Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

•titution anJ laws of this Union? Hut attain, on whoso territory do they propose to exert this authority of self-government ? Can a “people,” Mr. Chairman, in any true and ac credited politic!.! sense of that term, exist with out a country ? Or shall the citizens of Ca!i t’ornia, in order to reach the e xorcise of a dispu ted right, he permitted to usarp territoiial do minions coniesscdly not their own ? Let me tic not misunderstood, .Mr. Chairman, as imply ing that anything demanding censure lias ta ken place on the part ot the people of Califor nia in their adoption of their constitution, and in their application lor admission into the l n ion. Nor do I wish to lie understood as deny ingthat it may be a safe general rule to accept here the sense of the people of the Territories of what is best suited to their own circumstan ces and wants in respect of municipal regula tion. The desire is to demonstrate the right we have to supervise their action, so far as to see to it that nothing transpires in their legis lation at war with the interests and happiness of the members of this Confederacy. Will we accept them ? is obviously the only true inquiry. The committee are aware that the Territory of California, as defined in her constitution, is vastly disproportionate to the average size of the States. Her shore line includes the whole length of the Pacific coast from Oregon to New Mexico, a distance of nine hundred and seventy miles. Should she be received as she now presents herself, she will have monopoliz ed all the commercial ports of entry we have in that most interesting section of our posses sions on the Pacific south of Oregon. Her mineral wealth is believed to be unexampled. These facts, Mr. Chairman, would seem in themselves to provoke a well-founded objection on the pait ol all the Stales to her reception in her present circumstances. And as the con nection in which my resolutions place her ac ceptance sinks the objection of the South to other particulars of her application than that of her boundaries, I pass from this topic with out further comment, in order that I may have the more time to bestow on the second resolu tion 1 have to offer : 5. Rcsohed, That the Committee on Territories lie in structed to report to the House a hill to organize that part of the territory of California south of the parallel line of 36 deg. and 30 min. of north latitude, and the Territories of New Mexico and Deseret, prohibiting the introduction of slavery into any part of the said Territories north of the parallel line of 36 deg. and 30 min., and recognizing its admissibility into all parts of said Territories south of said line of 36 deg. and 30 min., until the adoption by the people thereof of State constitutions, and their admission into this Union. I assume, Mr. Chairman, that in the present distracted condition of American interests, opinions, and prejudices, springing out of our territorial possessions, that no human intellect will be able to decide satisfactorily to the. na lion the questions of technical power and right in issue. [ assume, further, that no adjustment of the existing controversy, hinging exclusive ly on the one or the other of the opposing opin ions, so warmly declaimed upon here and else where, will prove acceptable to tho various sections of the Confederacy. Are we not then called upon, for purposes of public utility and harmony, to sink differences on which opinions and prejudices are found to be so untraetuble ? The plan proposed is one rendered by usage fumiliar here and elsewhere—of dividing that which being held in common cannot be in un ion enjoyed. The line chosen has been selec ted chiefly for the reason that having been acted upon twice in similar emergencies, I have thought it probable that it will be more easy to collect the will of the nation upon it than on any other of a like kind. To the North it gives the opportunity to express her dissent from s!a very. It assigns her more than half the terri tory. To the South i r extends the privilege of carrying her slaves as far north as it is likely she will find motives to take them. It propos es to quiet disputes as to the security of the ti tle by which she will hold her slave property in its new home, should it be carried there, by throwing over it the protection of undeniable law. Now, Mr. Chairman, it is obvious that a large portion of the people of the South will continue to insist upon the right of the slave holder to take his slave, by virtue of the consti tutional recognition of his property in him in to the new ‘Territories, despite any supposed law of Mexican enactment to the contrary. Yet in the midst of so extensive a denial of that right as at this time exists, it is obviously de virable to her, as it is important to the nation at large, that all doubt be removed from a sub. ject of so much gravity. Perhaps