Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

$2 50 AT THE END OF THE YEA] VOLUME XVI. LAGRANGE, GEORGIA, FRJDffl MORNING, NOVEMBER 30, I860. NUMBER 47. •*>*= j|a t&xmp gtqw*tn\ WATERS B. JONES. C. H. C. WII.UNGHAH. JONES & WILLINGHAM, Propi’ietors. , . '' IoVkutisements. * ~~ Advertisements tor n less ttmo thou thrue months In aerted at the rates'of §1 per squure for the first and #0 cents (or each additional insertion. Those Bont ~w_>without » speolilcntion of tho number of insertions. «U1 be published until forbid, nnd charged acoord- ngly. Liberal deductions Will bo nmdo to those ad- rertising lor threo months or longer. " CONTRACT RATES FOR ADVERTISING. 7 1 square, 2 squares. 2 squares. 4 squares, 6 squares '•squares. 7 square*. 8 squares, 9 squares r 3 s f s >—* tc 5 S 5 s B S «o 2 5 *6 $8 ’tit *12 10 Bquaros, *48 *54 *05 11 14 1 20 11 squareH, 46 58 70 lli 20 1 28 12 squurcB, 49 62 76 21 36 M 36 13 squares, 51 65 79 25 81 37 43 14 eqimres, 53 68 83 29 ac. 4S 50 15 squares, 55 71 87 •11 411 57 lfl kquririft, *7 74 91 87 40 55 64 17 squareH, 59 95 40 50 60 70 18 squares. GO 79 98 yearly advestisementssuau ue umiiuu w me epace contracted for. Any advertisement not properly oon nected with the business shall he charged sepuratoly. and also any excess of matter over the amount con All announcements of candidates for office $5.00, to he paid In advance. BUSINESS GAUDS. Caros, not exceeding five lines, will be inserted under this head at $5 per annum, In advanoe- $1 will be charged for each additional line J. II JONES, WA TGH-MA KEll A ND JE WEL Eli, WILL do nil work in his line of business gS at IhK shortest notion, and on reasonn- IKu^ble terms, live miles South of LuGrunge.fKLtikS near where the Croonvi lie and llamiltou roads oross. junelf>-6m. Pavillion Hotel. H. L. BUTTERFIELD PROPRIETOR. may!-ly* Charleston, S. C. Dr. N. N. Smith, Of La Grange, On., PRACTICES Medicine and Obstetrics, and will advise and consult with Physicians in cases requiring con sultation. Ollloo, West of the Court House. mnrolib<>-ly. Or. W. VV. Smith, Of La Grannge, Ga., PRACTICES Medicine and Surgery, aided and advised by Dr. N N. Smith. Office, West of the Court House. tuarohllO-ly. II. C. Humber, ATTORNEY A T I. A w, La Orange, Ga. OFFICE in Sterling's Building, up slnirs. Jan. Hi. 'fiti-tf. J iUN A. SI’EElt. OAN’l. N. Sl’KKn. Speer & Speer, A T T O It N E Y S A T L A W , La Orange, Georgia, OFFICE (up stairs) in Sterli" ' tiiiild’mr. V Marob 24th, 185!). ly. a \V, C. M. Hiinsou, ATTORN El AT LAW, Mae.on, Georgia, Maroh 17 th. 1859.-ly. B. H. Alfred, S U II G E O N QgBha. £ ENT 1ST, Office over B. *’! ^£03*0^ Curtrlght’s Store; old stund of .1 Jacobs. Mitroli 17, 185i)-ly* G. IV. Oliver, ATTORN e y A T 1. A w, tinner, Louisiana~ WILL practice in Cluibornu, Jackson, Bienville, Bo- slur, and Union Parishes. Relerenocs: Hon. O. A. Bull and Benj. H. Biglmm, Ln Grange: Dennis F. ll'tmntond. Newnan. Geo. nugl!) ly. Giisttvvus A. Hull, A T T O R N E Y A T I. A W , La Orange, Georgia. OFFICE with U. 0. Ferrell. Esq. . Marclill-ly Miles II. Hill, A T T O It N E Y A T LAW, La Grange, Georgia, WILL praotlooin Heard and Harris counties, nnd tlio Cswela Circuit. Office above the store formerly occu pied by Todd * Brett. Febt-ly. J. K. Strickland, A T T O It N E Y A TLA IV , La Grange, eorgia. OFFICE In Farmers & Exchange Agency, under Sims Hause. _ *lan. 28, 18.M‘-ly. C. \V. Mabry, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Franklin, lleartl Co,, Ga., WILL practlco in the rallupoosn nml Coweta Clr- anlts, the Supreme Court at Atlanta, and the District Court of the United States at Marietta, Georgia. Sept 10-ly J. B. Morgan, ATTORNEY AT LAW, La Grange, Georgia. OFFICE nt the City Council Chamber. Peo.Tl, 1858-ly. ___ \. M. Harris, ATTORNEY AT LAW, NOTARY PUBLIC, AND COMMISSIONER OF WII.L8, DEEDS, ETC., FOR TIIE STATES OE SOUTH CAROLINA AND ALABAMA, La Grange, Georgia. OFFICE West side public s,Liare, in Thornton’s (up stairs) building 1 July 3-1 y 1>. Proplfttt, AMBROTYPISTJAND MELAINOTYPI8T, La Grange, Georgin. ROOMS over Patten* Cox. . April 20, 1855-ly. H. O. Stanley, A T T O R NE Y AT L A W , La Grange, Georgia, aVILL practice in the counties of the Coweta Cir cuit. ()ffice up stairs over Pullen * Cox's store. Jan 7, 1858-ly. Titos. J. Ilacon, ATTORNEY AT LAW, La Grange, Georgia. OEFICE up stairs, over Dr. Ridley’s (North side ot the Court House Square.) Tlie SimB House. drift THIS new and commodious HOTEL Is now liill open for the accommodation of tho public.— The furniture is entirely new, and tho rooms com fortable and well ventilated. The table will always be supplied with the best the market utfordB, and no nalns will he spared to render the guestscomfortable. P 0.&J HEARD, Proprietors. La Grange,Oct 19,’55 (tf.) Medical Card. D U. E. J. MORGAN, hnviuglocnted at Whilesville, will practico Medicino and Obstetrics in Troup and Harris oouutles. and respectfully solicits the patronage of the people thereof. lie will be found at Iris Office, or at tho residence ol Mr. P. Perkins, at all times when not professionally engaged. apr27-ly AUCTION At COMMISSION HOUSE. BY W. B. JONES, La Oruuge, Geo. T)ARTICULAR attention given to the sale of every * thing uDtrusted to his care. may6 Job Work weentfid ot short notice. SPEECH OF HON. A. H. STEPHENS, Delivered in the Hall of the House of Repre sentatives of Oeorgia, Wednesday Evening, November 14 Ih, 1860. [REPORTED BY a. E. MARSHAL.] Mr. Stephens entered tlie Hall at the liour of 7 P. M., and wua greeted with long and rapturous applause. IIu rose and said : Felloiv-CUizens:—I appear before you to night at tlie request of Members of the Leg islature and others, to speak of matters of the deepest interest that cap possibly con cern us all of an earthly character. There is nothing, no question or subject, connected with ttiis life that concerns a free people so intimately as that of tho government under which they live. YVo ore now, indeed, sur rounded by uvils. Nev^r, since 1 entered upon the public stage.