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Another Warning to Cotton PJnnters, Adklfhi Hotel, Liverpool, 15th Jar,., 1650. TANARUS the Hon. JamtS Abtrcrombif, Ruttel County, Ala. : Dear Sin—-Since my letter of 29th Dec. a great sensation has been pretended among j spinners and a perfect jubilee celebrated in i Manchester on account of an alledgcd mistake in reporting the stock of cotton on hand; it ap pears that there were some eighty-eight thousand bales in Liverpool on the Ist lost., more than bad been shown by previous weekly reports, which to my inind is readily accounted lor by the following named causes, viz : 10.099 bales sent over by railroad from Glasgow, some from j London, the resale of spinners, cotton in an ad- ■ vancing market, resale of cotton bought for ex. j port, the incloding in the return cuttou still lying i here on spinners’ account, die,; with what ob* ject all this has been done and saddled upon the brokers, we can readily imagine when we re feet upon the very great importance these pen- j pie attach to even the mere exhibition to the { world of as large a stock as possible just at this ! time ; but all these paltry expedients onlf serve to disclose their actual weakness. Like a small statue upon a lofty pedestal, the greatness of* whose el>*va ioii only serves to render its little-1 ness and insignificance the more conspicuous. Spinners have just that much private slock less j than they were supposed to have had, and now have it to boy, that is all 5- hey raised a shoot of triu mh, however, in M mchester, when they bid succeeded in eliciting this report, —another i shout is in reserve for them, that of despair! when the truth is revealed to them that the pre- ; sent American crop falls short of two millions of bales iwn millions three hundred and fitly thousand is the least that they can contemplate with any degree of patience, and even with that see to what shifts they are driven, every coal heaver in the Kingdom is to be clad in mtislin— their wives ami daughters in gossamer,—“Spin fine,” says the great ap >*tle and oracle of tapes I and calico, —“we do spin as line as we can. and have done so for the last six months.” res. pond the cotton lords of Manchester, —“keep it up,” says the oracle, “wo can’t spin for fun — we never do—it won’t pay,” say the lords “the stocks of coarse goods have been cieared off a 1 i an iin neusa and increasing demand aris ing for them every day. (see all Manchester re p>rts| in order to keep down the price of cotton we have BJt ceased to draw fine thread, and keep out of the market until now. and here we are in a fine tix without stocks or either goods or cotton anti all the cotton in the hands of those cursed vampires, the speculators who now refuse to part with it without a consideration ; and this too in view ofthe fact that ail the principal marts of tile world are comparatively bare of goods, not one overstocked, and erery old disused mill in the country called into requisition; dont you think Mr. Oracle that these rich cotton planters ma\ vat turn us out 2'J or *27 hundred thousand bales ? Our chap over at New York writes that provi dead the picking continues until the Ist of April !!! 2 7H),00i) bales may yet be obtained and cer tainly the planters, stupid and tame spirited as we know them to be, will not prove so ungrate, fui for past favors as to stop “their picking” now that we are in such want of cotton really it wouid be a titio;i;*l calami y.” “We tea , g uit emen, that these stupid planters are too much like your selves, disinclined to u-ork for fun. and it would he hut poor fun even tor the negroes to “continue their picking” upon nakoU stiiks.” “Well then can’t they rake the ftW ? there must surely be Nif 2 r 3 hundred thousand bales on the ground toll them to rake it-up and send it forward, we don’t mind dirt and trash now.” “We much fear gentlemen that 2 3 >O.OOO halos is all.” “Oh dear, oh dear, ruin, ruin, ruin, caught in our own trap; too bad. too had. and now these ninny, headed planters will bud out the real value of cotton,” And so I hope they will and also learn, prop. • rly to appreciate the inestimable heritage that providence ha* bestowed upon them and not Esau like se.ll it for a mess of pottage. Though a small scope of country it 13 nevertheless the only one on the face of the earth where the three necessary elements combine to secure the prof, (table and extensive cultivation of cotton, climate, soil, and slave labor. The London Economist of sth Jany. ). in an article headed, Further fads as to our cotton prospects, says : ’‘For many years it was the cus. torn of the Pacha of Egypt to require a certain am mnt of cotton from his tenants or subjects ; in fact to compel them to pay the whole or a fixed portion of their rent in cotton. Under ing system; the cultivation was extensively intro duced ; Os late years, however, the Fellahs have been allowed to grow the article, or not. at their option ; and such is their natural indolence and want of enterprise, that even where they still continue to cultivate the growth, they do so in a very careless manner, &c.” There then is the whole secret of extensive and profitable cotton culture in a nut shell; nothing but slave labor can do it. And now, genMem-*n cotton planters, if you this year part with another pound for less than | 15 cents, or in all time to come, for loss than 1 1> a. \2{ cents, you will deserve to lie made pack horses for Manchester, and to wear the chains of vassalage, eternally, to which you have so tame ly submitted for the last ten years; restrain rattier than increase your culture.; heave ahead with your manufactories and establish o hers as fast as you can ; in ten years we shall have forty mil lions of population and a home market for most #>t our cotton, and he prepared to turn these Ephraimite* over to their idols, free laborers. The Steamer “Hibernia” arrived at 1 o’clock a. sc. on Wednesday and on that day 22 to 25.