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unbounded joy by (he brother and (he lover, and even through the father’.- apparent indiffer ence 1 could perceive that his refusal to pailici pate in the general joy would not be of long du ration. The large forHine which Mr. William Lloyd intimated his intention to bestow upon his niece was anew and softening clement in the affair. Mr. Smith, senior, ordered his dinner ; and Mr. Lloyd and Arthur Smith—but why need I attempt to relate what they did ? I only know that when, a long time afterwards, I ventured to look in at Mr. 0 ven Lloyd’s cottage, all the five inmates—brother, uncle, lover, niece and wife—were talking, lajigbing. weeping, smil ing, like distracted creatures, and seemeu utter ly incapable of reasonable discourse. An hour after that, as I stood screened by a >e!t of forest trees in wait for Mr. Jones and compa ny, I noticed, as they all strolled past me in the clear moonlight, that the tears, the agitation had passed away, leaving only smiles and grate ful joy on the glad faces so lately clouded by anxiety and sorrow. A mighty change in so brief a space ! Mr. Jones arrived with his cart rind helpers in due time. A man who sometimes assisted in the timber-yard was deputed with an apology for the absence of Mr. Lloyd, to deliver ttie goods. The boxes, full of plate and oiher- val uables, were soon hoisted in, and the cart mov ed off. I let it proceed about u mile, and then, with the help I had placed in readiness, easily secured the astounded burglar and his assis tants; and early the next morning Jones was on his road to London. lie was tried at the ensuing Old IJailey sessions, convicted, and transported for life ; and the discretion I had exerted in not executing the warrant against Owen Lloyd, was decidedly approved of by the authorities. It was about two months after my first inter view with Mr. Smith, that, on returning home one evening, my wife placed bcfoie me a piece of bride-cake, and two beautifully engraved cards united with white satin ribbon, bearing the name of Mr. and Mrs. Arthur Smith. 1 was more gratified by this little act of courte sy for Emily's sake—as those who have tempo rarily fallen from a certain position in society will easily understand—than I should have been by the costliest present. The service I had rendered was purely accidental : it has nevertheless been always kindly remembered by ail parties whom it so critically served. Advice to Young Men.— An Albany editor gives the following piece of Sain Slick advice to young men who would preserve sacred the band of bachelorhood : If you don’t wish to fall in love, keep away from calico. You can no more play with girls without losing your heart, than you can ply at roulette without losing your money. As Dobbs very justly ebserves, the heart strings of a wo man, like the tendrils of a vine, are always reaching out for something to cling to. The consequence is, that before you know you are going you are “gone,” like a one-legged stove at a street auction. The Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel states that the contract for building another cot ton mill in that city, has been closed. The Mill is to contain the same number of spindles as the one which has been in such successful operation during the past year, and will be commenced immediately. This is one ofthe most gratifying evidences of the great success which has, and will continue to attend manufacturing enterprise in Georgia. Dr. Channing says : The greatest man is he who chooses the right with invincible resolution, who resists the sorest temptations from within and without, who bears the heaviest burthens cheerfully, who is calmest in storms, and most fearless under menace and frowns, whose reliance on truth, on virtue, on Cod, is most unfaltering. Father Haynes and the Universalist.— A Universalist preacher, who prided himself on his ability to propound perplexing questions to or thodox ministers, bad sought an interview’ with the Rev. Lemuel Haynes. Upon being intro dneed, Mr. Haynes said, somewhat abruptly, “You are the man who teaches that men may sw r ear, steal, get drunk, and do all other like things, and yet go to heaven, ain’t you 7” “By no means,” replied the preacher, “I teach no such things.” “Well, you believe it, don’t you ?” rejoined Air. Haynes. The man could not say “No,” and there the debate ended. Yankee Coolness. —A duellist who fancied him self insulted by a Yankee who bad won the affectiwn of his lady-love, left the room with the ominous word*— “ You’ll hear from me, sir!” “ Well, do so,” replied the Yankee, “glad on’t; write once on a while; should like to hear from you as often as you have a mind to let me know how you get along.” U* “ Dick, you have pot a hole in your trowsers.” “ Well, who cares, it will wear longer than a patch.” “ Yes,” says Sam, “ and wider too.” Telegraphed for the Savannah Georgian. 