a still greater good than all these would come to the South of the plan of adjust ment suggested. It would give her the moral I effect of a renewed recognition by this Govern- i ment of her property in her slaves—thus strengthening her confidence in the justice of it, and discountenancing the lawless violations that are, from time to time, being perpetrated upon the properly. To the whole country it gives that which, Mr. Chairman, it so much needs— repose. Should, on the other hand, the total excln- I sion of slavery from the new Territories pre- j vail, in what relation, then, will the Govern ment appear to twelve hundred millions of i property of its citizens? It cannot be less un favorable than that of an abandonment of it— nay, a reprobation of it—a reprobation as otfen- ! sive to the feelings of the proprietors of it as it i is depreciating to the property itself. And have ! honorable members who press this extreme policy weighed the necessary etfects of its adop tion by the Government ? It it shall become a law, can it be believed, Mr. Chairman, that it will be possible for the people of the South, supposing them to be tolerably informed of the ! rights ol property in regular government, and 1 t 6 possess a moderate share of sensibility to I Wrong and insult, to maintain that attachment j to she Union and that desire for its preservation I which are necessary alike to its prosperity, its j peace, and its honor ? Happily for the higher destinies of human nature, she is incapable, in : such circumstances, of so gross an act of self- j abandonment. I am aware honorable mem- j bers, who take the ground Os total exclusion, insist that it is quite impossible that any desire can be telt by them to degrade or disparage the South, or any other section of a common Un ion. Conceding that, what, may I respectfully j inquire, is the stress of that regard which can- j not overcome the obstacles, if any exist, that lie in the way of such terms of compromise as these I have had the honor this day to an* nounco ? And what, Mr. Chairman, is the practical solution, as it lies in prospect, of the propost- : ! tion of the noii-extension of slavery to the new j Territories? Is it not, that within the short ‘ lapse of a single generation, perhaps, the white population residing in the slave States, by some process not yet known in the range of what is even practicable, shall deport her slaves, or abandon the country to them ? I am aware that we are assured that the object of non-ex tension is not to disturb or impair the institution of slavery within the slave States. But I urge attention to the logical, proximate effect of the contemplated measures. And with how much more ease may not the North approach the line indicated of settlement than the South. The North, by the nature of her internal condition, us well as her numerical preponderance in the more populous branch of the National Legisla ture, is, and mu-t continue secure. Her power must in every event soon obtain in the other branch of the Congress. The South is pressed jby assaults, and is out of power. The North ; is moving on her career of encroachment at the suggestion of % sentiment—a sentiment j founded, Mr. Chairman, on a speculative and j disputed point, in natural rights. The South is charged with the preservation of a substance —a vast and now indispensable form of wealth j --a widely diffused and most influential e!e ment in the constitution of her civil and domes tic institutions and relations. In looking, Mr. Chairman, over the vast the. atre now appropriated to the display of Ameri can patriotism and American politics, the eye becomes dimmed by the stretch of territorial distances, and the mind throbs with the labor of comprehending the extent and variety of the nation’s resources. What comprehensiveness of policy, what prudence of purpose, what mod eration of temper, will not be demanded in the conduct of our public affairs ? Drawn too stringently together, the weight of the parts would crush them. Regarded with indiffer i ence, not to say hostility by the Government, : they will infallibly separate and fall away. And shall we be ignorniniously overwhelmed : by the magnitude and weight of our posses sions ? Shall t fie overflowing of the cup of na- J tional blessings but intoxicate us? Do we dis cover nothing in tire incalculable resources of j power, wealth, and renown by which we are i surrounded, to arouse the courage or to stimu j late the hopes of patriotism ? The grand re wards, Mr. Chairman, of a wise and tolerant i .