- j 000 bales were sold at an advance of 3-101. to j 1 41 ; Thursday 15 000 bales at still hardening pr ee jin the evening of that day the b lowing beautiful morceau was manufactured and sent down : *‘il ism ss completely che. ked by the rise of an l-Bd. in Liverpool, die.’- This together with the pretended mistake in the stock is intended as a sort of wet blanket to 1 smother prices in America until their orders can I bo executed. Hold toce Cotton for a rood price. Prices yesterday 6sd. say 13$ cents lor mid dling Orleans and Mobiles ; bu* little offering and market very firm and tending upwards, though l suppose as is usual on the departure oft a steamer they will endeavor to report it fiat. ■ A Southern Pia.nter. Correspondence of the Baltimore Sun. Washington, Jan. 27. Itfso. | Probability of a Compromise. Thoro is now every reason to hope fora com promise, and my opinion is that it will come out of the committee on Territories. I was glad from the jump to see that Gen. Foote’s bill was referred to the committee on the Judiciary as it stands to reason that Mr. Douglass, of Illinois, will have more influence with his Northern and North Western colleagues, than Mr. Butler, <t S. Carolina, (the chairman pf tb% committee or Ah® Judiciary) could, as an extreme Southern an. be supposed to command. Th# Territorial C‘m nittne is the best committee in the Senate t. *-*tk the vexed question in a manner satisfacto. 1 ; ry to all. Practical good sense will do more for it than legal acumen and judicial ratiocination. It is a practical question, and must lie settlco by practical people, and Mr. Douglass is no doubt a practical old man. As to the Wilinnt proviso, allow me to use an i elegant figure in rhetoric by pronouncing it “a dead cock in the pit.” It will do no more fighting, and two years hence, when all these questions will hate been practically settled by ! the action of the people of the Territories, who j will ask for admission as States, the question will be asked, was not this a subject on which i the fanatics on both ends were ready to dissolve | ; the Union ? It is now understood that several Senators I fiom the North are determined to disobey in- j sf ruction*, should this course of theirs be re qnired to artest the avalanche. Moreover, it is i believed that the action of *hese high-minded. : patriotic men will be sustained at home, and their resignation, should they feel bound to sub- : ruit the matter to their constituents, will be I’ol* i lowed by their being re-elected to their various seats in the Senate. THE SOUTHERN SENTINEL COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, FEU. 7, 1850. ! 03“ The Hon. flu. A. Haralson will please accept our thanks for a bound copy of the Patent j Office Report. - The Admission of California as a State—The Protest ol the Minority iu the Georgia Leg islature. The subjoined article, originally intended ns a private letter to a member of the. Ga. Legi.sla. ture, has been politely handed to us, at our ur gent request, for publication. It is the produc. lion of one of Georgia's most gifted sons, and ; will command and repay the earnest attention \ of our readers. We hope no one will be deter- | red by its length, from giving it a careful pent- j sal ; the issues involved are paramount, and it is the duty o! every lover of the Union, to con- j sider well the momentous truths, so forcibly and ■ so eloquently presented in this paper. We look , upon the contest in which we are engaged, as one I involving the honor, ifnot the very existence of iho | •South, and as such, we deplore any differences that may spring up among those upon whom we have devolved the guardianship of our interests. Such differences, however, seem almost inevita ble, iu a country like ours, where party preju dice warps the judgment, and distorts the vision of our wisest and most patriotic men. liislo ibis cause, and not to any indifference to the honor of the South, that we attribute the protest ofthe minority in our Legislature, to the bill aulhoiiziug the Governor to call a conven tion ofthe people in the event of certain contin gencies therein contemplated. A whig presi dent has declared his approbation of a measure looking to the admission of California with an anti-slavery constitution, and to have voted their determination to resist that measure, would have argued a distrust of Gen. Taylor’s sagacity, not to say of his integrity. A distinguished mem ber of the WJfig party, during the discussion of this Dill in the House, moved to amend it with the declaration of perfect confidence in the abib ity and patriotism of Gen. Taylor. It is there the shoe pinches, and if no party pride would have been wounded, if no distrust of party had been implied, we are very much inclined to the opinion, that no protest would have been pub. fished to the country. But let us examine the reasons which have impelled these protestants to the course they have felt it their duty to pur sue. Ti. ere were five events contemplated in the Bill, upon the happening of which, or either oi which, it ivas proposed to call a convention of the people: 1. The enactment of the Wilinot Proviso. 