14 DAI S LATER FROM El ROPE. ARRIVAL OF THE NIAGARA, AT HALIFAX. Baltimore, Jan. 25— 8 o’clock A. M. The steamship Niagara arrived at Halifax yester day morning at one o’clock and brings Liverpool ac counts to the 12th inst. COTTON MARKET. Cotton advanced a farthing since the sailing of the Canada, on the 29th December. The sales not given. Flour ha* advanced six pence per barrel. The political news is unimportant. second despatch. Further accounts by the Niagara. Baltimore, Jan 25ih, 4P. M. ] The sales of cotton at Liverpool for the wpek end ing the 12th, amounted to 69,000 hales, of which speculators took 49,000. The advance in all de scriptions is fully third despatch. Still Farther Accounts by the Niagara. Baltimore, Jan. 25th—9 o’clock P. M. The accounts carried out from this country by the steamship Hibernia, which arrived at Liverpool on the 9th inst., caused a great excitement in the cot ton market. Having given tiie sales in your last despatch, I herewith present the quotations of the Board of Brokers; fair Uplands and Mobile 6J, Or leans 6s. MONETARY AFFAIRS. Consols closed at ninety-seven and three-eighths. Money is extremely abundant- POLITICAL. In France proclamations have been issued against all kinds of Clubs and Political associations ; twenty live thousand French Troops have been ordered to remain at Rome to support the Pope. The news received up to this time contains nothing eLe of intereat. Special Message of the President on the California Question. To the House of Representatives of the United Sta'es : I transmit4o the House of Representatives, j in answer to a resolution of that body, passed ; on the 31st of December last, the accompany ing reports of heads of departments, which con- j tain all the official information in the posses- j sion of the Executive, asked for by the resolu tion. On corning into office, l found the military ! commandant of’ rhe department of California ex- I ercising the functions of civil governor in that Teriitory ; and left, as I was, to act under the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, without the aid of any legislative provision establishing a govern ment in that Territory, I thought it best not to disturb that arrangement, made under my pre decessor, until Congress should take some ac-1 tion on thut subject. I therefore did not inter- | sere with the powers of the military comman dant, who continued to exercise the functions of civil governor as before, but I made no such j appointment, conferred no such authority, and have allowed no increased compensation to the commandant for his services. With a view to the faithful execution of the treaty, so far as lay in the power of the Exec utive, and to enable Congress to act at the fire sent session, with as full knowledge and as lit. j tie difficulty ns possible on all matters of infer- j est in these Territories, 1 sent the Hon. Thom as Butler King as bearer of despatches to Cali fornia, and certain officers to California and New Mexico, whose duties are particularly de fined in the accompanying letters of instruction addressed to them severally by the proper de. partments. I did not hesitate to express to the people of those Territories my desire that each Territo. ry should, if prepared to comply with the requi •sitions ofthe constitution of the United States, form a plan of a State constitution, and submit the same to Congress, with a prayer for admis sion into the Union as a State; but I did not anticipate, suggest, or authorize the establish ment of any such government without the as sent of Congress, nor did I authorize any gov ernment agent or officer to interfere with or exercise any influence or control over the elec tion of delegates, or orer any convention, in making or modifying their domestic institutions, or any of the provisions of their proposed con stitution. On the contrary, the instructions given by my orders were that all measures of domestic policy adopted by the people of Cali foruia must originate solely with themselves; that while the Executive of the U. S. was de sirous to protect them in the formation ot any government republican in its character, to be at the proper time submitted to Congress, yet it was to be distinctly understood that the plan of such a government must at the same time be ; the result of their own deliberate choice, and | originate with themselves, without the interfer ! ence of the Executive. I am unable to give any information as to I laws passed by any supposed government in California, or of any cpijsus taken in either of I the Territories mentioned in the resolution, as 1 have no information on those subjects, j As already stated, 1 have not disturbed the | arrangements which 1 found had existed under | my predecessor. In advising an parly application by the peo ; oleos these Territories for admission as States, 1 was actuated principally by an earnest desire to afford to the wisdom and patriotism of Con gress the opportunity of avoiding occasions of ! bitter and angry dissensions among the people of the U. States. Unner the constitution, every State has the i right of establishing and from lime to time a!