faj r power which wit
so valuable to them. It was the intention of
the Cunfiitmion uut this power ftiouid be
frequently cxerulVd, for in its exercile alone
confided its advantage. It would be of lit
tle toufequciitc to puffers the nteie nominal
light* if from the nainie of things it could
be CAwitf J. U the SKI.- •Ud in