2. The alndition of slavery in the District of Colombia. 3. The interference of the general govern, ment in the commerce of slaves between the States. 4. The refusal of non-slaveholding States to deliver up fugitive slaves. 5. The admission of California into the Union with her present limits, and with a con stitution prohibiting slavery. As to the first four points, the protestants concur with the ma jority in the opinion that they would furnish suffi cient ground lor a convention to devise meas ures ol redress. The last, however, they do not think sufficient to warrant such a step. We shall not stop to inquire how far such an opin ion is reconcilable with their vote, in favor of the bill in its entirety. They seem to have been satisfied with their consistency, and as that con sideration is foreign to the issue now in hand we s-half not trouble ourselves with a demonstration of the absolute incompatibility of their proceed ■ in K s ’ The entire defence of this protest is embrac ed in the following few words : “We believe 11 *w States may be admitted by Congress into this Union, provided such States have a repub. lican form of government. When thus admit i ted, the act of admission is clearly constitutional. The 1 eupon we maintain that the fifth contingen. ey when it may transpire, constitutes no valid cause for the call ot a convention.” This is the sum and substance of the only reason we are en abird to disco* cr for the protest. The principle involved is, that they will favor & convention oniy in the event of unconstitutional legislation on the part of Congress. We pledge ourselves to demonstrate, either that the admission of Cal | ifornia under present circumstances would be an unconstitutional act, or that unconstitutional leg. islation is not the only cause w hich would justi. fy the call of a convention. The argument of she protestants ts. that inasmuch as Congress may admit new States, and as a republican form of government is the only expressed prerequisite of the constitution, that therefore Congress may constitutionally admit every State which applies with such a form of government. Let us see. Suppose the people of Deseret should engraft upon their constitution, a provision that no per. !on La*. & Mormon should be entitled to citizen -i s©optt ta its ®a § 1 Bsnnuffl iil □ ship in that State, and should apply for admis sion into the Union with that constitution, would the protestants acquiesce in an act ol Congress admitting her on these terms 7 Why not? Do ! they say such an act would be unconstitutional 1 According to the reasoning of the protest, it would not be, because such a provision might be engrafted upon a republican form of govern j ment. Then by that protest, we are precluded , from any other ground of resistance. But again, ■ suppose the people of California had made as a ; part of their constitution, a clause prohibiting | the citizens of Georgia from moving to that I country, and had applied for admission into the I Union with this constitution, and Congress should i admit her, what would the protestants then say J j There is nothing anti.republican in this, j Would such an act therefore be constitutional 1 If yea, then we must either acquiesce in it, or else contend that there are other than unconsti. tutional acts which we would resist. Dr if we admit that such an act is unconstitutional, then we are driven to the confession that there are other prerequisites to admission into the Union imposed by the constitution, than that of a re publican form of government. But we are ask ed, what has all this to do with the question be -1 fore us 7 It has this to do with it. It proves ! the fallacy ofthe only reason yet given for this protest; it proves that an application may be made for admission into this Union, accompani ed with a republican form of government, and yet an act of Congress granting the application might “constitute a valid cause for the call of a convention.” Let us briefly inquire whether the applica tion cf California furnishes such a case. We think we have established the proposition that ; the constitution imposes other prerequisites than j that of a republican form of government to the ; ! admission of new States into this Union. Ap- ‘ : plications for that put pose must be accompanied with a State constitution, not only republican in j its nature, but a constitution iu the adoption | j which, no fundamental principles ofthe national j ! compact, have been violated. It is a part of that | compact that no established form of religion shall be tolerated either in the general or any of the State governments, hence Congress would be as much bound to reject the applica tion of Deseret with constitution above sup- J posed, as it would be it that State applied for j admission with a monarchical form oi govern ! ment. And again, it is a feature of our national j compact, that the citizens of every State shall be ! entitled to all the guaranties afforded by the l iaws of each, and hence Congress would be forc ’ ed by the constitution to reject the application of California, with a constitution prohibiting the citizens of Georgia from settling in that State. For the same reason exactly, Congress will be bound to reject the application now made accotn -1 panied with a constitution prohibiting the .im portation of slaves into that State ; for we think we are prepared to show that the people of Cal ifornia could with no more propriety exclude sla very, than they could exclude Georgians, or es tablish a religion. We admit the doctrine, that the citizens of a Territory iu forming a State government have the right to settle fur themselves a!