Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

;r?»V tk*m UfaCta BY JONES & WILLINGHAM, LA GKANGE, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, DECEMBER i5, 1865; VOLUME XXI.—NUMBER 49. the la grange reporter. RATES OF SCBSCRIFTION AND ADVERTISING. One copy one year 84 00 Club of three oopioe one year, 10 00 t'llib of five copies one year,. 16 00 Single copy, 10 Invariably in advance. All papers stopped at the end of tie time paid for if not previously renewed. Advertisements inserted at the rates of One Dollar and Fifty Cents per square of Ten Lines, for the first insertion, and Seventy-five Cents for each subsequent inse tion—payable in advance. Liberal deductions made on contracts for adver tisements running three months and longer. PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE. Fdlow-C'dizem ot the Senate and House of Representatives: To express gratitude to God, in the nuine of the People, for the preservation of the United States, is rny first duty in addressing you. Our thoughts next re vert to the death of the late Presideut by «n act of parricidal treason. The grief of the nation is still fresh; it finds some solace in tire consideration that he lived to enjoy the highest proof of its confidence by entering on the renewed term of the Chief Magistracy, to which he had been elected; that he brought the civil war substantially to a close; that his loss was deplored in all parts of the Union; and that foreign nations have iendered justice to his memory. Ilis removal cast upon me a heavier weight of cares than ever devolved upon any of his predecessors.— To fulfil my trust I need the Biipport and confidence of all who are associated with me in the various departments of Gov ernment, and the Bupport and confidence of the people. There is but one way in which 1 can hope to gain their necessary ■aid; it is to state with frankness the -principles which guide my conduct, and their application to the present state of affairs, well aware that the efficiency of my labors will, in a great measure, de pend on your and their undivided appro bation. The Union of the United States of America was intended, by its authors, to last as long as the Stales themselves shall last. “The Union shall be perpetu nl” are the words of the Confederation — “ To form a more perfect Union,” by an ordinance of the people of the United States, is the declared purpose of the Constitution. The hand of Divine Provi dence was never more plainly visible in the affairs of men than in the framing and the adopting of that ‘instrument. It is, beyond comparison, the greatest event in American history; and indeed is it not, <if all events in modern times, the most pregnant with consequences for every people of the earth ? The members of the Convention which prepared it, brought to their work the experience of the Con federation, of their several States, and of other Republican Governments, old and new; but they needed and they obtained a w isdom superior to exooi ien.e. And when for its validity it reqtiin.il the up- the Federal Government itself, or to the people, who grant to the members of the Legislative and Executive Departments no tenure but a limited one, and in that manner always retain the powers of re dress. “The sovereignty of the States*’ is the language of the Confederacy, and not the language of the Constitution. The latter contains the emphatic words: “The Con stitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made or which shall be made under the authority of the United State.s, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.” Certainly the Government of the United States is a limited Government. With us, this idea of limitation spreads through every form of administration, general, State and municipal, and rest on the gfbat distinguishing principle of the re cognition of the rights of rnan- The an cient republics absored the individual in the State, prescribed his religion, and controlled his activity. The American system rests on the assertion of the equal rights of every man to life, liberty, aud the pursuit of happiness; to freedom of conscience, to the culture and exercise of all his faculties. As a consequence, the i State Government is limited, as to the General Government in the interest of the Union, an to individual citizen in the in terest, of freedom. States, with proper limitations of pow er, are essential to the existence of the Constitution of the United States. AtHhe veiy commencement, when we assumed a place among the powers of the earth, the Declaration of Independence was adopted by the States; so also were the Articles of Confederation; and when the people of the United States ordained and established the Constitution, it was the assent of the States, one by one, which gave vitality. In the event, too, of any amendment to the Constitution, the propo sition cf Congress needs the confirmation of Slatis. Without States one great branch of the legislative Government would be wanting. And, if wo look be yond the letter of the Constitution to the character of our country, its capacity for comprehending within its jurisdiction, a vast continental empire is due to the sys tem of States. The best Gccurity for the perpetual existence of tho States is the “supreme authority” of the Constitution of the United States. The perpetuity of the Constitution brings with it the perpetuity of the States; their mutual relation makes us what we are, and in our political sys tem their connection is indissoluble. Thu whole cannot