- has m Country Keen so environed witli difficulties and dangers that threatened the public peace and the very existence of society as now. I do not now appear before you at rny own instance. It is not to gratify desire of my own that I tun here. Had I consulted my own ease and pleasure I should not be before yon ; but believing that it is tlie duty of every good citizen to give his counsels and views when ever tlie country is in danger, as to tlie best policy to be pursued, I am here. For these reusons and these only do 1 bespeak a calm, patient and attentive hearing. My object is not to stir up strife, but to ally it not to appeal to your passions, but to your reason. Good government can never be built up or t-n t iined by the impulse of passion. 1 wish to address myself to your good sense, to your good judgment, and it alter hearing you disagree, let us agree to disagree, and part as we met, friendly. YY'o all have the same object, tlie sanic interest. That people should disagree in republican governments upon questions of public policy is natural. That men should disagree upon all matters connected with human investiga tion, whether relating to science nr human conduct, is natural, lienee in flue govern ments parties will arise. Hut a free people should express their different opinions witli liberality and charity, with no acrimony to wards tlioso of their follows when honest and sincerely given. These are my feelings to-night. Let us, therefore, reason together. It is not my pnrposo to say aught to wound tlie feelings of any individual who may be pres ent ; and if in the ardnney witli which I shall express my opinions, I shall say any tiling which may bo deemed too strung, let it lie set down to the zeal with which I advocate my own convictions. There is with mo no intention to irritate or offend. Follow-citizens, we are all launched in the sutne barque—we are nil in tlie same craft in tlie wide political ocean—tlie same destiny awaits us all for weal or for woe. We have been launched in the good old ship that lias been upon tlie waves fur throe quarters of a century, which lias) been ill qiaiiy ,'tempests, and storms, lias ninny times been in peril, nnd patriots have often fer.red that they should liuvo to give it up, yen, had nt times almost given it up, hut still the gnllnnt ship is ullout; though new storms now howl around us, and the tom punt bents heavily against tis, 1 say to you don’t give up the ship; don’t abandon her yet. If she can possibly lie preserved, nnd our rights, in terests ai.d security.be maintained, the object is worth the effort. Let us not, on account of disappointment and ehargin at the reverse of an election, givo up till as lost, hut lot us see what can bo done to prevent a wreck.— (Some one said the ship lias holes in her.) 1'liuru may he leaks in her, but let us stop them if we can ; many a stout old ship lias been saved with richest cargo, after many leaks, and it may lie so now. (Cheers.) 1 do not, on this occasion, intend to enter into the history of tho reasons or causes of tlie embarrassments which press so heavily upon us all at this time. In justice to my self, however, I inqst barely state upon this point, that 1 do think much of it depended upon ourselves. The consternation that has come upon tlie people is tlio result of a sec tional election of a President of the United States, one whoso opinions and avowed prin ciples are antagonism to our interests and rights, and we believe if carried out, would subvert the Constitution under which we now live. But are we entirely blameless in this matter, my countrymen? 1 give it to yon as my opinion, that hut for tlie policy tlie Southern people pursued, this fearful result would not have occurred. Mr. Lincoln lias been elected, I doubt not, by a minority of the people of tlie United States. YVliat will be tho extent of that minority wo do not yet know, hut the disclosure when made will show, I think, that a majority of tlie consti tutional, conservative voters of tlie country wore against him ; and had the South stood firmly in the Convention at Charleston, on her old platform of principles of non-inter vention, tliero is in my mind But little doubt that whoever might have been tlio candidate of tlio National Democratic party would liavo been elected by us large a majority as that which elected Mr, Buchanan or Mr. Pierce. Therefore let us not bo hasty and rash in our action, especially if tlie result be attributable at all to ourselves. Before look ing to extreme measures, let us first see, as Georgians, that everything which can be done to preserve our rights, our interests, and our honor, as well us tlie peace of the country in tho Union, be first done, (Ap plause.) The first question that presents itself, is, shall the people of tlie South secede from tlie Union in consequence of the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency of the United States ? My countrymen, 1 tell you frankly, candidly, und earnestly, that I do not think that they ought. In tuy judgment, the elec tion of no man, constitutionally choson to that high office, is sufficient cause for any State to separate from the Union. It ought to stand by und aid still in maintaining the Constitution of the country. To make a point of resistance to tlie Government, to withdraw from it because a man has been constitutionally elected, puts us in the wrong. VVe are pledged to maintain