* questions of do | mestic policy, subject only, in the exercise of that j right, to the restrictions imposed by the Consti* | tution of the United Slates. Is the Constitution, , with which the application of California is made, | the result of the legitimate exercise of that I right 7 We submit the following considerations, I as conclusive that such is not the fact : J 1. The Constitution of California, has not \ been adopted by the citizens of that Territory. j We assume as a premise in this argument, that | none but citizens have the right to participate in j the adoption of a form of Government for any country. We shall not waste our time, or the patience of our readers, in elaborating an argu ment on a proposition, so self evident as this. Who, then, are citizens of California? Mr. Webster defines a citizen to be “a native or j permanent resident in a city or country,” and ! when used in its political sense in the United ! States, “a person, native or naturalized, who I has the privilege of exercising the elective fran i chise, or the qualifications which enable him to j vote for rulers, and to purchase and hold real rs [ late.” We use the term in the first sense when i we say none but the citizens of California have j the right to participate in the formation of,a gov. eminent for that State. In this sense therefore we ask, who are the citizens of California? We answer, none but the Mexicans, who are the natives of thatN:ountry, and who are protected by the I reaty of Hidalgo, and those person* who having emigrated to that country, are per manently resident there. Is the Constitution pre sented to Congress, the work of these classes? It does not appear that it is ; on the contrary, in the election of *.ho delegates to the convention which adopted the constitution, the elective Iran ; chise was exercised by men of every nation and 1 every color; by men who but an hour before had landed in San Francisco ; by men who were just on the eve of leaving the country never to rc-visit it, and by adrenturous gold hunters who only awaited the turn of tho wheel of fortune, to turn their backs forever upon a land that held them by no other tie. Wc do not hesitate to de clare that seveu-tenlhs of the entire population j in California was purely migratory, and never j had any intention of making it a home. And are wo seriously to entertain a Constitution form- j ed by such a population ? Are East Indians, and Mandarins, and Sandwich Islanders, and the unsettled transients from every quarter of the j Globe, to form a government which is to forever exclude from the enjoyment of its blessings, (hose to whom the country rightfully belonged ? 2. There is not a sufficient, population in Cal - , ifornia to form a Stats Government, hit con- ! tended that Congress may grant an application for admission into she Union, without reference to the amount of population in the Territory ? Would a population of ten thousand inhabitant* be sufficient to admit a State into this confede racy ? True, ihe constitution of the United, States does not prescribe any particular num ber of inhabitants a* necessary to sustain an application for admission into the Union, but reasoning as well from analogy as fioni prece ! dent, we conclude, that before a State can be i created, the Territory must possess a population ’ which would entitle it, according to the ratio of j representation among the other States, to at ; one member upon the floor of the lower j house of Congress. According to that ratio, there j is allowed one representative for every 70,680 j persons, and according to the account of Thomas i 0. Larken, formerly U. S. Consul at Monterey, | it was in July last between 35 and 40,000, of i whom, less than one half were Americans. 1 Since, that time we have had no reliable esti j mate of the population there, and eveu the fore- I going is but conjectural. Hut even supposing | that at this time the population has doubled, still | | there is only an estimated population of 50,000 | ! Americans, and how many of these are to be | counted as citizens, and as such reckoned in esti j mating the basis of a representation in Congress? i fJv no sort of calculation can the number be ‘ strained to 70,000, and for this reason, sufficient j of itself, we are opposed to her admission as a State. 