exist without the parts nor the parts without the whole. So long as tiie Constitution of Iho United States en dures, (lie States will endure; the desti ne tion of the one is the destruction of the other; the presei vation of the one is the preservation of the other. I have thus explained my views of the tkins. dn this principle l have acted, and have gradually "and quietly, and by al most imperceptible steps, sought to re store the rightful energy of the General Government and of the States* To that end, Provisional Governors have beet) np- poitited for the States, Conventions called, Governors elected, Legislatures assembl ed, aud Senators and Representatives chosen to the Congress of the U. States. At the same time, the Courts of the U. States, as far as could be done, have been reopened, so that the laws of the United Stales may be enfored through their agency. The blockade has been removed and the custom-houses re-established iti ports of entry, so that the revenue of the United States may be collected. The Postoffice Department renews its ceaseless activity, ana the General Government is thereby enabled to communicate promptly with its officers and agents. The courts bring security to persons and property; the opening of the ports invites the restora tion of industry and commerce; the post my counsel the Constitution itself, the in terpretations of that instrument by itsl authors and their Contemporaries, and re cent legislation by Congress. When, at the first movement towards independence, the Congress of the United States instruct* ed the several States to institute govern ments of their own, they left each State to decide for itself the conditions for the enjoyment of the elective franchise. Dur ing the period of the Confederacy, there continued to exist a very great diversity- in the qualifications of electors in the sev eral States; and even within a State a dis tinction of qualifications prevailed with rrgard to the officers who were to be cho sen. The Constitution of the United States recognizes these diversities when it en joins that, in the choice of members of the House of Representatives of the United States, “ the elections in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for elec tors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature.” After the formation of the Constitution, it remained as before, the uniform usage office renews the facilities of social inter- 1 of each State to enlarge the body of its course and of business. And is it not j electors, according to its own judgment; happy for us all, that the restoration of! aud, under this system, one State after each one of these functions of the General ; another has proceeded to increase the Government brings with it a blessing to ! number of its electors, until now uneven* the State over which they arc extended? ; ?a! suffrage, or something near it, is. the proval of a people that occupied a large ; mutual relations of the Constitution and Is it not a sure promise of harmony and renewed attachment to the Union that uf ter all that has happened, the return of the General Government is known only as a beneficence? I know very well that this policy is at tempted with some risk; that for its suc cess it requires at least the acquiescence of the States which it concerns; that it implies an invitation to those States, by renewing their allegiance to the United States, to resume their functions as States of the Union. But it is a risk that must be taken; in the choice of difficu’ties, it is the smallest risk; and -todiminish, and, if possible, to remove all danger, I have felt it incumbent on me to assert one other power of the General Government—the power of pardon. As no State can throw a defence over the crime of treason, the power of pardon is exclusively vested in the Executive Government of the United Staten. In exercising that power, I have taken every precaution to connect it with the ’ clearest recognition of the binding force of the laws of the United States, and an unqualified acknowledgment of the great social change of condition iniogard to slavery which has grown out of the war. The next step which I have taken to re store the constitutional relations of the States, has been an invitation to them to participate in the high office of amending the Constitution. Every patriot must wish for a general amnesty at the earliest epoch consistent with public safety. For Ibis great end there is need of a concur rence of all opinions, and the spirit of mutual conciliation. All parties in the late terrible conflict must, work together in harmony*. It is not too much to ask, in the name of the whole people, that, on the one side, the plan of restoration shall general rule. So fixed Was this reserva tion of power in the habits of the people, and so unquestioned has been the inter pretation of the Constitution, that during the civil war the late President never har bored the purpose—certainly never avow ed the purpose—of disregarding it; and in the acts of Congress, during that pe riod, nothing can he found which, during the continuance of hostilities, much less after their close, would have sanctioned any departure by the Executive from a policy which has so uniformly obtained. Moreover, a concession of the elective franchise to the freedmen, by act of the President of the United States, must have been extended to all colored men, wherev* or found, and so must have established a change of suffrage in the Northern, Mid dle and Western States, not less than in the