the Constitution. Many of us liavo sworn to support it. Can wo, therefore, for the tncro olectiou of a man to tho Presidency, and that too in accor dance with tho prescribed forms of the Con stitution, make a point of resistance to the Government without boooming tho breakers of that sacred instrument ourselves? with draw oursolvcB from it? Wuitld we not be in tlio wrong ? YY’iiateVer fate is to befall this country, let it never be laid to the charge of the peo pie of the South, and especially to the peo. pie of Georgia that we wore untrue to our national engagements. Lot tlie fault nnd the wrong rest upon others. If ail our hopes are to be blasted, if tho Hcpublic is to go down, lut us be found, to thu last moment, standing on the deck with tho Constitution, of the United States waving over our heads; (Applause.) Let the funatics of the North break the' Constitution if huoIi is their full purpose. Lot the responsibility be upon them. I shall speak presently more of their acts ; but let not the South, let ub not lie the ones to commit tlie aggression. Wo went into the election witli this people. The result was different from wlmt we wished ; hut tho election lias been constitutionally bold. YVcro wo to make a point of resis tance to tlio Government und go out of the Union on that account, tho record would he made against us. Bqt it is said Mr. Lincoln’s policy and principles are against the Constitution, and that if he curio's tlieni fiat it will bo destruc tive of our rights. Let ns not anticipate a threatened evil. If iio violates the Consti tution then will come our time to act. Do not let us break it becauso, forsooth, he may. If lie does, that is the time for us to strike. (Applause.) I think it would be injudicious and unwise to do this sooner. I do not an ticipate that Mr. Lincoln will do anything to jeopard our safety or security, whatever may Iio his spirit to do it; for lie is bound by the constitutional checks which are thrown around him, which at this time renders him powerless to do any gloat mischief. This shows tlio wisdom of our system. The l’resident of the United States is no Empe ror, no Dictator—lie is clothed with no abso lute power, lie can do nothing unless lie is hacked by power in Congress. Tho House of Representatives is largely in the majority against him. In tlie very face and teetli of tlio heavy majority which lie lias obtained in Northern States, there have been large gains in tlie House of Representatives to tlie Conserva tive Constitutional party of the country, which here I will call tlie National Demo cratic purty, beeuuse that is tlie cognomen it lias at the North. There arc twelve of this party elected from Now York to tlio next Congress, I believe. In tlie present House there are hut four, I think, ln I’onii- sylvaniu, New Jersey, Ohio, and Indiana there have been gains. In tlie present Con gress there wore 113 Republicans, when it takes 117 to make a majority. The gains in tlie Democratic party in I’onnsylvuniu, Ohio, New Jersey, New York, Indiana and other States, notwithstanding its distrac tions, liavo been enough to a make a majority of near thirty in the next House against Mr. Lincoln. Even in Boston, Mr. Burlingame, one of the noted leaders of tlie fanatics of that section, bas been defeated, and a con servative man returned in his stead. Is this tlie time thou to apprehend that Mr. Lincoln, with this lurgo majority in tlie House of Representatives against him, can carry out any of his uiiuonstilutiuuul principles in tliut body ? ln tlie Senate lie will also bo powerless. Hi ere tvilt bo ti majority of four nguinst Mint This after tlie loss of Bigler, Fitch, nnd others, by the unfortunate dissensions of the National Democratic party in their States. Mr. Lincoln cannot appoint an officer with out the- consent of the Senate—ho cannot form a Cabinet without tlie same consent.— IIu will be in tlie condition of George the Third, (the embodiment ol Toryism,) who had to ask tho YVI.igs lo appoint his Minis ters, and was compelled lo receive a Cabinet utterly opposed to his views ; and so Mr. Lincoln will Do compelled to ask of the Sen ate to choose for him u Cabinet, if the Demo cracy of that body chose to put him on such terms. He will be compelled to do this or let tlie Government slop, if the National Democratic men, (for that is their name at the North,) tlie Conservative men in the Senate, should so determine. Then how cun Mr. Lincoln obtain a Cabinet which would aid him, or allow him to violuto the Consti tution ? YY’liy then, I say, should wo disrupt tlie ties of this Union when iiis bunds are tied, when lie can do nothing uguiust us ? I have heard it mooted that no man in the State of Georgia, who is true to her interests, could hold office under Mr. Lincoln. But 1 ask wlio appoints to office ? Not the President alone ; tlie Senate lias to concur. No man cun be appointed without thu consent of the Senate. Should uny man then refuse to hold oilieo tliut was given him by a Democratic Senate? (Mr. Toombs interrupted and said if the Senate was Democratic it was for Breckinridge.) Well, then, continued Mr. S., I apprehend no man could lie justly con sidered untrue to the interests of Georgia or incur any disgrace, if the interests of Geor gia required it, (o hold ail office under which a Breckinridge Senate iiad given him, even though Mr. Lincoln should he President.— (Prolonged applause, mingled with inter ruptions.) I trust, my countrymen, you will he still and silent. 