3. The limits embraced under the present or ganization are most unreasonable. We would not attempt the folly of circumscribing a territory, of any specified number of square miles, by which all applications for admission into the Union were to be measured, but we do contend that this effort to exclude forever one section of this Union from a most extensive country now uninhabited, by the action of a few people at tracted to one border thereof, is a flagrant out- ! ; rage upon the rights of the Southern States. The territory embraced in the application now before Congress, is sufficient to form eight or ten States as large as Alabama, and of this vast | scope of country, there is not enough peopled ■ at this time to form one State as large as Geor i gia. And is it io bo conceded that fc sj,OOo per sons unsettled and unidentified with the coun* | try, are to be permitted to enact a constitution ! for the whole territory, forever excluding ! the institutions of the South from its limits? 1 For one we are not prepared to make this con i cession, nor can we understand how any South ern man, true to his own section of the Union, | can thus tamely surrender the very substance of j the controversy. ! We have thus briefly stated our more promi nent objections to the admission of this Territo* jry under existing circumstances. We shall sinceiely deplore the dissolution of this Union, a Union which we sacredly love, but it that ca i tastrophe is the result of an honest persistence j in maintaining what we know to be our rights, j from our hearts we say, let it come. This mighty i monument to the genius and patriotism of our ! sires, is dear to every American bosom, but it ‘ |is not dearer than our rights nr our honor. In j ■ iis overthrow we shall lament the destruction of j ■ the most perfect Government the world has ever | seen, and in its fall it may crush amid its ruins, ! I the spirit of republicanism in our western world ; but perish the Union, and perish if need be ; American freedom ; we can not, we will not, to j preserve its name, longer see its reality tram ; pled under the feet of soulless aggression. Columbus, Ga., Feb. 5, 1850. ; To THE 1 loses ABLE My Dear Sir: I I hope von will cxcitae me for expressing the pain j which I felt and which I continue to teel at the ap | pea ranee of your protest. 1 had hoped that there I would he unanimity of counsel in our resistance to i Northern agression, and while I am rejoiced at a manifestation of public opinion which gives a suffi cient earnest that the institutions of the South will j be successfully defended, I at the same time have in i Dictions of sorrow at the course of your minority. | To me it appears that the protestants have not well j ; considered the effect of their action, if it be right, j it should of course, have the approbation of the tnajor i jty—indeed of the whole legislature, and if Georgia ! comes t<> such a conclusion, t puts an end to the con* i troversy, for it is a surrender of the very matter in is | sue. If you are right, we, who have been protesting i against the inroads of fanaticism, have never had any i just cause of complaint, against the plan which the j Abolitionists have adopted, to exclude Slavery from { the Mexican acquisition, and they may well feel en i couraged. It is of no use to insist upon a convention of the I State if the Wilinot Proviso should be passed, when you assert by your protest, that the convention ought not to he called if California is admitted as a State. Your protest is founded on an incorrect view of the Constitution.you seem to think that the Government I is bound to admit the appli. an*. The language oi the j Constitution is, may. and not mu si. But suppose it j was mandatory, e;ill fkaud in the organization of the j Slate Government, by which the constitutional rights | of others would be violated, would according to all \ law, all constitutions, and all usage, legally and j constitutionally justify those who were intended to be j injured and circumvented by fraud, to resist the ad- j mission, even to a dissolution of the Union. There are many reasons which sustain an objec- j tion to the admission of California as a State. Its | sparse population—the unsettled character of that j population, the extent of the country, the want of j ownership to the soil, the fluctuating and itinerant i i opUlation. independent of the trick to cheat the! South in the defeat of ti e Compromise Bill, that will J justify opposition to its admission. Those who are j interested therefore can refuse ns they may seem j meet, let the consequences be what they may. It is inconsistant to object to the Wilmot Proviso ! applied to a territory, and deny the right td object to its { application to a State, presenting herself in the latter j form for noother purpose than to avoid the objection, j and known to all, as having presented herself as a ! j State for no other purpose, anil under circumstances j | that never accompanied the presentation of any other ! [ State or territory. The objection of the South is not ! based on a matter of form, but has for its support, the fraud attempted to be practised upon her by bringing j the Territory into the Union with its objectionable : restriction in*the choracter of a State before it is j ready for admission when it is true and you admit it j could not be organised as a Territory with the same i restrictions. My dear Sir, your pro'est surrenders everything j the Abolitionists claim ; ali they want is to succeed ‘ with this measure and the way is then wide open for ] their complete success. The baliance of the Terri- i torirs can then come in, in the same fraudulent man- j ner. Having given up this, can you not see, that j your first resolution i* nugatory and will avaiLnoth- j mg ; the Abolitionists having