-ystctn of political economy that lie in prospect | over the wide spread and bounteous lap of the continent, can never be reaped by tho narrow and angry counsels of parti/. ‘The govern ment demands statesmen, not casuists, to ad j minister its politics. What, Mr. Chairman, is the source of a!! our present perils? It is the | effort to convert the Constitution of the country into a school for the propagation of doubtful creeds of moral ethics. Hut fanaticism, how ever ingenious, is proverbially impracticable, it may ruin, but cannot govern. It was but a few days ago, that we were called to hear the reprobation of the institution of domestic slave ry pronounced here on the authority of the hackneyed and mystical postulate, ‘'that all men are born equal.” This, by the way, ! seems io have become a sort of oracle, whose i sybilistic responses are quoted for the authori : ty of very much proposed, from time to time, iu ; American politics, that is odd and startling to j human experience. True may be the asserted maxim, in some restricted and explained senses. Invoked in the sense and for the purpose con templated, it is but a weapon with which infat uation or folly, unrestrained, might sever the bonds of every conceivable political organiza tion which it is in the power of human nature to endure. If an appeal lie taken from text to commentary, we find that the authors of both were slaveholders—and, what is more, Mr. ; Chairman, slave.importers. If we go to the fi nal authority of the Creator of rights and nat j ural conditions, do we not find the reverse of | the proposition, taken in its broad and common j acceptation, to be the truth ? Not a leaflet ; that trembles in the breath of the zephyr on the bough of the aspen, finds in the eye of the naturalist an exact measure in all the myriads j of its vernal associates. The equilibriums of j | natural forces are graduated, Mr. Chairman, ! ’ need it be said ? on scales of endless diversi- 1 ties. But, Mr. Chairman, we are not called j here to the defence of slavery. We are to de- j mand only that the character of property in j i slaves, which is fixed by the Constitution itself, \ j be recognized as such by the Government, the j j creature of that Constitution, in one as in an- j i other of the dominions of its jurisdiction. I have, Mr. Chairman, purposely said nothing, as yet, of the alternatives of the adjustment of j existing dissensions on the basis 1 have had the , honor to submit, or on some other embracing at least its principles. I refer to them now and very briefly, alone as sources of additional ar gument. One of three results, all sufficiently deplorable to awaken solicitude, must, I respect fully suggest, follow rash and intolerant counsels here. Should such prevail, an effort will be made to effect a separate political organization, j Should this succeed, I leave the consequences of it to the thoughts and imaginations of the committee. Failing in that, separate State mea- j suros of a retaliatory kind may be anticipated. j And how, Mr. Chairman, will this condition o( our relations, Federal and be endured ? j ‘To what may it not lead ? The third, and per- ! haps the most to be regretted of all, would be, I that exhausted by their own struggles in the es- j fort to agree upon some plan of effectual defence, j the suffering States might sink back into the arms of those who would be then found no lon- j ger disguised but triumphant and mocking per- j secutors —shorn of equality, wounded in honor, in pride humbled, in affections alienated, and thenceforth but looking anxiously forward to final overthrow or fortuitous escape. And did I sup. pose, Mr. Chairman, there were one citizen in i the tepublic worse than all the rest, who could contemplate with composure or indifference the prospect of either of these melancholy pages in our political history, I know not, whether he should be viewed most with abhorrence or pity. The young Greek, Mr. Chairman, who held his life at the bidding of his country, found the path way of patriotism by the twilight of political civ ilization. Shall we, with such momentous is sues of good or evil suspended on our councils, fail of terms of adjustment so easy, so accessi ble, so commended to us by the most sacred considerations of duty to the country and to our selves as are those at nur command ? And now, finally, Mr. Chairman, since the character of (he times gives consequence, in the eyes of my own beloved State, to the line of the conduct of thx* humblest of her Representatives, in contingencies of our public affairs in view, I must bog leave of the committee to say, that 1 have ventured to present a mode of quieting the public discontent with the slnccrest desire that §®QJ)7B]iM ® 1 0® 7 Q 551 iH □ it, or some equivalent of it, may prove accepta ble to a majority of the committee and to the na tion. Should ail efforts, however, fail to avert the dishonoring brand of inferiority of privilege and rank, now threatening the South, by her to tal exclusion from participation in the common Territories of the Union, except on an onerous condition, having no application to other sections of the Confederacy, I shall return from this place, to unite with others of her sons in coun cil, to devise some method of escape from evils present and prospective, which, in my humble judgment, Mr. Chairman, will then have become intolerable. \\ hatever measures may be adop ted in that bitter emergency, with a view to the sacred defences of security and honor, will doubtless be right. THE SOUTHERN SENTINEL. COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, MARCH 7, 1850. 