1 am addressing yuur good sense. I am giving you my views in a culm and dispassionate manner, und if any of you differ with me, you cun on any other oc casion give your views as I am doing now, and let reason and true patriotism decide between us. In my judgement, I suy under such circumstance there would be no possi ble disgrace lor a Southern man to hold office. No man will Iio suffered to lie ap pointed, I have no doubt, who is not true to the Constitution, if Southern Senators are true to their trusts, uh I cannot permit my self to doubt that they wilt be. My honorable friend who addressed you lust night, (Mr. Toombs,) and to whom I listened with the prefoundest attention, asks if we would submit to Black Republican rule ? I say to you and to him, as u Georgian, I never would submit to any Bluek Republi can aggression upon our constitutional rights. I will never consent myself, as much as 1 admire this Union, for the glories of tlie past or the blessings of thu present; as much us it has done fur the people ot all these States ; as much us it has dene for civiliza tion ; as much as tite hopes of the world hang upon it j I would never submit to aggression upon my rights to maintain it longer ; and if they cannot be maintained in the'Union, standing on tlie Georgia Plat form, where I buve stood from tho time of its adoption, I would he in favor of disrupt ing every tie which binds tlie States to gether. I will have equality for Geurgia und for the citizens of Georgia in this Union, or I will look for new safeguards elsewhere. This is my opinion. The only question now is, can they be scoured in the Union 1 That is what I am counseling with you to-night about. Can it be secured ? 1m my judgment it may be, but it may not be : but let us do may select me wisest 'Bin uest. men iur y legislators, and yet how many defects apparent in your law4? ( And it is so in Government, But tW.tt this Govcrmnon all we can, so that in t iji future, if tlie worst | come, it may tiOvcrbel »id we wore negligent J in doing our duty to i is last. My countrymen, l a(H not of (hose who ! believe this Union IpB been a curse up to this time. True into*; men of integrity entertain different' vi> ws from me on this subject. I do not quo tion their right to do no ; 1 would nut imptt n their motives in so doing. Nor will I urn :rtake to say that this Government of our fall irs is pci feet. There is nothing perfect in ’ lis world of a human origin. Nothing out weted with human nature from man hiltuii f to any of Iiis works. You may select the wsust and best men for your Judges, and yet nkv many defects are there in tlie ndministrunim of justice ? You may select the wisest atjd best men for your many defects are in our Ibis Government of our fathers; witn ull iiAthmcts, comes nearer Dv objects of all godf'Governments than any other on the face of the earth, is rny settled conviction. Uoutrast it now with any on the face of the earth. (England, said Mr. Toombs.) Mr. Stephens : England, niv friend says. Well, that is the next best, I grant, lint I think wo have improved upon England. Statesmen tried their apprentice hand on the Government of England, and then ours wus nmdo. Ours sprung from that, avoiding many of its defects, taking most of the good and leaving out many of its errors, and from the whole conslrueting and build ing up this model Repulaio-*tho best which tho history of tlio world gives any uccouut of. Compare, my friends, this Government with that of Spain, Mexico, the South Amor- can Republics, Germany, Ireland. Are there any sons of that down-trodden nation here to-night? Prussia, or if you travel farther East, to Turkey or Chinn. Where will you go, following tlie sun in its circuit round our globe, to find a government that bettor pro tects the liberties of ita people, and secures to them the blessings we enjoy. (Applause.) I think that one of tlie evils that beset ns is a surfeit of liberty, an exuberance of the priceless blessings for which we are ungrate ful. YY’e listened to my honorable friend who addressed yon last night (Mr. Toombs,) as lie recounted the evils of tliis Government. The first was the fishing bounties paid most ly to the sailors of New England. Our friend stated tliut forly-eight years of onr Government was under the administration of Southern Presidents. Well, these fishing bounties began under the rule of a Southern President, 1 believe. No one of them during the whom forty-eight years ever set Iiis ad ministration against, tlie principle or policy of them. It is not for mo to say whether it was a wise policy in the beginning ; it pro bably was nut, and I have nothing to say in its defence. But tlie reason given for it was to encourage our young men to goto sea and learn to nmimgo shins, YY’e had at the time but a small navy. It was thought host to encourage a class of our people to become acquainted with sea-luring life ; to become sailors ; to man our uavidsbips. It requires practice to walk tiff? dotftf of a ship, to pull tho ropes, to furl the spils, to go aloft, to climb the must; and it was thought by offer ing Ibis homily, a nursery might lie formed in which young liter would become perfected in these arts, and it applied to one section uf the country as well as to any other. The result uf this was that in the war of 1812, our sailors, many of whom came from this nursery, were equal to any that England brought against us. At any rate, no small part of the glories of that war were gained by thu veteran tars of America, and tho object of these bounties was to foster that branch of tlie national iliTencc. My opinion is, that whatever limy have been tlie reason at first, this bounty ought to bo discontinued — tlio reason for it at first no longer exist. A bill f ir this object did pass tlie Senate the last Congress, I was in, to which my honor able friend contributed greatly, but was not reached in tlio House of Representatives. I trust that lie will yet t(uo