no use for the Wilmot ; Proviso will not attempt to pass it. This is the j phn : Urge that the Mexican laws against Slavery j are of force, which will keep the South from set tling the country, and th*n Ictfhc.Tcrritoncs come in, as California is now pressed forward. Tltey have no use for Territorial organization, and what is alarming the President in his late Message recom mends that there should bt none. Your protest with this policy secures to the Abolitionist all they desire, and enables them to carry out their views without fear on their part, or reproach from any advocate of your protest. By this artifice they will be able to foist upon us as ninnv free States as can be carved out of the whole Mexican territory. Let us come to the substance of the Question : A portion of the people of this Union have deter mined not only to circumscribe slavery, but to anni hilate it. They propose to do this by majorities, though in opposition to the rights of the South secured by ; the Constitution. The assailants fear to approach j this openly and now rely on covert means. As bold , as they sometimes appear, still they fear to apply | the Wilmot Proviso to the organization of a I nri-1 tory, they therefore adopt the subterfuge of introdu- j cing a pretended State, to effect identically the same ; object. There is but one principle involved in the j whole contest in all its forms and phases, and that is : to restrict slavery within the present States, and at- ; ter a few more States are added to the constellation,; then by the force of their majorities, to alter the j Constitution and make all free. r J be Constitution j thus altered, you must abide except you seek redress ; in revolution; now no revolution is necessary : you I stand on the* vantage ground of the Constitution. : j Is it wise or prudent to postpone ymtf action, to wait j and waste your time in the discussion of matters j purely technical, diminishing in your strength with euch successive triumph, which every admission of such a State gives them, until by these frauds they are enabled to get the Constitution on their side. The question is now ip, it is certainly the crisis, and I ask you, in all candor, wlr.it resistance can we make to their encroachments, it we of the South, open tfie door of admittance to free States, made ot Territories composed of a handful of men having no j rights to the soil, and almost as lrttli? identity with I it as I have. Have these people who have pro scribed our institutions—except a few Mexicans pro- j terted by the treaty of lfidalgo—any fight to the I soil ? No ! What right have they to proscribe me ? j in proscribing my property,they effectually’ proscribe i me, as 1 cannot leave my property, but wherever I j go, must take it with rne. Who gave them any pow er over the country ? Does it not belong to the Uni- j ted States? Has the Government authorized them ; to make laws? No; who lias the right to say, what j shall entitle to the elective franchise? How then j can they form a Government ? If they can do it, j j they own the property, independent ot the Govern-; j incut, and are under no obligations to it. If they have the power claimed by the Free toilers, they can erect an independent Government, attach them- j selves to Mexico, or become a dependency of Eng- | land, or assume any v other political character or con- ; nection that suits them. Will you then yield to a ! trick ? and under the false proposition that you have j i no right to object to them if they present themselves ; as a State, surrender the whole question. 1 The people of the whole Union know that the I action of the few itinerants of California, has been ! stimulated and brought into being, by other inffii- j dices than their own spontaneous wishes. The ; President has been candid enough to admit this fact, j arid it has also been admitted by him that he sought j to bring them in as a State to avoid the difficulties which would grow out of a continued agitation of i this question. Was there ever a territory from our j earliest history summoned into the Union in such..! ‘•hot haste,” and tor so extraordinary a purpose ? I repeat ,extc.nrdinary, and unprecedented, as the object is openly avowed hy the advocates of admission, to close the door against the equal rights of the South, tlie President himself imprudently yielding to their wishes to restore quiet and ensure peace. There can be no peace, even if one half of Georgia and one hall of the South were to submit to this dera tion—the spirit of the other cannot he brooked—its ever-advancing enthusiasm will produce a resistance | to those oppressions that must bear down all opp j sition—or involve the whole in common ruin. Should ! our own beloved State be unfortunately, temporarily | paralysed by distracted councils, a more united patriot 1 ism in others, will sustain the standard of liberty and j equality; we should then rush to the rescue—and j those left behind crying -Unitm!!. to cover their nem j trality, will be regarded in the same light as those timid spirits of the Revolution, who shouted, “God i save the King.” You seem to justify vonr protest because you had j offered the House the compromise of 3fi 30, and it ; was rejected. Have the abolitionists agreed to that ! compromise ? Or is it not a matter of universal no ! toriety that they spurn it ? The South is not the • assailant, and