00~ Being about to remove our office, we offer for rent, the Room which we have here ; tofore occupied. Apply at this Office. The Evil amt the Remedy. M hile the congregated wisdom of America is busy at Washington in devising a mode of j escape from the evils which now so seriously I threaten the Republic, it may nol lie modest, but j certainly is patriotic, in one who occupies a | position so humble as that of an Editor, to exert i himself for the accomplishment of the same ob ject. We have watched with painful anxiety, the result of the constant deliberations of those into whose hands the destinies of our country have been committed ; but as yet, we confess we have been cheered with no brightening pros pects ofsuccess. Among the multiform schemes which have been suggested, we have seen none, which gives promise of a return of peace and quiet to all sections of the country. The con | troversy which has so unfortunately sprung up i between the different members of this confeder j acy, is as old as some ot those who are now en deavoring to settle it. The issues involved in j that controversy are numerous, but the principle ! involved, is the same in all. As has been very i wisely said by Mr. Clay, therefore, a settlement I ol one isolated point of difference, will not be j effectual for restoring concord. They must all be settled at once, and it is only because the plan j which lie suggests, looks to the settlement of the ; whole, that it can be termed a compromise at all. j Ihe issues immediately involved iu this con j les, j may be briefly enumerated as follows: | The first, and most prominent difficulty grows out of our territorial relations, embracing under this general head, the YVilmot Proviso, and the admission of California. The second is the re fusal on the part of the non-slaveholding States to deliver up fugitive slaves, and the third is the attempt to abolish slavery and the slave trade iu the District of Columbia. These classifications embrace all the matters of controversy between the North and the South, and an adjustment that promises success, must comprehend in its provis ions, each and ail of these issues. The all ab ; sorbing question is, can such an adjustment be made which shall be consistent with the co. j equality, the honor and the interests of all the ; different members of this confederacy ? If such j an adjustment is practicable, then the Union may be saved; if not, then its dissolution is in evitable ; for as certainly as night follows day, ; dissolution must succeed a continuation of these ! evils. We believe that such an adjustment is practi cable, and we do not, therefore, yet despair of the Union. Ihe plan is easy in its application, and immediate and certain in its remedy. Its general features may be succinctly stated as fob ! lows : | A Bill providing territorial governments for | California, New Mexico, and Deseret. A Bill providing for the retrocession of the | District of Columbia to Maryland, and, A Bill providing more effectually for the re j covery of fugitive slaves. And first, a Bill providing territorial govern ments for California, New Mexico and Deseret. I With the single exception of Texas, there is not I one of the new States, which has nol undergone © a territorial pupilage, previous to its admission ; into the Union as a State. Texas formed an \ exception to the general rule, for reasons per fectly consistent with the intent of that rule. This prerequisite has been founded in undeniable rea son, and there is no good cause why the gener al course should be departed from in this in-1 stance. Has any good reason been yet assign- ! ed, or can any be mentioned why California should be admitted as a State ? Many may be i urged why she should be provided with a gov - j eminent, but we have yet to learn the reason of the necessity for a State government. May not j all the ends proposed to be effected by the insti- ! tution of a government, be accomplished as well by a territorial as by a State government ? The rights of person and of property will be se- ; cured as well under the former as under the lat- j ter, and where then the particular necessity for j a Stale government ? So far, therefore, from any good cause having been shown, why that country should be admitted to the rights of a 1 sovereign member of this confederacy, there are many and weighty reasons why she should not I thus be admitted. The first and principal rea- i son is, that such an admission will, we think, re- j suit in a dissolution of the Union. The South believes that she has been