that he may with honor continue Iiis connection with tlio Gov ernment, and tliut Iiis eloquence, unrivaled in the Senate, may hcrtfeffcpr as heretofore, he displayed in having this bounty, so ob noxious to him, repealed and wiped off from the statue book. TI o next evil that my friend complained of was tlio Tariff. Well, lot us look at tliut for a moment. About tile time I commenced noticing public matters this question was agitating the country almost as fearfully as tlie slave question now is. In 1832, when I was in college, South Curolina wus ready to nullify or secede from tho Union on this ac count. And wlmt have we seen ? The Tariff no longer distracts tiie public councils. Reason lias triumphed 1 Tiie present Turiff was voted for in Massachusetts and South Carolina. Tlie lion and tlie lamb lay down together—every man in - tlio Senate and House from Massachusetts mid £oulh Carolina voted for it, us did my liondrubln friend himself. And if it be true, to use the figure of speeeli of my honorable friend, that every man in the North that works in iron and brass und wood Ims his muscle strength ened by t ,u protection (ST tlie Government, tliut stimulant was given by Iiis vote, and 1 believe every other Southern man So we ought not to complain of that, Mr. Toombs, That tariff’ assessed tlie duties. Mr. S. Yes and Mass, with unanimity voted with the South to lessen them, and they were made just as low as Southern men asked them to he, und that is the rates they arc now at. If reason and argument with experience predueted such changes in the sentiments of Musdchusctts from 1832 to 1857, on tho subject of the Tariff, may not like changes be effected there by tlie same moans, reason und argument, and appeals to patriotism on tlie present vexed question, and who can suy that by 1875 or 1890, Mas sachusetts may not vote with South Carolina and Georgia upon all those questions that now distract tlie country and threaten its peace and existence. I believe in tho power and efficiency of truth, in the omnipotence of truth, and its ultimate tri umph wheu properly wielded. (Applause.) Another matter of grievance alludod to by my honorable friend, was the navigation laws. This policy was also commenced under tiie administration of one of those Southern Presidents who ruled so well, and has been continued through all of them since. Tlie gentleman’s views of Uto policy of these laws and my own do not disagree. YY’e occupied tlio same ground in relation to them in Congress. It is not my purpose to defend them now, But it is proper to state some matters connected with their origin. Otto of the objocts wus to build up a com mercial American Marine by giving Ameri can bottoms tlie exclusive carrying trade between our own ports. This is a great arm of national power. This object was accom plished. YY’e have now un amount of ship ping not only coast-wide but to foreign countries which puts us in the front ranks of the nations of tlie world. England eaii no longer bo styled tlio mistress of tlie seas.— YY’liat American is not proud of the result ? YVlietlier those laws should be continued is another question. But one tiling is certain, no President, Northern nr Southern, bus over yet recommended their repeal. And niy friend’s efforts to get them repealed was met with but little favor North or South. These, then, were tho main grievances or grounds of complaint against tlie general system of our government and its workings. I mean the administration of tlie Federal Government. As to the Acts of several of the States, I shall speak presently; but,there those were the main ones used against tlie common head. Now suppose it lie admitted that nil of these are evils in the system, do they over-balance and outweigh the advan tages and great good which this same gov ernment affords in a tluuisand innumerable ways that can not be estimated ? Have we not at thu South as well as the North grown great, prosperous and happy under its ope ration ? lias uny part of the world ever shown such rapid progress in the develop ment of wealth, and all the mutcrul resources of national power ami greatness ns the Southern States have under tho General Government, notwithstanding all its de fects ? Mr. Toombs—in spile of it. Mr. Stephens—My lion, friend says we have, in spite of tlie General Government.— YY’itliout it, 1 suppose, lie thinks we might have done as well or perhaps better than we have done in spite of it. That may he, and it may not he, but the great fact is, that wo have grown great and powerful under tlie government us it exists. There is no conjecture or speculation about that ; it stands out bold, high and prominent, like your Stone Mountain, to which tho gentle man alluded in illustrating home facts in Iiis record—this great fact uf our unrivaled pros perity in the Union as it is admitted— whether all this is in spite of the government —whether we of the South would have been better off' without the government is to say tlie lust problematical. On the one side we can only put tlio fact, against speculation nnd conjecture on the other. But even as a question of speculation I differ with my dis tinguished friend. Wlmt wo would have lost in border wars without the Union, or wlmt wo have gained simply by the peace it lias secured no esti mate can lie made of. Onr foreign trade which is the foundation of all our prosperity lias the protection of tlio Navy, which drove the pirates from tlio waters near onr coast where they had been buccaneering for cen turies before, and might have been still bad it not been for tlio American Navy under tlie command of such spirits as Commodore Porter. Now that tlio coast is clear, tliut our commerce .flows freely outwardly and inwardly