- tering its municipal laws and domestic institu tions, independently of every other State and of the general government, subject only to the prohibitions and guaranties expressly set forth in the constitution of the U. States. The sub. jects thus left exclusively to the respective ! States were not designed or expected to be j come topics of national agitation. Still, as tin -1 der the constitution, Congress has power to make all needful rules and regulations respect ing the Territories ofthe U. S., every new ac quisition of territory lias led to discussions on the question whether the system of involuntary servitude which prevails in many of the States should or should not be prohibited in that Ter ritory. The periods of excitement from this cause which have heretofore occurred have been safely passed ; but during the interval, of whatever length, which may elapse before the admission of the territories ceded by Mexico as Slates, it appears probable that similar ex citcment will prevail to an undue extent. Under these circumstances, I thought, and still think, that it was my duty to endeavor to put it in the power of Congress, by the admis sion of California and New Mexico as Slates, to remove all occasion tor the unnecessary ag itation of the public mind. It is understood that the people of the wes. tern part of California have formed a plan of a State constitution, and will soon submit the same to the judgment of Congress and apply for admission as a State. This course on their part, though in accordance with, was iiotadop. ted exclsively in consequence of any expres. sion of rny wishes, inasmuch as measures tend, ing to this end had been promoted by the offi. cers sent there by my predecessor, and were already in active progress of execution before any communication from me reached Califor nia. If the proposed constitution shall, when submitted to Congress, be found to be in com. pliance with the requisition of the constitution ofthe U. S , l earnestly recommend that it may receive the sanction of Congress. The part of California not included in the proposed State of that name is believed to be uninhabited, except in a settlement of our countrymen in the vicinity of Salt Lake. A claim has been advanced by the State of Texas to a very large portion of the most popu lous district of the Territory, commonly desig nated by the name of New Mexico. If the people of New Mexico had formed a plan of a : State government for that Territory, as ceded by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, and had been admitted by Congress as a State, our con ; gtitution would have afforded the means of nb. ; tnining an adjustment of the question of boun. | darv with Texas by a judicial decision. At present, however, no judicial tribunal has the power of deciding that question, and it remains for Congress to devise some mode for its ad. justment. Meanwhile I submit to Congress the question, whether it would be expedient be- § ® (!D TF B3IIM itiffiOTTOffiOltLo fore such adjustment to establish a territorial 1 , government, which, by including the district so j claimed, would practically decide the question adversely to the State of Texas, or, by exclu ding it. would decide it in her favor. In mv opinion, such a course would not be ex pedient, especially as the people of this Territo ry still enjoy the benefit and protection of their j municipal laws, originally derived from Mexico, and have a military 1 force stationed there to pro-1 tect them against the Indians. It is undoubted ly true that the property, lives, liberties, and re ligion ofthe people of New Mexico, are better, protected than they ever were before the treaty of cession. Should Congress, when California shall pre sent herself for incorporation into the Union, annex a condition to her admission as a State affecting her domestic institutions contrary to the. wishes of her people, and even compel her temporarily to comply 1 with it, yet the. State j could change her constitution at anytime alter! admission, when to her it should seem expedi ent. Any attempt to deny to the people ot the i State the right of self-government in a matter’ which peculiarly affects themselves will infalii- j bly be regarded by them as an invasion of their | rights ; and upon the principles laid down in our own declaration of independence, they