Southern and Sothwestern. Such an act would have created a new class of vo ters, and would have been an assumption of power by the President which nothing in the Constitution or laws of the United States would have warranted. On the other hand, every danger of con flict is avoided when the settlement of the question is referred to the several States. They can, eacli for itself, decide on the measure, and whether it is to be adopted at once and absolutely, or introduced gradually and with conditions. In my judgment, the freedmen, if they show pa tiencc and manly virtues, will sooner ob- : thin a participation in the elective fran- j close through the States than through the j General Government, even if it had power j t<> intervene. When the tumult of emo tions that have been raised by the sud- j dcimcss of the social change shall have j subsided, it may prove that they will re- j ccive the kindest usage from some of those j on whom tlie.v have heretofore most close- l part of a continent and acted separately in many distinct conventions, what is pies more wonderful than that, 'alter earnest ! momentous contention and long diycusshiion, all feel ings and all opinion*! were ultimately drawn in one way to its support? The Constitution to which life was thus imparted contains within itself ample re sources for its own preservation. It has power to enforce the laws, punish treason, and ensure domestic tranquility. In case of the usjrputioii of the Government <*f a State by one maw, or an oligarchy, it be comes a duty* of the United States to make good the guarantee to that State of a republican form of government, and so to maintain the homogeneousness of all Does the lapse of time reycal defects? A simple inode of amendment is provided in the Constitution itself, so that its con ditions can-always be made to conform to tho requirements of advancing civiliza tion. No rdoni is allowed even for the thought of a possibility of its coming to an end. And these powers of self pre servation have always been asserted in their complete integrity by every patri ot^ “Chief Magistrate —by Jefferson and Jackson; not lees than Washington and Madison. The parting advice of the Father of his Country, while yet Presi deut, to the people of the United States, was, that “the free Constitution, which was the work of their hands, might be sacredly maintained;” and the inaugural words of President Jefferson held up “ihfc preservation of the General Government, in its Constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchdr .of ou'r peace Al horile and safety abroad.” The Constitution i§ the work of “the People of the United States,” and it should be as indestructible as the people. It Is tibt Strange that the framers of the Constitution, which had no model in the past, should not have fully comprehended the excellence of their owh work. Fresh from a struggle against arbitrary power, many patriots suffered from harrassing fears of an absorption of the State Gov ernments by the General Government, %ind many from a dread that the States would break away from their orbits. But the very greatness of our country should wHay the apprehension of encroachments by the General Government. The stlb- JectB tii&t cotne unquestionably within its .jurisdiction are iq tiUmCroCs, that it must ever naturally refuse to be emba^rafeked by questions that lie beyond it. Were it otherwise* the Executive would sink be neath this bordeh; U*e Channel* of justice Weald be choked f legislation Wohld be dbstrnctisd by excess; so that there is a greater temptation to exercise some of the functions of the General Government through the States than Jo trespass upon tbeiFHglitfbl flpherb. “The absollite a'c. qotesence iti the decision of the majority” was, at Ike beginning of the century, en forced by Jefferson “as the vital princi ples of republics,” and the.ekente of the ratit foflf years have established, we ftilt hope forever, that there lies no appeal to feroc. * The maintenance of the Union brings With it “the 8npport of the State Gov- ernarents in all their rights;” but it is not owe of the rights of any State Govern ment "fo renounce Its own place in the Union, or to nullify the late# of the Union. The-larjgcst liberty is to bo mained in the discnislon of the acts of the Federal Gov ernment; but there is tio appeal from it* laws, except to the various branches of the States, because they unfold the prini-i- \ proceed in conformity with a willingness j ly depended • .-iii i . . . _ .i. . . _ - . J-. ...» «■ .i _ .. • . . i. ! i.:i. on which I have sought to solve 1ln questions and overcome the appalling difficulties that met me at the very commencement of my administration. It has been my steadfast object to escape from the sway of momentary passions, and to derive a healing policy from the fundamental and unchanging principles of the Constitution. I found the States suffering from the effects of a civil war. Resistance to the General Government appeared to have exhausted itself. The United States had recovered possession of their forts and arsenals, and their armies were in the oc cupation of every Stale which had at tempted to secede. Whether the territo ry within the limits of those States should be held as,, conquered territory, under military authority emanating from the President as the head of the army, to cast the disorders of the past into ob livion; and that, On the other, the evi dences of sincerity in the future mainten ance of the Union shall be put beyond any doubt by the