wo cannot well estimate iiow it would have under other eireniistiiiices. Tlie iiilliienee of the government on us is like that of (lie atmosphere around us. Its benefits are so silent and unseen that they are seldom thought of or appreciated. \\’c seldom think of tho single element of oxygen in tlio air wo breathe, and yet let this simple unseen and unfelt agent bo with drawn, this life-giving element bo taken away from this all-pervading fijid around us, and wlmt instant and appalling changes would take place in all organic creation ! It may be that wu arc in “spite of the General Government,’’ but it may be that without it we should liavo been far different from what we are now. It is true there is mi equal part of the earth with natural re sources superior perhaps to ours. That portion of this country known ns the South ern States stretching from the Chesapeake to the Rin Grande, is fully equal to tlio pic ture drawn by tlie honorable and eloquent. Senator last night, in all natural capaciftes. But how many ages and centuries p;(Psod before these capacities were developed to roach this advanced stage of civilization ? There these same hills, rich in ore, same rivers, valleys and plains, arc us they have been since they came ffom tlie hand of tlie Greater ; uneducated and uncivilized man roamed over them for how long no history informs us. It was only under our Constitutions tliut they could bo developed. Their develop ment is the result of the enterprizu of our people under operations of tho Government nnd institutions under which we have lived. Even our people without these never would have done it. The organization of society lias much to do witli the development of the natural rsoitrcos of any country, or any land. The institutions of a people political and moral are the matrix in which the germ of their organic structure quickens into life — takes root and develops in form, nature and character. Our institutions constitute the matrix from which spring all our character istics of developments and greatness. Look at Greece ; there is tlie same fertile soil, tlie same blue sky, the same iulctd and harbors, tiie same Egeim, tlio same Olympus, there is the same laud where Homer snug, where Pericles spoke ; it is in nature tlie same old Greece ; but it is living Greece no more — (Applause.) Descendants of tlie sume people inhabit tlie country ; yet wlmt is the teasun of this mighty difference ? In the midst of present degradation we see tho glorious fragments of ancient works of art—temples witli ornaments und inscriptions that excite wonder and admiration—tlie remains of u once high order of civilization which have outlived the language they spoke-npou them all Ichabod is written—their glory lias de parted. YY’liy is this so ? j answer, their institu tions liavo been destroyed. These were hut the fruits of their forms of government, the matrix form which their grand development sprung, und when once thu institutions of a people have boon destroyed, there is no earthly power that can bring back the Pro methean spark to kindle them here again, any more in that ancient land of eloquence, poetty and song. (Applause.) The same may be said of Italy. YVhere is Rome, once the mistress of tlie world ? There are the gams seven hills now, the same soil, the same natural resources ; nature is the same, but what a ruin of human greatness meets tlie eye of the traveler throughout the length and breadth of that most down troddonlund! YY’liy have not thu people of that Heaven- favored olime that animated tbeir fathers ? YVby this sad difference ? It is the destruc tion of her institutions that has caused it; and, my countrymen, if we shall in an evil hour rashly pull down and destroy those in stitutions which the patriotic band of our fathers labored so long and so hard to build up, nnd which have done so much for us and tlie world, who can venture tlie prediction tliut simlur results will not eusue ? Let us avoid it if wu cun. I trust tlio spirit is amongst us that will enable as to do it. Let us not rashly try tho experiment, for if it fail us it did in Greece und Italy und in the South American Republic, and in every other place, wherever liberty is onccd destroyed, it muy never be restored to us again. (Ap plause.) There are defects in our government, errors in administration, nnd abort coinings of many kinds, but in spite of these defects and errors Georgia lias grown to be a great State, Let us pause here a moment. In 1850 there was a great crisis, but not so fearful as this, for of all I have ever passed through this is tlie most perilous and re quires to bo met with the greatest calmness and (TdrlbbratflKr There were many amongst us in 1850 zealous to go at once out of the Union, to disrupt every tie that binds us together.— Now do you believe, had that policy been carried out at that time, we would have been the same great people that we are to-day ? It may be tliut we would, but have you any assurance of that fact ? YY’ould we have made the same advancement, improvement and progress in »u th. ’ constitutes material wealth and prosperity tl it wu have? 1 notice in tlie Comptroller General's report that tlie taxable propel ly of Georgia is $670,900,000, and upwards, an amount not far from double that it was in 1850. T think I may venture to say that for tlie last ton years the muterul wealth of tiie people of Georgia lias been nearly if not quite doubled. Tlio sume muy bo said of our udvunen in education, und every thing that marks our civilization. Have we any assurance tliut bad we regarded the earnest but misguided patriotic advice, as 1 think, of some of that day, disrupted the ties which bind us to the Union, we would have advanced as we