will j certainly he sustained by the great mass of the j American people. To assert that they are a conquered people, and must, as a State, submit j to the will of their conquerors, in this regard, , will meet with no cordial response among Am- j erican freemen. Great numbers of them are | native citizens of the U. S. and not inferior to the rest of our countrymen in intelligence and patri otism ; and no language of menace to restrain them in the exorcise of an undoubted right, sub stantially guarantied to them by the treaty of cession itself, shall ever be uttered by me, or encouraged and sustained by 1 persons acting un der my authority. It is to be expected that, in the residue of the territory ceded to us by 1 Mexi co, the people residing there will, at the time of their incorporation into the Union as a State, set j tie all questions of domestic policy to suit them ! selves. No material inconvenience will result from the want, for a short period, of a government established by Congress over that part of the territory which lies eastward of the new State of California ; and the reasons for my opinions that New Mexico will, at no very distant period, ask for admission into the Union, are founded oil unofficial information, which I suppose, is com mon to all who have cared to make inquiries on that subject. Seeing, then, that the question which now excites such painful sensations in the country will in the end certainly be settled by the silent effect of causes independent of the action of j Congress, I again submit to your wisdom the policy recommended in my annual message of ! awaiting the salutary operation of these causes, i believing that we shall thus avoid the creation of j geographical parties, and secure the harmony of j feeling so necessary to the beneficial action of ; our political system. Connected, as the Union is, with the remembrance of past happiness, the sense of present blessings, and the hope of fu ture peace and prosperity, every dictate of wis dom, every feeling of duty, and every emotion of patriotism, tend to inspire fidelity and devotion to it, and admonish us cautiously to avoid any unnecessary controversy which can either en danger it or impair its strength, the chief ele ment of which is to be found in the regard and affection of the people for each other. Z. TAYLOR. Washington, January 21, 1850. THE SOUTHERN SENTINEL, THURSDAY MORNING, JANUARY 31, 1830. Change of the Hour of Publication.— The Sentinel will hereafter be published on j Thursday Morning, instead of Thursday Even- I ing. This change has been made for several ; reasons, all looking not less to the convenience jof our readers, than to our own. Our friends j from the country, who have been accustomed to take their papers from the Office, will thus be : able to get the paper in the forenoon of the j same day on which it is published. Our advertising patrons will confer a favor by sending in their favors early on Wednesdays. Wheeler’s Southern Monthly Magazine. —The January number has just reached us. As ! a specimen of typographical art, it is equal to any Monthly in the country, and from the array of talent presented by the list of contributors, we expect a rich treat in its reading matter. This number is embellished with a neat engrav ing, and a likeness of Judge Lumpkin is prom ised in the next. Published in Athens, Ga., by Charles L. Wheeler, at 81 in advance. Psychology — Or the Science of the Soul Phy siologically and Philosophically Considered .... We are indebted to the publishers, Messrs. Fow lers & Wells, of N. Y., for this interesting pub lication. The Essays of which the work is composed, were originally delivered in a series of lectures in Europe, and are now for the first time republished in this country. Os all the Ologies to which scientific research has given birth dui ing the iast century, Psychology (which is another name for Mesmerism) is the most marvellous. The object of this work is to explain its mysteries, and to its pages we direct the at. tention of those who are curious enough to in form themselves on the subject. For sale by deGrajfcnricd Robinson. A New Savannah Daily. —The Savannah Acorn has changed hands, and will hereafter ap pear daily under the title of the “Morning News,” with W. T. Thompson as its Editor. Mr. Thompson’s reputation as an Editor has al ready been established, and we welcome his re turn to the press of Georgia, with the best wish es for his success in his new enterprise. The “News” will be a commercial paper, neutral in national and State politics. Mr. Calhoun has for several days been confined to his room with a severe attack of Pneumonia. We are happy in being able to state, however, that he is now convalescent, and will be able at an early day to resume his seat in the Senate ; a post