it would therefore be unbecoming and | crouching to offer, any thing ; she is the oppressed ! as well as the challenged par'y, and her language I should he, do justice, or let loose the dogs of war. j Ido hope your reflections will convince'you how p<*r- I fecllv futile all yoiir resolutions must be when you sur • render this right to them. It is not wortli while to dally about this matter ; we must have effectual resistance or none; your halfway, remonstrating, complaining policy will answer no purpose. Yon must meet the question, and our opponents should be distinctly in formed-that this crusade in every shape shall cease, or we will dissolve the Union. This is the true, and dignified, and only manly way of meeting it. I think I have proved that your protest is a practical surrender of the rights of the South, aud that the aboli tionists will not now claim more limn you have granted to them. It is all they need ; it answers their purpose fully, and they wjll ask no farther concession, as they need no more to enable them to succeed in all their plans. The admission of California under the circumstances at tending its settlement, with or without the restriction, is all that is useful to them. The. latter part of your protest in which you assert that you will enter into no measure of redress that will endanger the Union, is ex tremely objectionable. You had as well said that you would tamely submit to all their insults, and any violation of the rights of your constituents. Such declarations arc not suited to an accompanying complaint. It is true this submissive declaration is coupled with the condition that Congress shall not violate votir rights. My dear sir, the condition has already happened, and is daily hap pening. and will conrinue to happen as long as the .South pursues the quiescent and submissive spirit which your protest substantially recommends. It is not the time to vociforate Union ! Union ! This is truly patriotic while our rights arc respected under the constitution, but it be comes objectionable and even odious when it is for the | sake of Union only, or from fear of civil war, waged for j the protection of rights sacred, to the South, and solemnly I guarantied by that union, and without which gnarantie j it is well understood, the union would never hare been j i formed. Washington's farewell address is often desecra- j j ted to this senseless cry, wherPif Is ’known that his sense I ! of justice, his patriotism, his noble pride* and hatefulness ! j of oppression, would compel him to draw his sword to cut j i in twain a Union, which disregarded the compromises of • j tho constitution. He was first in war, first in peace, and i first in the hearts of his countrymen, and were he now on j earth, he would be the jirst to'lc.oi Southern resistance j to Northern oppression, to.brandish his sword in i defence of Southern property anp Southern liberty. His | gallant spirit may now be rebuking the political trimmers i who are now desecrating his name. I do not wish, from the language I have used to he 1 understood to have the slightest distrust of the patriotism [of any one of the protestants. I think you have only I committed a great error, which, if it were general, would be fatal to the South ; and I do hope if your own reconsideration of the subject shall produce the convictiou that you have gone too far—that Von have surrendered too much, that you will repair the mistake and correct the error by withdrawing the jwotest. Please show this to r 6f , with my com pliments. I was surprised at seeing his name, as well as j yours, to n document which, in my humble judgment, ‘ surrenders the whole question. You see that lam plain, i but I intend no offence to your feelings. I only object i to the protest, while I believe in your motives and your j patriotism. I am truly and friendly yours, Mr. Morris* We have been requested by this gentleman, who it i3 generally known, is in our city for the purpose of giving instruction in bis new system of English Grammar, to state that he would be obliged to those intending to favor him with their patronage, if they ‘ will make it known to him during the next week at j his room—No. 7, Oglethorpe House. We have here tofore expressed our approbation of Mr. Morris's sys-; tent, and arc pleased to hear that our impressions J have been abundantly sustained by the opinions of! those who attended ids public lecture on last Friday evening. Mr. Clay’s Resolutions. It had been heralded upon the wings of the wind that the Senator from Kentucky was about to introduce into the Senate, a compro mise, which would allay the excitement attend, ing our territorial relations. The “great Pa eijicatot” was about to speak, and the nation hung in breathless anxiety upon the hope, that he might be able to quell the spirit of fanaticism so alarmingly at work in the councils of tho nation. K very heart suspended its pulsations, and every eye was anxiously turned to the j Capitol, to be cheered with the first dawn of j hope for the salvation of the Union. Well the : Senator has introduced his resolution ; the pa. ; cificator has spoken, and upon the utterance of ; his views, every honest Southern man ha 9 j hung his head, for shame. Wc have no roont j to-day, for his Resolutions, or his speech ae-’ j companying them, nor have we time to examine at any length, the proposition contained