ratification of the proposed amendment to the Constitution, which provides for the abolition of slavery for ever within the limits of our country. So long as the adoption of this amendment is delayed, so long will doubt and jealousy prevail. This is the measure wdiich will efface the sad memory of the past; this is the measure which will moat certainly call population, and capital, and security to those parts of the Union that need them most- Indeed, it is not too much to ask of the States which are now resuming their places in the family of the Union to give this pledge of perpetual loyalty and peace. Until it is done, the past, how ever much we tr.nv desire it, will not be But while I have no liuuot that now, after the close of the war, it is not compe tent for the General Government to ex tend the elective franchise in the several States, it is equallj- clear that good faith requires the security of the freedmen in tluir liberty and their property, their right to labor, and their right to claim the just return of their labor. I cannot too strongly urge a dispassionate treat ment of this subject, which should be carefully kept aloof from all pa'rty strife. We must equally avoid hasty assump tions of any natural impossibility for the two races to live side by side, in a state of mutual benefit and good will. The ex periment involves us in no inconsistency; let us, then, go on anil make that expert- j ment in good faith, aud not be too easily : disheartened. The country is in herd of labor, and : the frdedmen are in need of employment, j While their right the first oueMfon that presented itself for i forgotten. The adoption of the amend- decision ! incut reunites us beyond all power of dis- j culture, and protection. Now military -overmfccnts, established ! ruption. It heals the wound that is still j of voluntary migration and expatriation for an indefinite period would have offer- imperfectly closed; it removes slavery, I is not to be questioned I won d no ad- tor pi u, v element which has so long perplexed vise their forced removal and colonization. ed no security for the eat ly suppression of discontent; would have divided the peo ple into the vanquishers and the vanquish ed, and would have envenomed hatred rather than have restored affection. Once established, no precise limit to their con tinuance was conceivable. They would have occasioned an incalculable and ex hausting expense. Peaceful emigration to and from that portion of the country is one of the best means that can be thought of for the restoration of harmony; and that emigration would have been pre vented; for what emigrant from abroad, what industrious citizen at home, would place himself willingly under military rule? The chief persons who would have followed in the train of the army would have been dependents ou the General Gov ernment, or men who expected profit from the miseries of their erring fellow-citizens. The powers of patronage ahd rule which would have been exercised, under the President, over a vast and populous, and naturally wealthy region, are greater than, unless under extreme necessity, I should be willing to entrust to any one man; they are such as, for myself, I could never, unless on occasions of great emergency, consent to exercise. The wilful use. of such powers; if continued through a period of ye^rsr, Would have endangered the pu rity of the general administration and the liberties of the States which remained '^Bekdes, the policy of military riiie oyer a conquered terrlt'.fr would have implied that the States whose inhabitants may hare taken part in the rebellion had. by the act of those inhabitants, ceased to ex ist But the true theory is that all pre* tended acts of secession .teere, from the beginning, null and void. i cannot committreason, nor screen the in dividual citizens who may have comm , ted treason, any more than they can make valid treaties or engage in lawful com merce with any foreign Power. Ane States attempting to secede placed them selves Iii a condition where their vitality was impaired, but not extinguished— their functions suspended- but not des troyed. But if any State hegiebls or refuses to perform its offices, there is the more need that the General Govettitjiferit shoiild trial b- taib ail its authority, and, as soon as prac ticable, resume the exercise of all itsfunc- aud divided the country; it makes us oucq more a united people, renewed and strengthened, bound more than ever to mutual affection and support. The amendment to Ihe Constitution be ing adopted, it would remain for the States, whose powers have been so long in abeyance', to resume their places in the two branches of the National legislature, and thereby complete the work of restora tion. Here U for you, fellowiug-citizens of the House of Representatives, to judge, each of you, for yourselves, of the elec tions, returns, and qualifications of your members. The full assertion of powers, of the General Government requires t ie holding of Circuit Courts of the United States within the districts where their authority has been interrupted. In the present pos ture of our public affairs, strong objec tions have been urged to holding those courts in any of the States where the re bellion had existed; ar.d it was ascertain ed, by inquiry, that the Circuit Court of the United States would not be held with in the District of Virginia, during the au tumn or early winter, hot until Congress should have " an opportunity to consider ahij act on the whole subject."’ > To your deliberations the restoration of this branch of the civil authority of the United States is therefore necessary re ferred with the hope that early provisions will be made for the resumption of all its functions: It is manifest that treason, most flagrant in.character. has been com mitted- Persous who are ebarged with its commission shmild have fair and im partial trials in.the highest civil tribunals Of the cdtjntry, iii order that the Constitu tion and the laws may be fully vindicated; the truth clearly established aud affirmed that treason is a crime, that traitors should be punished ann the .offence made infa mous; and, at the same time, that the question may be,judiciously settled finM- ly and forever, that no State, <?f i-a own will, has a rigllt to denounce Us place in the The”%"iailoi,kof the General GoVern- mcnl towards the font millions of nhal.i- tan’ts whom Ihe war has called mto toe; Let ns rather encourage to honorable and useful industry, where it may be benefi cial to themselves and the country; and, instead of hasty anticipations of the cer tainty of failure, let there be nothing wanting to the fair trial of the experiment. The change in their condition is the sub stitution of labor by contract for the stn* tus of slavery. The freedmaU cannot fairly be accused of unwillingness to work, so long as a doubt remains about his freedom of choice in his pursuits, and the certainty of his recovering his stipu lated wages. Iu this the interests of the employer!and the employed coincide. The employer desires in his workmen spirit and alacrity, and these can be permanent ly secured "in no other way. And if the one ought to be able to enforce the con tract, so blight the other. The public in terest will be best promoted, if the sever al States will provide adequate protec tion and remedies for the freedmen. Un til this is in some way accomplished, their labor, and the blame of ill-success will not rest on them. I know that sincere philanthropy is earnest for the immediate realization of its remotest aims: but time is always an element in reform. It is one of the great est acts on record to have brought four millions of people into freedom. The ca reer of free industry must be fairly open ed to the hi, and. then their future pros perity and condition must, after all, rest mainly on themselves. If they fail, and so perish away) let us be careful that the failure shall not be attributable to any denial of justice. In all that relates to the destiny of Ihe freedmen, we need not be too anxious to read the future; many incidents which, from a speculative point J of view, might »aisfe alarm, will quietly settle themselves. Now that slavery is at an end or near its end, the greatest of its evil, in the point of view of pnblic economy, becomes more and more apparent. Slavery was essentially a monopoly of labor, and as such locked the States where it prevailed agaihst the incoming of free industry.— Where labor was tbe property or the cap italist, the white man was excluded from or had but the second best f and the foreign emi- from the region where rjuld be so precarious.— With the destruction of the monopoly, freb labor will hasten from all parts of the civilized world to assist in developing ing various and immeasurable resoilrfces which have hitherto lain dormant. The eight or nine States nearest the Gulf of Mexico have a soil of exhuberant fertility, a climate friendly to long life, and can sustain a denser population than is found as yet in any part of our country And the future influ* of population to them will be fciaiiily from the North, or from the most cultivated portions of Eu rope. From the sufferings that Lave at tended them during otlr late struggle, let ns look away to the future, which is sure to be laden for them with greater pros perity than has ever before been known. The removal of the monopoly of labor is a pledge that those regions will be peopled by a numerous and enterprising pollu tion, which will vie with any in the Un ion in compactness, inventive genius, Wealth and industry. Our Government springs from and was made for the people—hot the people for the Government. To them it owes allegi* ance; from them it must derive its courage, strength, and wisdom. But, while the Government is thus bound to defer to the people, from whom it derives its existence, it should, froru the very consideration of its origin, be strong in its power of re sistance to the establishment of inequali ties, Monopolies, perpetuities, aud class legislation, are contrary to the genius of free government, and ought not to he al lowed. Here, there is no room for favor ed classes or monopolies; the principles of our Government is that of equal laws and freedom of industry. Wherever monopoly attains a foothold, it is sure to be a source of danger, dis cord, and trouble. We shall but fulfill our duties as legislators by according “equal and exact justice to all men,” spe cial privileges to none. This Government is subordinate to the people, but, as tbe agent and the representative of the peo ple it must be held superior to monopo lies, which, in themselves, ought never to be granted, and which, where they exist, must be subordinate and yield to the Gov ernment. The Constitution confers on Congress the right to regulate commerce among the several States. It'is of the first necessi ty, for the maintenance of the Union, that that commerce should be free and unob structed. No State can be justified in any device to tax the transit of travel and commerce between