most shamefully ; cheated out of her rights, in the organization ‘ which has been made, and rather than submit to it, she will d : ssolve the Union. In tho se cond place, that country was not, and is not yet, ‘ prepared to be admitted into the Union. It has not a sufficient population, and that population, l even if it were sufficiently numerous, is not of the character to entitle it to frame a government. Then why press her admission as a State ? Why not let her take the course that all the oth er new States have pursued, and be organized, as they were, into territorial governments, pre paratory toiler elevation to the dignity of a State? Certainly it should be a sufficient inducement to this course, that by it, our glorious Union may; be preserved, and by the other it must be des- I •roved. Thus we deduce the policy of the first measure in the plan proposed. In the forma tion o( such a government, all questions of do mestic policy should be left to be determined by the people of the respective Territories, when after a sufficient pupilage, they come to form a constitution preparatory to their admission as States. Secondly, a Bill providing for the rotroces sion of the District of Columbia. An all suffi cient argument in support of this measure, is fur nished by the. fact that the question of slavery and the slave trade is forever put to rest. There is no sort of reason why the District should not be retroceded, and the reason previ ; ously stated, is, as we humbly conceive, conclu sive of the position that it should be. In the third place, a Bill providing more effec tually for the recovery of fugitive slaves. Or j tainly if the constitution is so plain as not to he mistaken, in any particular, it is in the provis- 1 ! ion made for the surrender of slaves escaping in to the Free States. We do not, therefore, un dertake an argument on this point. If the con i’ stitution is wrong, then change it, but if it be right, we are surely asking no sacrifice at tire hands of the North in demanding that she should abide by it. This is our plan, and it is one which may be adopted by all parties, and bv all sections, with out any surrender of honor, interest, or principle. ! Delegates to the Nashville Convention, from the 2nd Congressional District. We luve received through the mail, a hand bill, calling a meeting of the citizens of Baker county, “for the purpose of selecting delegates to attend the District Convention for the 2nd Con- I gressionai District, to put in nomination suitable men to represent this district, in the Nashville Convention, to be held in June next.” This call is signed by twenty-four of the most respect-! able gentlemen of Baker county, irrespective of party, and it is accompanied with “an earnest I request to the country of the 2nd Congressional District to meet, and both the Whig and Demo- I ; cratic party send to Americus each the usual ! number of delegates that they respectively send |to congressional conventions. As no other pro- | i position has been submitted, it is proposed to | hold this convention on the 4th Monday in March ! ! next.” . ‘ i We are pleased with this movement, and | hope it will be promptly responded to by all the ! counties ol the 2nd Congressional District. | Col. Henry L. Benning, who had been previ- i ! ouslv nominated as tire democratic delegate to j the Nashville convention, at a caucus meeting ! t? j of the democratic members of the Legislature j from the counties embraced in tire 2nd con- | ! gressionai district, has waived that nomination j | as informal, and agrees with his friends, in sub-1 ! milting the selection to the District convention, i The plan now proposed, it strikes us, is better i ; every way. For once we are glad to see party distinctions j abolished. If there ever was an issue, in which ! it became men of all parties at the South to ar- ! ray themselves on the same side, that issue is! involved in the objects contemplated by this con- j vention. No party purposes are to be subserv. i ed, no individual ends to be advanced ; the cause i ; is emphatically the cause of the South, and al] , | true Southern men should stand squarely up in i i its support. We sincerely hope that no differences of opin- | I ion, as to the best mode of redressing the griev- ! | ances which all unite in denouncing, will deter i any from participating in this matter. Those differences of opinion, will exist, even among those who are determined upon resistance, and | inasmuch as the grand object to be effected by j this convention is to heal those differences, and | by a conference among Southern men to pre- ; | sent some plan on which all may unite, it is prop- ‘ ; er that all who think or feel in any way on this j i vital question, should attend these primary as- j J semblies, and aid in the selection of delegates, j who will properly represent them. This is no ordinary convention. In the mag. nitude