have? I think not. YVell then, let us be careful now before we attempt any rasli experiment of this sort. 1 know that there arc friends whose patriotism I do not inted to question, who think this Union a curse, ami that we would be better off without it. 1 Jo not so think ; if wo can bring about a correction of these evils which threaten—and I am not without hope that this may yet he done— this appeal to go out with all the provisions for good that accompany it, I look upon as a great, and I fear a tutul temptation. When 1 look around uml see our pros perity in everything, agriculture, commerce, art, Hcioitce nnd every department of educa tion, physical and mental, us well as moral advancement, and our colleges, 1 think in the face of such ati exhibition it' we can without the loss of power, or any essential right or interest, remain in the Union, it is our duty to ourselves and to prosperity to—let us not too readly yield to this temptation—do so. Our first parents, the great progenitors of thu h.iimau rao^ wpie.livt without a,like tempta tion when in tho garden Eden. They were led to believe tliut. tbeir condition would be bettered—that their eyes would he opened —and that they would become as Gods.— l'liey in an evil hour yielded—instead of be coming Gods, tliey only saw tbeir own nakedness. 1 look upon this country, with our institu tions, as tlie Eden of tlie world, the paradise of the universe. It may be tliut out of it we may become greater and more prosperous, but I am candid and sincere in telling you that 1 four if we rashly evince passion and without sufficient cause shall take that in stead of becoming greater or more peaceful, prosperous and happy—instead of becoming Gods, we will become demons and nt no dis tant day commence cutting one anutbers’ throats. This is my apprehension. Let us, therefore, whatever we do, meet these diffi culties, great as tliey uro, like wise and sensible men, and consider them in thu light of all the consequences which muy attend our action. Let us sec first clearly where the patli of duty leads and then we tnuy not fear to tread therein. I come now to tho main question put to mo, and oil which my counsel Ims been asked. Tliut is, wlmt tlie present Legislature should do in view of tho dangers that threaten us, ami tlio wrongs that Imve been done us by several of our confederate State in tho Union, by the acts uf their Legislatures nullifying tlie Fugitive Slave Law, and in direct disre gard of their constitutional obligations.— YY’liat I shall say will nut he in tiie spirit of dictation. It will be situ; ly my own judg ment for wlmt it is worth. It proceeds from a strong conviction that according to it our rights, interests and bouor, our present safety and future security can bo maintained with out yet looking to tlie lust resort, tlio ” ultima ratio regum.’’ That should not he luoked to until all else fails. That may come. On this point 1 urn hopeful but not sanguine.— But let us use every patriotic uffurt to pre- vont it while there is ground for hope. If any view that I may present, iu your judgment, be inconsistent with the best in terest of Georgia, I ask you as patriots nut to regard it. After bearing me and others whom you have advised witli, act in the premises according to your own couvictiou of duty as patriots, 1 speak now particu larly to tlie members of tho Legislature present. Tlioro are as I have said great dangers ulieail. Great dangers may come frum tiie election spoken of. If tlie policy of Mr. Lincoln and bis Republican associates shall be carried uut, or attempted to be cai- ried uut, uo limn in Georgia will be more willing or ready than myself, to defend our rights, interest and honor ut every hazard and to the last extremity. (Applause.) YVliat is this policy? It is in thu first place to exclude us by an act uf Congress from the Territories with our slave property. Hu is for usiug the power of the General Government against tho exteuaion of our institutions. Our position on this point iu and ought to he, at all hazards for perfect equality between all the Stato and tne oiti- zens of all the States in the Territories, un der tho Constitution of the United States.— If Congress should exorcise its power against this, then 1 am for standing where Georgia planted herself in 1850. These wore plain propositions which were then laid down in iter celebrated Platform as sufficient for the diaruption of the Union if tho occasion should ever come ; on these Georgia has declared that she v/ill go out of the Uuiou ; and for these site would be justified by the nations ot the earth in so doing. I say the same : I said it then : I say it row, if Mr. Lincoln’s policy should be carried out. I have told you that I do not think his bare election sufficient cause; but if his policy should be carried out in violation of any of the principles set fortli in tho Georgia Plat form, that would be such an act of aggress ion, which ought to be met us therein pro vided for. If Iiis policy shall he curried out in repealing or modifying the Fugitive Slave Law so as to weaken its efficacy, Georgia has declared that she will in the lost resort disrupt the tics of tlie Union, and I say si too. ’ - ■ " • • — upon sions r to you and to the people of Georgia, keep your powder dry and let your assuilants then have load if need be. (Applause.) I would wait for an act of aggression. This is my position. Now upon another point, and that the most difficult and deserving your most serious consideration, I will speak. That is the course which this State should pursue towards tliose Northern States which by their Legislative acts have attempted to nttUify tfm F.t R 4e*vo' 5Tav5~TJ&Wi 'nmmv that in some of these States