States. The po sition of many States is such, that if they were allowed to take advantage of it for purposes of local revenue, the commerce between States might be injuriously bur dened, or even virtually prohibited. It is best, while the country is still young, and while the tendency to dangerous monopo lies of the kind is still feeble, to use the power of Congress so as to prevent any selfish impediment to the free circulation of men and merchandise. A tax on travel and merchandise, in their transit, constitutes one of the'worst forms of monopoly, and the evils is in creased if coupled with a denial of the choice of route. When the vast extent of our country is considered, it is plain that every obstacle to the free circulation of commerce between the States ought to be sternly guarded against by appropri ate legislation, within the limits of the Constitution. The report of the Secretary of the Inte rior explains the condition of the public lands, the transaction of the Patent Office and the Pension Bureau; the management of our Indian affairs, the progress made in the construction of the Pacific railroad, and furnishes information in reference to matters of local interest in the District of Columbia. It also presents evidence of the successful operation of the Homestead Act, under the provisions of which 1,160,- 533 acres of the public lands were enter ed during the last fiscal year—more than onc-fourth of the whole number of acres sold or otherwise disposed of during that period. It is estimated that the receipts derived from this source are sufficient to cover, the expenses incident to the survey and disposal of the lands entered under this Act, and that payments in cash to the extent of from forty to fifty per cent, will be made by settlers, who may thns at any time acquire title before the expi ration of the period at which it would otherwise vest. The homestead policy was established only after long and earn est resistance; experience proves its wis dom. The lands, in the bands of indus trious settlers, whose labor creates wealth and contribute to the public resources, are worth more to the United States than if they had been reserved as a solitude for future purchasers. Tbe lementable events of the last four years and the sacrifices made by the gal lant men of the army and navy have swell ed the records of the Pension Bureau to an unprecedented extent. On the 30th day of June last the iotal number of pen- s oilers was 85,986, requiring for their an nual pay, exclusive of expenses, the sum of $8,023,445- The number of applica tions that have been allowed since that date will require a large increase of this amount for the next fiscal year. The means for the payment of the stipends due, under existing law?; to our disa bled soldiers and sailors, and to the fami lies of such as have perished in the service of the country will, no doubt, be cheer fully and promptly granted: A grateful people will not hesitate to sanction any measure having fur their object tbe relief of soldiers mutilated and families made fatherless iti the efforts to preserve our national existance. The report of the Postmaster General presents ati encouraging exhibit of the operations of tbe Post Office department during the year. The revenues of tbe past year from the loyal States alone ex ceeded the maximum annual receipst from all the States previous to the rebf llion, id the sum of $6,038,091; and the annual average increase of revenue during tbe last four years, cohipared with the reven ues of the four years immediately preced ing the rebellion, was $3,533,845. The revenues of the last fiscal yeer amouiited to $14,556,158, and the expenditures to $13,694,128; leaving a surplus of receipts over expenditures of $861,430. Ptogre6S has been niade in restoring the postil ser vice in the Southern States. Ihe views preSehted by the Postmaster General against the policy of granting subsidies to the ocean mail steamship lines upon established routes, and in faVor of continu ing the present system, which limits the cohipkhs&tion for ocean service to the postage earnings* are recommended to the careful consideration of Congress. It appears, from the report of the Secre tary of the Navy, that while, at the com mencement of the present 3’car, there were In commission 550 vessels of all classes and descriptions, armed with 3,000 guns and manned by 61,000 men, the number of vessels at present in commission Is 117, with 830 gtius and 12,128 men. By this prompt reduction of the naval forces tbe expenses of the Government have largely diminished, and a number of ves sels, purchased for naval purposes from the merchant marine, have been returned to the peacelul pursuits of commerce.— SiuCc the suppression of active hostilities our foreign squadrohs have been re-es tablished, and consist of Vessels much more efficient than those employed ou similar service previous to the rebellion. The suggestion for the enlargement of the navy yards, and especially for the establishment of one in fresh water for iron-clad vessels, is deserving of consid eration, as is also the recommendation for a different location and more ample grounds fur the Naval Academy. In the report of the Secretary of War, a general summary is given of the mili tary campaigns of 1864 and 1805, ending in the suppression of armed resistance to the National authority in the insurgent States. The operations of the general administrative Bureaus of the War De partment during the past year are detail ed, and an estimate made of the appro priations that will be required for milita ry purposes in the fiscal year commencing the 30th day of June, 1866. The National military force on the 1st of May, 1865, numbered 1,000,516 men. It is proposed to reduce the military establishment to a peace tooting, comprehending fifty thous and troops of all arms, organized so as to admit of an enlargement by filling up the ranks to eighty-two thousand six hundred, if the circumstances of the country should require an augmentation pf the army.