al which he is eminently needed at this juncture. The Documents accompanying the Pres ident’s Special Message have been crowded out of this number. The Catilornia Message. M e publish to-day the special message of President Taylor, with the accompanying doc uments, recently transmitted to the House, in re ply to its resolution, calling for information as to executive interference in the formation of the California Government. We confess that we j are unable, from any disclosures made in these j documents, to determine any thing about the guilt or innocence of the Executive, in the prem ises. We see nothing in them, to warrant the imputation of toul play on the one hand, nor do we discover any ground for rejoicing, on the oth er hand, that the President lias been able to dis charge himself of that imputation. In fact we regard the message of the President, and the despatch of Mr. Clayton, as very innocent things, affording no very great advantage either to his friends or his opponents. But we do not think the inference, that the President is acquit ted of the charge, is properly deducible from the fact, that he has not been implicated by these papers. It certainly would have been a most egregious blunder in the Administration to have so managed this affair, as to have entrapped it se It. II ow many secret conferences were held with the emissary, Mr. King, before his de parture for California ? Who imagines that this despatch from the Secretary of Stale, contains ail the instructions with which that Envoy Ex traordinary was charged on the eve of entering upon the duties of his responsible mission ? We are to look elsewhere than to State papers for the evidences ot Executive interference in this matter. We do not say that this a Hedged interference is well charged, but if it is, certain ly Gen. Taylor and his advisers arc not such blockheads as to convict themselves of the of fence. It is true, that by these documents, the President is convicted of deep solicitude on the subject, and of a disposition to have the difficult question settled outside of the Halls of Con gress. This anxiety, so far from being crimi nal, is natural to every one, who properly appreciates the danger of attempting to settle it by legislative action in Congress. So far, there fore, as these expressions of a desire, to have the people of California, determine for themselves this alarming issue, is concerned, we see noth ing reprehensible in them ; but at the same time it may not be denied that they favor the presumption of actual interference, when taken in conjunction with other circumstances attend ing the mission of Mr. King. Again, we think the inference -of such an interference by the Executive is allowable, from the extreme anxiety which it is known, the President entertains, to escape the responsibility of executive action on the Wilmot Proviso. That Gen. Taylor owes his elevation to the Presidency, to his successful juggling, by which both sections of the Union were flattered, no body will question. That the unity of the Whig party, and consequently the ! quiet of the present Administration and the chances of securing the next, depend upon the President’s ability to avoid the responsibility of this sectional issue, is equally unquestionable. We do not for a moment suppose that Gen. Tay lor would deliberately set on foot a scheme for depriving the South of her rights in the Terri j tories, or that such was, by any means, the ob ject of Mr. King’s mission; but wo do be j lieve that Gen. Taylor, in his anxiety to screen j himself from the consequences of settling this j question, as well as to avoid the danger attend ! ing its agitation in Congress, was ready to adopt ! any expedient which promised to dispose of it without these unpleasant consequences, even if it was necessary to sacrifice the rights of the South in doing so. This expedient, he thought, was presented in the formation of a State (for ernment by the people of California, before Con gress had time to act upon the subject. To fa cilitate this movement, we do not hesitate in the conclusion, that Mr. King was despatched with secret instructions to use every exertion in the way of personal influence, and the promise of executive favor, to urge the people to the im mediate formation of a State Constitution. These facts, we say, favor the presumption of executive interferences, and how is that presumption sus tained by the subsequent history of this mission ? Mr. King proceeds to California. Immediately after his arrival, Gen. Riley issued his military proclamation, calling a convention, for the pur pose of forming a State Government. That convention assembled, and Gen. Itiley presided over its deliberations, and Mr. King was con stantly in attendance, using his influence to pro | mote the formation