of its possible results, it is second only to that memorable convention of patriots who met in ’76 to resolve upon liberty or death. This | convention will either arrest the progress of ! northern aggression, or it will dissolve the Un | ion. How incalculable, therefore, the impor j tance of making a wise selection of delegates. ! Compared with the responsibility of this station, there is not an office within the gift of the peo ple more important. We want men who are j wise enough to appreciate the occasion, brave | enough for its every emergency, and as prudent | as they are wise or brave ; no submissions ! who would tamely yield to wrong; no reckless desperado, who would heedlessly destroy his country, should be allowed a place iu that con ; vention. P. S.—Since writing the above, a public ; meeting of the citizens has been called, to take place at the Court House on Saturday morning next, to respond to the action of Baker. The i following call appeared in the city papers of Tuesday : PUBLIC MEETING. The citizens of Muscogee county, without distinc tion of party, are invited to meet at the Court House on Saturday next, 9th instant, at 11 o’clock, A. M., j for the purpose of selecting delegates to attend the ! District Convention, for the 2d Congressional Dis trict, to put in nomination suitable persons to repre-1 sent, said District, in the Nashville Convention, to 1 be held in June next. James Wimberly, | A. H. Cooper, John H. Howard, R. B. Murdock, W. Y. Barden, John Forsvth, A. Iverson, j M. J. Thweatt, H. S. Smith, 1 Martin J. Crawford, I P. T. Schley, /. R. Jones, J. J. Boswell, Wareham Cromwell, i S. A. Bailey, J. K. Redd, Wm. T. Smith, i Jas. M. Chambers, Jno. E. Davis, John Woolfo'k, Van Leonard,- John Banks, D. P. Ellis, W. A. Redd, S. A. Billing, Jno. A. Urquhart, ; 1 W. E. Jones, _ P. Thweatt, I R. R. Howard, j A. S. Rutherford, j Thos. Iloxev, Joeephue Echols. W. 11. Chambers, i / LEGISLATIVE REVIEW. We continue this week, the design mention ed in our last, of presenting a series of reviews, j of the more prominent points of the session just closed. Among the most interesting fea* | tures of that history, is the disorzanization of the lower House attending the passage of the Con gressional District Bill. The following article, taken from the editorial columns of the Federal Union, will be found highly interesting, and we therefore adopt it, in lieu of attempting our selves, a portrayal of the discreditable scenes connected with that event: The House of Representatives Disorganized. It lias become our painful duty to lay before j the people of Georgia, occurrences of the past week in the hall of the House of Rcpresenla i tives—occurrences that have obstructed the leg j islation of the country, which are unprecedent ed in the history of the State, and as disgrace ful to her as they are subversive of order and | good government. Shortly after the recess, the 1 I Senate passed a bill, re-organizing the Congres- ; sional Districts. On Monday of last week, that bill was taken up in the House, on its third reading. As soon as this was determined up on, a whig member moved an adjournment of the House, sine die.. That motion rejected, it was instantly followed by others, from the same side of the House, to postpone, first to one day and then to another, and by motions to adjourn. 0:i all these, the yeas and nays were demanded, j A proposition by Mr. Wiggins, to make (lie bill | the order of the day for Thursday, was rejected by the whigs. In this way the greater part of; Monday afternoon and evening was occupied. On Tuesday the subject was resumed, till the j previous question was demanded by a democrat and sustained, when the main question was or dered. At this time, when the bill was put up on its passage, all the whig members, (Mr.; Jenkins, of Richmond, only excepted,) retired from the hall. The vote shewed that there was |no quorum present. After a call of the House j j was thrice ordered, the vote was again taken, when the bill was passed —yeas 57, nays 8. Os those voting in the negative, all are democrats : j with the exception of Mr. Jenkins, the only whig who answered to his name. On Wednesday, Mr. Jenkins moved the rc- ; consideration of the bill. After this motion | was discussed for some time by the whigs, and some, of them (not including Mr. Jenkins) had • as heretofore, indulged in acrimonious and harsh i language, in reference to the democratic party, | : reiterating their determination at all hazards to 1 : defeat the bill, the question was put, when all the j whigs (except Mr. Jenkins) again retired. The , ; vote showed that there was one less than a ; quorum. It also shewed that every democrat : was at his post, with the exception of Mr. Ham j rneli, of Dooly, who had this morning left fur home on leave, and Mr. Thomas, of Carroll, ! [absent on leave, and Mr. Beall of Baker, re-j j signed. The House continued in