— The volunteer force .has already been reduced by the discharge from service of over eight hundred thousand troops, and the Department is proceeding rapidly iu the work of further reduction. The war estimates are reduced from $51G,240,141 to $33,814,461, which amount, in the opin ion of the Department, is adequate for a peace establishment. The measures of retrenchment in each Bureau and branch of the service exhibit a diligent cconohiy worthy of commendation. ' Reference is also made in the report to the necessity of providing fora uniform militia system, and to the propriety of making suitable provision for the wounded and disabled officers and soldiers. The revenue system of the country Is a subject of vital interest to its honor and prosperity, and should command the cam est consideration of Congress. The Sec retary of the Treasury will lay before you a full and detailed report bf the re ceipts and disbursements of the last fiscal 3’car, of the first quarter of the present fiscal 3'ear, of the probable receipts and expenditures for the other three quarters, and the estimates for the 3’ear following the 30th of June, 1666. I might content myself with a reference to that report, in which you will find all the information required for your deliberations and decis ion. But the paramount importance of the subject so presses itac’.f oh my own mind, that I cannot but Idy before yoti my views of the measures ftbibb arc rbquired for the good character, and, I might al most say, for the existence of this people The life of a republic lies certainly in the energy, virtoe, and intelligence of its citizens; but it is equally true that dgood revenue system is tbe life of an organized government. I meet you at a time when the nation has voluntarily burdened - itself with a debt unprecedented in our annals. Vast as is its amount, it fade& away into nothing when compared with the countless blessings that will be conferred upon our country and man by the preservation of the nation’s life. Now, ou the first occa sion of the meeting ot Cbngress since the return of peace, it is of tbe utmost im portance to inaugurate a just policy, which shall at once be put in motion, and which shall commend itself to those who come after tls for its continuance. We must aim at nothing less than the com plete cffacement of the financial evils that necessarily followed a state of civil war. We must endeavor to apply the earliest remedy to the deranged state of the cur rency, and not shrink from devising a policy which, without being oppressive to the people, shall immediately begin to effect a reduction of the debt, and, if per sisted in, discharge it fully within a defi nitely fixed number of years. It is our first duty’ to prepare in earnest for oar recovery from the ever-increasing evils of an irredeemable curfehc3’j with out a sudden revultion, and yet without untimely procrastination. For that end, we must, each in our respective positions, prepare the way. I hold it the duty of the Executive to insist upon frugality in the expenditures; and a sparing economy is itself a great national resource. Of the banks to which authority has been given to issue notes secured by bonds of the United. States, we may require tbe greatest moderation and prudence, and the law must be rigidly enforced when its limits are exceeded. We tnayj each one of us, counsel our active and enterprising con u try men to be constantly on tbeir guard, to liquidate debts contracted in a paper currency, and, by conducting busi ness as nearly as possible on a aydtem of cash payments or short credits, to hold themselves prepared to return to tho standard of gold and silver. To aid our fellow-citizens in the prudent management of their monetary affairs, tbe duty de volves on us to diminish by law the amount of paper money now in circula tion. Five years ago tbe bank-note cir culation of the country amounted to not more than two millions; now the circula- tibto, bank and national, exceeds seven hundred millions. The simple statemept of the fact recommends more strongly than any words of mine conld do, tbe necessity of bur restraining thiS expan sion. The gradual reduction of the cur rency is the only measure that t«n aa*o the business of the Country trniis caiattiilivsj ant * v fro to diius- cah ba almost impciccptibl}- accomplished by gradually fading ihe national Circulation in seciin* tics thni ffiay be redeemable at the pteai* ■ ure of the Government. Otfr debt is donbiy'sechre—first in tbp hbtiial health and still greater undevel oped resources of the cotintVy; and npit in the character of our itistitutions. The most intelligent observers among politi cal economists have not failed to remark; that the public debt of a country is sale iti proportion as its people arc free; that the debt of a republic is the safest of all. Our history Confirms and establishes the theory, arid is, I firmly believe, destined to give it a still more signal illustcatipu, > The secret or this superiority 6pringanui« merely from the fact that iu a republic thb . national obligations are distributed more- widely through countless numbers in all classes of society; it has its root in the character of otlr- laws. Here all men cop-., tribute to the. public welfare, and beAfc , their fair share of the public burdens.