of the constitution. Just I here we would remark the repeated emphasis J with which Mr. Clayton, enforces upon Mr. j King’s attention the idea that “these measures must of course originate solely with themselves,” (the people of California.) He seems very ap | prehensive lest the Administration should be j wrongfully charged with improper interference, | and to our mind, the apprehension seems very much the creature of a knowledge that there was reason for the charges being preferred. But we cannot comment longer at present on this matter. We shall recur to it on a future oc casion, and will commit the documents them* 1 selves to our readers, with the following prefa tory extract from the recont speech of Mr. Foote, in the U. S. Senate. A speech made in the presence of Gen. Taylor’s friends, and its state ments permitted to pass without contradiction : “It is a part of the proceedings of the Califorma convention, that a leading member of that body, Mr. Botts, by name—a distinguished Virginia Democrat, and an old acquaintance of my own—rose up, and in a speech which has circulated in a printed form, and which 1 can hand to the honorable Senator if he de sires to see it—l say lie rose up in his place, at the precise moment when Gen. Ri'ey quirted the chair of the convention, which he had occupied during the whole course of the deliberative proceedings which had been going on, and said he felt bound to state the fact, and challenge denial, that coercive power had been employed to bring about the present state of ‘hings; that the Constitution of California about to be adopted had been forced upon them. He charged further, that assurances had been given in the most imposing manner, by the powers in Washington, that, unless such a constitution was adopted as was suited to the tastes of certain high personages here—per haps including the honorable Senator from Connec ticut for he may have admonished them upon the subject bv a circular, for aught I know, and including the President and his cabinet—all the influence of the Executive would be thrown against the admission of California as a sovereign State ; but that, in the event of the adoption of a constitution agreeable to them,then that the influence would be exerted— through the honorable Senator from Connecticut, I presume, not I suppose intended to be employed in any but legitimate modes—for her admission.” Gen. Cass. In a preceding column will be found a synop sis of the speech recently delivered in the Sen ate by this eminent statesman, on the great ques tion of the day. If we had space enough we : would gladly spread it entire before our readers. It is interesting as a specimen of the ablest forensic eloquence; it is more interesting, as the exposition ot the views, entertained by one of our most profound statesmen, on the gravest question which has over been raised in our leg islative halls ; but it is more thrillingly interest ing still, when regarded as the mighty effort of i the patriot, to save his country from the desola j tion which he knows to threaten its existence. Whatever may have been said of Mr. Cass, i amid the unthinking excitement of party warfare, i no one has ever yet denied him u place among the first men of America ; whatever may have j been thought of him by those maddened with the fumes of faction, no one will now, question j his patriotism. We wish every Democrat to } read this speech, that he may have the happy i satisfaction, of being again assured, of the in tegrity of his standard bearer in the recent po litical struggle ; we wish every Whig to read it, that he may be convinced of the injustice with which he has assailed this friend of the South ; we hope every Southern man will read it, that his heart may be cheered with the reflection, that there is at least one man at the North, whose patriotism extends beyond the limits of ! his section, whose soul is large enough to cm | brace his entire country; we hope every North j ern man will read it, that he may learn from one, | identified with the North, to appreciate the rights ■of the South ; we wish every American may read it, that his heart may yet swell, with hope | for his country. Gen. Cass takes the unequivocal position that Congress has no authority under the Constitu tion, to legislate on the subject of slavery in the territories. Me denies not only the Constitu tionality, but the expediency of the Wilmot Proviso. He adverts to the fact that he has been instructed by the Michigan Legislature, to vote for the Wilmot Proviso, and recognizes the right of the Legislature to instruct him, but de clares that he can no more disregard his con scientious obligations, than he can those which he owes to his State, and that when the time comes to act upon the question, he shall resign his seat, rather than