their acts pre tended to be based upon tlie principle set fortli in the decision of tlio Supreme Court of tlio United Stutcs iu tlie case Prigg against Pennsylvania ; that decision did procluim the doctrine that the State officers are not bound to carry out tlie provisions of a law of Congress—that tlie Federal Govern ment cannot impose duties upon State of ficials—that tliey must execute their own laws by tbeir own officers. And this may be true. But still it is tlie duty of the States to deliver fugitive slaves as well as the duty of tho General Government to see that it is done. Northern States, on entering into the 1 cdoral Compact plegcd themselves to sttr- •eudi.r such fugitives ; and it is in disregard if tbeir constitutional obligations that th- y tavo passed bn-vs jyhioh even tend to hind, t a - imbibe the i IflltnoutTJP^tfrrrtvqbligattftn. They have violated their pi ip 1 tjnf*~i’Tfih j what ought we to do in view of this ? That is the question. YY’liat is to tie done ? By the law of nations you would have a right to demand tho carrying out of this article of agreement, and I do not seo that it should be otherwise with respect to the States of this Union, and in case it be not done we would by these principles Imve the right to commit nets of reprisal on these faithless .. iverninents, and seize upon their property, or that of their citizens wherever found. Tlie States of this Union s .md upon tiie same footing with foreign nations in this respect. But by the law of natiomi we are V equally bound, before proee. ding t,, viulent measures to set forth our grievances before the offending government lo give them an opportunity to rcdiess the wrong. Hus our Stale yet done this ? I think uut. Suppose it were great Britain that had violated some compact of agreement witli tho General Government; what would be first done ? In that ease our Minister would bo directed iu tlie first instance to bring tlie mutter to the attention of that goverumeut, or a commissioner be si-nt to that country to open uegoti&Ji.uus witli luii, ^iti*~J, und it would only be after argument an<7 reason had been exhausted iu vain that we would take the last resort uf nations. That would bo the course towards a foreign gov ernment, and towards a member of this Con federacy I would recommend the same course. Let us therefore not act hastilj’ to this mat ter. Let your Committee on the'Stuto of the Republic make out a bill of grievance ; let R be sent by the Governor to tlioso faithless States, and if reason and argument shall be tried in vain—all shall fail to induce them to return to their constitutional obligations, 1 would bo for retaliatory measures, such us the Governor lias suggested to you. This mode of resistance in tlie Union is in our power. It might bo effectual, and if in the iast resort we would be justified in the eyes of nations, not only in separating from them, but by usiug force. (Some one said tho argument was already exhausted ) , Mr. Stephens continued. Some friend says that the argument is ulready exhausted. No, my friend, it is not. You have never called the attention ot tho Legislature of those States to this subject, that I am aware of. Nothing has ever boou done before this year. The attention of our own people has been culled to the subject lately. Now then my recommendation to. you would bo this. In view of all these questions of difficulty, lut a convention of the pooplo of Georgia be called, to which they may be all referred. Let tlio sovereignty of the people spunk. Seme think that tlie election of Mr. Lincoln is cause sufficient to dissolve the Uniou. Some think those other griev ances are sufficient to dissolve the same, and that tiie Legislature has the power thus to act aud ought thus to act. I have no hesi tancy in saying that tho Legislature is not tlie proper body to sever our Federal rela tions, if that uecessury should arise. An honorable and distinguished gentleman the other night (Mr. T. R. R. Cobb) advised you to take this course—not to wait to bear from tho cross roads and groceries. 1 say to you, you have no power so to act. Yon must refer this question to the people, and • you must wait to hear from tho men ut tho cross roads and even tlio groceries ; for tlie people iu this couutry, whether at the cross roads or the groceries, whether in cottages or palaces, are all equal, and they are the sovereigns in this country. Sovereignty is not in the Legislature. We, the people, are the sovereigns. - I am oue of thorn and have a right to be heard, and so has any other citizen of the Stato. You legislators, I speak it respectfully, are but our servants. You are the servants uf the people and not their masters. Fewer resides with the people in this country. The gruat difference between our country and all others, such as France and England and Ireland, is that here there is popular sovereignty, wliilu there sovereignty is exercised by kings and favored classes. This principle of popular soveroingntv, however much derided lately, is the foundation of our institutions Com stitutions arc but the channels through which the popular will may bo expressed. Our Constitution came from the people. They made it, and they alone can rightfully unmake it. Mr. Toumbs. I am afraid of conventions. Mr. Stepbeua. 1 am not afraid of any convention legally chosen by the people. I know no way to decide great questions affecting fundamental laws exoept by re presentatives of the people. The constitu tion of the United States was made by the representatives of the people. The consti tution of the State of Geurgia was made by representatives of the people chosen at tho ballot-box. But do not let the question which comes before the people be put to them \