—r- During the war, under the impulses tu . patriotism, the men of the great body of . the peolc, without regard to their owri . comparative want of wealth, thronged to onr atlnics anil filled our fleets of war, and held themselves ready to offer theiC lives fbr the public good. Now, in thrift turn, the property and income of thb country should bear their Just proportion of the burden of taxation, while iii riiit impost system, through means of whfbh increased vitality is incidental!}’ Imparted'" to all tho industrial interests of the na tion, the duties should be so adjusted a8 to fall most heavily oh articles of luxury; leaving the necessaries of life as free from taxation as the absolute wants of the Government, -economically adminis tered, will justify. No favored clasS should demand freedom from assessment, and the taxes sliorild be so distributed as not to fall unduly on the poor* bttt rather on the accumulated wealth of the country. Wc should look at the national debt as it is—not as a national blessing, but as a heavy burden on the industry of thecouo- tr}*, to he discharged without unnecessary iiela}\ t It is estimated by the Secretary of thri Treasury that the expenditures for tho fiscal year ending the 30th of June, 1866; will exceed the receipts $112,004,947. It is gratifying, however, to slate that it iti also estimated that the revenue for the year eliding the 1 Oth of June* 1867, will exceed the expenditures in thri! snm of $111,682,818. This amount, or so much as may be deemed sufficient for the pur pose, may be applied to the reduction of the public debt, which, on the 3lst day of October, 1865, was $2,740,854,750. Every reduction wil! diminish the total amouni of interest to be paid, and so enlarge tho means of still further reductions, until the whole shall be liquidated; and this; as will be seen from the estimates of the Secretary of the Treasury, may be accom plished by aunual payments even wilbitj a period not exceeding thirty years. 1 have faith that wc shall do all this withiti a reasonable time; that, as wc havd amazed the world by the suppression of a civil war which was thought to be be yond the control of any government, so we shall equally show the superiority of our institutions by the prompt and faith ful discharge of our national obligations. The Department of Agriculture, under its present direction, is accomplishing much in developing and utilizing the vast agricullural capabilities of the country; and for information respecting the details of it» management reference is made td the annual report of the Commisionera. I have dwelt thus fully on our domestic affairs because of their transcendent im portance. Under any circumstances; oftf great extent of territory and variety of climate, producing almost every thing that is Deccssary for tbe wants, and even the comforts of man, makes us singular]* independent of the varying policy of for eign powers, and protect ns against etery temptation to " entangling alliances.” while at the present moment the re-fcStab* lishment of harmony, and the strehgtfi that comes from harmony, will be out? best security against "nations wbff feet power and forget right.” For myself, ft lias been and it will be my constant aim td promote peace and amity with all foreigil nations and powers; and I have everjl reason to believe that they all; without exception, are animated with disposition. Our relations witb’tfi^ Em-' peror of China, so recent in their tfffgiti; are most friendly. Our commerce With his dominions is receiving new develop^ ments; and it is very pleasing to find that' the Government of that gredt Emplrti manifests satisfaction with our policy; and reposes just confidence ib the faftfteeri which makes our intercourse; The unbroken harmony between the U: States and the Emperor of Russia is re ceiving a new support from an ehterpfisb designed to carry telegraphic lines across the' continent of Asia, through hi* doftpte ions, and so to bonheCt its with all Eu rope by a new channel of intercourse.— Our commerce with South America is about to receive encouragemeiii by * dD rcct line of mail steamship td the rising Empire of Brazil. Tbe distinguished par ty of men of science tj bo bairn recently left out country to make a scientific ex- 1 ploration of tbe natural bistory and river* and mountain range* of tb»t region, have received from tbe Empefor .that gefierou* welcome which was to haVe been expeto* fed frotti hi* constant friendship for th* States; snd bi* well-known zeal iri profnofc- ing. A hope is entertained that oar com* merce with tbe rich and populebi Coun tries that border the Mediterranean Sea may be largely increased. Nothing will be wabtihg, on tbfe part of tlito ,Qt»*erl»* meat, to extend the protection of oar Pag over tbe enterprise of our fellbW-citraet*. We receive from tbe Powcrri.-m that re* gion assurances of gotid *^, 5 ’ worty of bote that a upcCm eu*cy Has brought us messages of condolence oo tbd- death ot our late Chief Magutret* from tbe Bey of TsniS, whose rule includes tba did dominions of Cartbfege; on the Afnsn ““or ed, has left some trices ritor with dhe st least of t^gr^ msrstwax Powers. ereut right* to *bferWtogehtStogwM unprecedented and by the issue. Botre U*