violate either. His posi tion is a proud one; one that must command the respect of all, friends as well as opponents. It is just the position we had assigned him, in fact the only one consistent with his sentiments during the campaign, and although in this speech, he has done no more than we believed he would do, yet we publish his views, proud of the reflection that wo have found him to be all that our partial ity had represented him. We cannot dismiss this subject, without painfully reflecting upon the singularity of Gen. Cass’ position, as a Northern man, on this subject, lie stands out almost alone, like some full promontory to which the j eve of the almost forlorn mariner, may yet turn in hope, amid the raging ofthe elements around him. Besides him, there are perhaps two Sena tors from the North, to whom we may look fora recognition of Southern rights. Mr. Dickinson of N. York, and Mr. Douglass of Illinois, have proved themselves superior to the proscriptive spirit of Northern fanaticism, and fii ends ofthe South in this crusade against her right*. But it is to Mr. Cass, that we are to look mainly, to | stay this fell spirit of invasion ; he it is, xvho is i to preserve the beautiful fabric of this Govern j incut, when the violent hand of the spoiler shall j commence its work of desolation. We dislike exceedingly to mingle in matters lof this sort, any considerations of party. The question is above party, and can only be brought to a successful termination when party distinc tions shall have been forgotten ; but we can not be insensible to convictions, which are every clay forced upon us, in spite of our disinclination to adopt them. The inquiry is as natural as it is painful, where is the Northern Whig who has ever stood by the side of the South, the cause of justice, the cause of the Union, in this sectional issue ? Where are the Whig Senators who are willing to aid Mr. Cass and Mr. Dickinson and Mr. Douglass in their efforts to arrest the-flood of fanaticism 7 Where is the Whig North of Mary land who has ever dreamed that the South had any rights ? Echo answers, where 7 Certain it is, that such an one is not to be found in the halls of Congress. We lament these party dis criminations in a matter, where there ought to be no party. They do exist, however, and justice demands they should be accorded. Gen. Taylor on the Proviso. It is rather remarkable that the country should at this day, be left to infer the position of the President, on a question f such general and in tense interest, as the Wilmot Proviso. And yet such is the fact. Gen. Taylor has never inten tionally given to the public, a clue to bis views on the Constitutionality of this measure. We ‘ are left therefore entirely to inference, in loca ting him. True, we may be able occasionally to infer a very strong suspicion of his where abouts, and xve think, in the following extract j from the President’s Special California Message, we are furnished with a very unmistakeable in- j dication of his opinion on this subject. Speaking of the exclusive jurisdiction, vested by the Con stitution, in the States, over local and domestic matters, he says: ‘ “The subjects thus left exclusively to the respec tive Stages were not designed or expected to become topics of national legislation. Still, as under the con stitution, Congress has power to make all needful rules and regulations reflecting the Territories of ihe U. S. every new acquisition of territory has led to discussions on the question whether the system of involuntary servitude which prevails in many of the States should or should not be prohibited in that Ter ritory.” The first impression that would strike the mind ofthe most inattentive reader of this para, graph, is the President’s strange misapprehen sion of the letter, as well as of the spirit of the constitution. He says “Congress haspow-erto make all needful rules and regulations respect ing the Territories of the L T . S.” The word “Territories ” is not to be found in the constitu tion, nor is there a clause in that instrument, which vests Congress with any such authority as would be embraced by Gen. Taylor’s version. There is to the most ordinary mind, a vast dif ference between the ‘'territory” belonging to the government and the “ Territories ” ot the U. S r The one carries with it the idea of property alone ; the other is exclusively of political im port. Again ; it is evidently the object of the President in the passage quoted above, to insti tute a comparison between the powers of Con gress over the domestic institutions of the States, and those of the Territories. The former, he says, “wore not designed to become topics of national agitation,” but the latter, it is implied, may constitutionally become so; and indeed we defy a refutation of the