session for j | some time, and then adjourned to 3 o’clock. In ! the afternoon, there was no quorum. Since then, the democrats have daily met in the hall, i | but finding no quorum, have, as required by the i constitution, adjourned from day to day. This is I the condition of tilings at this day. It is proper here to state, that propositions of! i compromise, on Tuesday, Wednesday and I Thursday, were made by leading democrats to ; j leading whigs. One of these was, that on j i the meeting of the entire House, a sufficient : number of democrats would retire to enable the I whigs to carry the vote on the reconsideration, : Another was, that a sufficient number of demo-! crats would vote for the reconsideration to carry it, provided a sufficient number of whigs to con stitute a quorum, would pledge themselves to retain their seats, when the reconsidered bill j should, in its order, come before the House.— ; These and other similar propositions being re j jeeted by the whigs, the Speaker directed a list |of the absentees to be prepared, and the Mes senger to summon them to attend. The Mes senger reported that his papers had been forced [ from him by some of the absentees and himself ( insulted. A second iist was furnished him* 1 i which he reported had in like manner been ta ken from him and himself threatened with vio lence, when he was released by a democratic ( member. The question here presents itself, what justi- J fications have these recusant members, for their ; mobocratic revolutionary proceedings—proceed ings which, to the honor of the State be it said, are without a parallel in the history of her leg- J islation. The bill objected to, is one of legiti- : mate legislation. In'its features, it is not even 1 as exceptionable as the act of 1843, passed by j the whigs, to which the democrats then vehe- I mently objected, but to which they peaceably j submitted. The election preceding the organi- ■ | zation of 1843, shewed this state of facts : ] Ist Dist. 769 whig maj. 2J Dist 194 Dem. maj. 3 “ 817 “ “ 5 “ 820 “ j 4 “ 523 “ “ 6 “ 750 “ “ i 7 “ 1503 “ ! 8 “ 1492 “ “ Shewing that the whigs had given 5 Districts to themselves, conceded 2 to the democrats, and leaving one doubtful. Did the democrats, rode over as they then were rough shod, leave the j Hall ? Have they ever resorted to such an ex pedient ? Never. The party claiming to be the “decency,” “conservative” party, were guilty of the same act in 1340. The annals of the democratic party are not blurred by any such outrages upon the proprieties of legislation. But what is proposed by the bill, that has oc casioned this ouibreak ? It gives to the whigs the 7th and Bth Districts certain, and the Ist ac * cording to the results of the last Gubernatorial election ; leaves the 2d untouched, in which ; Judge Wellborn was elected by the meagre ma jority of 86 ; and gives to the democrats the 7th and Bth certain, leaving the 3d and 4th Districts, taking the general votes in them for tho last lew years as the basis, doubtful. But admitting that injustice is done by the bill, are the whigs justified in the course they have adopted ? Is this the way to meet it ? Let •such a precedent be recognized and approved, and our legislative halls will be converted into bear gardens, order will be banished from them, law will lose its sanctity, and we may bid a long farewell to any security in republican institu tions. The conduct of Mr. Jenkins, we doubt not, will meet the cordial approval of all the friends of good order, of both parties. Undeniably the | ablest whig in the House and the acknowledged leader of that party, he has done all in his pow er to prevent its disorganization. Solitary and alone, he retained his seat and answered to his name, rebuking by the moral grandeur of his course, his political associates. On l'hursday, it was rumored, that disgusted at their proceedings, he had resigned his seat. His resignation on Saturday, was sent to the Governor, and yesterday, he returned to his home, bearing with him the laurels, won in an able legislative career untarnished, and enjoy ing the increased confidence and respect of his I fellow citizens. Judge Wellborn’s Speech* We are indebted to this gentleman for a pamphlet copy ot the speech recently delivered by him in Con gress, on the slavery question, and we are sure that our reader.