in them :or the motives which prompted them. Suffice | it for the present to say, that like every other measure which has been imposed upon the’ South under the misnomer of a compromise, if is a complete surrender of our rights and our interests. Ilis first resolution declares that California ought to be admitted with her pres-r lent constitution, the next asserts the doctrine ‘.that sluvery can never exist in any of the Term ; tories without a positive law authorizing it, anil goes on to say that Congress ought to pro. I vide governments for the Territories, without any provision on the subject. liis third resolu tion strips Texas of a considerable portion of I her territory, thus by the principle of his previ. j ous Resolution, converting territory now open to slaves, into free soil; and in consideration thereof, he proposes to assume the debt of that j State. The next of the series declares it in- . expedient to abolish slavery in the -District of j Columbia, at.present, but concedes the consti j tutionality of the measure. The sixth proposed j to abolish the slave trade in the District, and to | prohibit the transportation of slaves through | the District, intended for sale in the Southern i market. The seventh proposes to make more J effectual provision for t lie recovery of fugitive i slaves, and the last declares that Congress can | not interfere in the commerce of slaves among I the States tolorating that institution. This is Mr. Clay’s “ compromise ,” and we ask, in reviewing its details, which of its proa visions entitles it to such a name ? It emlira* cs concessions enough on the part of tho’ .South, but does the North yield any thing by 1 its operation ? We confess that vre ehroniciW this measure of Mr. Clay’s old age, with min-’ gled feelings of indignation, regret and That a man in whose soul tho fires of patriot- ’ ism have once so brightly glowed, should hare most deliberately sought to accomplish its dis honor, is a cause of honest indignation to eve.- ry true son of the South ; that a man of Mr. Clay’s political influence, should have thrown the weight of his popularity in the scale of Northern oppression, is a subject of regret to every man who had hoped to see the Union of the S'ales and the honor of the States maintain ed ; that a Southern ti'tan, born at the South,, raised at the South, and honored by tlie South';, should have wilfully or ignorantly surrendered the rights of the South, is enough to tinge witHr shame every Southern check. That name, once honored by Americans, will be transmit ted with curses instead of blessings to our pos terity. Mr. Clay, tho Washington Union s-iyg f it is now pretty generally understood, will he a candidate fiir the Presidency in 1852. His friends will, it learns, run him, nomination or no nomination. Hot Work for the Administration. Gen. Taylor, it seems, Irom the following res* olution introduced into the Senate by Mr. Rtadbu* ry of Mr., is to be held to a pretty strict accounta bility for the manner in which he has exercised the appointing power. It is the work of party, how. ever, and as such, does not comport very well with the dignity of the Senate. Gen. Taylor has doubtlessly falsified his pledge—made du ring the canvass—to proscribe no one for opin ion’s sake, and to the people he is amenable foe j it; hut if lie could reconcile it with his con rscience to disregard an obligation voluntarily j assumed, he should he allowed, so far as the in. | terfercnce of the Senate is concerned, as unlim ited authority, as has been exercised by his pro* Accessors. Resolved, That the President bo requested to cansr to be laid before the Senate all charges which liave been preferred or filed in any of the departments agniust indi viduals who have been removed from office since the 4tb day of March last, with a specification of the casts, if any, in which the officers charged have had opportunity to be heard, and a statement of the number of removal* made under each department. * The resolution having been read, Mr. B. modified it by adding the following words ‘ “Including subordinates in the custom-house* andoth’- er branches of the. public service.” Mr. MANGU.M. As I regard this resolution, in its ; operation, a total subversion of former practice, and as it j is, in my judgment, a gross invasion of constitutional i authorities and rights, and of executive duties, } m'jvt r i sir, as a test vote, that the resolution fie npon the table, and upon that motion ask for the yeas and nays. The question having been stated on the motion to lay | on the table, the yeas and nays were ordered ; and being taken, resulted —yeas 23, nays 29, as follows: YEAS.—Messrs. Badger, Baldwin, Bell, Berrien, Clarke, Clemens, Cooper. Corwin, Davis of Massachu setts, Dawson, Dayton, Greene, Mangum, Miller; Mor ton, l'hilps, Seward, Smith, Spruance, Underwood, Up h&m, Wales, and Webster—23. NAYS. —: Messrs. Atchisou, Borland, Bradbury, Bright, Butler, Chase, Davis of Mississippi, Dickinson,. Dodge of lowa, Dodge of Wisconsin, Douglas, Downs, Felcli, Hamlin, Houston, Hunter, Jones, King, Macon. Norris, Rusk, Sebastian, Shields, Soule, Sturgeon, Tur-. ncy, Walker, Whitcomb, and Yulee—29. So the resolution was not laid upon the table.. O’ Hon. George Goldthwaite I.as been re-elected bv the legislature Judge of the Bth judicial circuit of the State of Alabama. He bad no opposition,