inference, that the pow. er is conceded to Congress, to settle the ques tion which arises “on erery new acquisition of territory, whether the system of involuntary servitude which prevails in many of the States, should or should not be prohibited in that Terri tory.” (Jen. Taylor expressly says that “under the Constitution, Congress has power to make all needful rules,” kc., and that this subsequent question of admitting or excluding slavery is a natural and legitimate question, growing out of the exercise of the power thus conferred upon Congress. The conclusion is inevitable that Congress has the power to determine the ques tion. Couple this with (Jen. Taylor’s previous exposition ofthe veto power, in which he limits its exercise to constitutional questions, and we have proved that this Southern President, will not save the. South, by his negative upon North ern encroachment. Q. e. and. Opinion oi. J. C. Calhoun. A great deal has been said of late, about thfl right of a people desirous of forming a State Government, to adopt such fundamental laws as they think will most likely promote their pros perity and happiness. The especial friends of Mr. Calhoun have, if we understand them, stoutly denied this right, and seem to think that they arc following in his footsteps in persisting in this denial. \a between them and him we have no inclination to volunteer an arbitration, but if he has not changed his opinions within a year or two, he differs from them most material ly. In February, 1847, Mr,. Calhoun offered io the Senate of the United States the following resolution. His followers will do well to study its meaning carefully, before they commit them, selves.— Col. Enquirer. “Resolved. That as a fundamental principle in our political creed, a people in forming a consffto tion, have the unconditional right to.form and adopt the Government which they may think best calcula ted to secure their liberty, prosperity, and happiness ; and in conformity thereto no other condition is im posed by the Federal Constitution on a State, in or der to be admitted into this Union, except that its constitution shall he‘Republican,’and that the im position of any oilier by Congress would not only he in violation of the constitution, but in direct coitifliot with the principle on which our political system rests.” As one of ‘ the especial friends of Mr. Cal houn,” we must correct our neighbor’s under standing of the position we occupy on this ques lion. The resolution appended to the remarks of the ‘Enquirer,’ embodied the views entertain ed by Mr. C. at the time it was introduced in the Senate, and those views, we feel warranted iu saying, have not undergone any change. Mr. Calhoun still holds the opinion that the people ofthe Territories when they have met in con vention for the purpose of forming a Stale con stitution, “have the unconditional right to form and adopt the Government which they may think best calculated to secure their liberty, prosperity and happiness,” and in this opinion we do not think there is any discrepancy between himself and his friends. Does not the ‘Enqui rer’ understand how this position may lie per fectly consistent with opposition to the admis sion of California ? Northern Sympathy, Tho able Editor of the Augusta Republic, in commenting upon certain resolutions of the N. Y. Legislature which were intended to be unu sually forbearing, uses the following well timed; language: “ There never was a Judge who had a soul, that did not condemn a criminal to be bung in language full of fueling and sympathy, but it is a poor consolation to be sent io the gallows with sweet sounding word* utti-rrd amidst the fragrance of the heart’s sympathies. ‘Dint docs not prevent the fatal tightening of the cord nor tho ignominy of the death ; nor, on the other hand, can tho mild words of (he New York, or any other Legislature, prevent the width, the depth, ortho malignancy of tho wound which would be inflicted upon the South, should the object of these resolutions be effected. The feast in tended for the South is one at which she could not drink to a noble freeman's sentiments, were she abjectly to at tend it. She would then be more degaded than h** slaves. Thcso. resolutions were sought to be modified in some degree by a few of the Democratic members, but their pervading spirit met the sanction of all. COMMERCIAL. Columbus Cotton Market, Columbus, Jan. 30. > Receipts this week very light. The market is not ac tive still prices are about the same as at our last report. ! We quote 10 J to 12c. Cotton Statement. Columbus, Jan. 26, 1850. j Stock on band Sept. 1, 1849, - - - 516: Received this week, - - 2,323 Received previously’, - - 47,897 -50,220 50,736 Shipped this week, - - 1,727 Shipped previously, ... 31,716 33,443 Stock on band, - - - ’ > * 17,293