- will be equally indebted to us, for laying it before them. Judge Wellborn’s position on Ibis question is briefly comprehended in the following res i olutions, which lie introduced in the course of bis re marks : 1. Resolved, That California be admitted into the . Union with her present constitution, ‘restricting- her southern boundary to lire parallel ot 36 degrees and 30 minutes of north latitude, j 2. Resol red, That the C mmittee on Territories be instructed to report to the House a bi 1 to organize that part of the territory of California south of the parallel line of 36 deg. and 30 min. north latitude, ! and tire Territories of New Mexico and Deseret, pro i bibiting the introduction of slavery into anv part of ; the said Territories north of rbe parallel line of 36 I deg. and 30 min., arid recognizing its admissibility into all parts of said Territories south ol said line of 36 and. and 30 tn. until the adoption by the pen. le there j of State constitutions, and their admission into this I Union. The argument accompanying and enforcing these | resolutions, is ably and fairiy stated, and if any com j promise of the question is to be made, we are satisfied 1 that Judge Wellborn’s position indicates the true j course for the South; but it strikes us that the argu ment contained in the first part of the speech, must , irresistibly refute the conclusion embodied in thew> resolutions ; indeed we do not see*well how a:i eca|a ! can be effected from the result of Judge Wellborn's ; cogent reasoning against the power of Congress over | this subject. To our mind, his argument is per ! fectly conclusive of the position, that Congress ean j not under the constitution, legislate at all upon the | question of slavery in the Territories. In its appli cation to the question of the Wilinot Proviso, tiio reasoning is, it seems to us, an end to the debate and we confess that we are at a loss to see how those reasonings, do not with equal force, apply to the doctrine of compromises. The fact that Congress [ may have hereto foie exercised the power in question, ; we submit, does not argue that it was right then, or would be right if repeated now; nor should the fact ! that the South has once submitted to the Missouri Compromise, conclude her against the right to object !o it now. As we have said before, we are opposed to anv compromise (properly speaking) in tins matter, but ip I we are to have a compromise at a", we prefer that j suggested by our Representative. In our humble [judgment, the South is furnished with no surplus : guaranties by the Constitution, and we are opposed therefore, to yielding any of them. It tliai instru ! merit, does not allow us to carry slaves to California i we. donut desire to carry them ; but if it secures us in the right to do so, then Congress shall not dir ! franchise us, nor are we to he deterred from itisisf ; ing upon that right by tiic fire and fury of northern j demagogues. Judge Wellborn, as we well knew he would do, has calmly and fearlessly stated the position of the South, and has declared his deteirninatiun to defend that position at all extremities; and though we are thus forced to differ somewhat in opinion, yet, we believe that a cooler head and a more loyal heart to the South, is not to he found among those to whom her honor has been confided, and we are ready to submit into bis hands, the safe keeping of the l ights of the people. We need not refer our readers to his speech,, found in another part of tiiis sheet. AH will read it> and all will be gratified at it. J OO” We have been complained of. fur having : indulged in some rather severe reflections upon I the character o( one of our readers, in our article !of last week, on Dr. West. Justice is one of ! our cardinal principles, and if we have been i guilty of a departure from its demands in any in ! stance, it always affords us pleasure to make | reparation. In this case, the impression origi nates almost altogether from a misapprehension iof our remarks. It is unnecessary to mention ! names, or to enter into a detail of circumstances*- Suffice it to say, that it was by no means our in ’ tention to detract in any measure from the char ! acter of one, of whose moral rectitude we did not, and do not, have the slightest question. We do not desire to injure any one, much less one whose character is so invaluable to him as the individual in question ; and we therefore will endeavor, as far as possible, to repair any wrong, that we have done. 03* We have been requested by Prof. Williams, to’ tender his acknowledgments to the people of Colum | bus, for their patronage during his stay here, and to i state that at the urgent solicitations of his frieuds in this city, he will return after a brief visit to N. Or leans, to remain some time in our midst, llisdeter , mination has been the result of a disposition on his j part to satisfy the curiosity of those who have ex pressed a desire to examine his science, and to exert I its magic influence in behalf of those whose afiec- I lions he believes he can relieve. Almost a Duel. —ln consequence of certain reflections made upon the Mississippi Regiment by Col. Bissell of Illinois, in the course of his recent spepch in Congress, a challenge passed between that gentleman and Col. Jeff. Davis of j the Senate. The challenge was accepted, and the terms were agreed upon—to fight with mus kets, distance fifteen paces. President Tavlor interfered, and the difficulty was amicably ad*- jujtcd.