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VOL. I. THE SOUTHERN SENTINEL I* published every Thursday Nomine, IN COLUMBUS, r.A. BY WBI, H. CHAMBERS, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. OJJiit up lair, Corner of Broad and Randolph it*. Terms of Subscription. Onfl cpy twelve mouths, in advance, - • . <*2 50 * M “ “ At the eud of the year, 300 * * “ “ Aftwr the yeur expires, 400 Rates of Advertising. One square, first insertion, - - . . jfy l 00 “ “ Each subsequent insertion, - - 50 Contracts will be made for advertising by the quarter, t>r by th year, at liberal deductions from the above rates. All obituary and marriage notices must be accompanied by a responsible name, and where they exceed one square thev will bo charged as other advertisements. To CoKßKsroNtiEvrs. All communications must bo addrossed (post paid) to the Proprietor at this place. Contributions must be accompanied with the real name of the writer. THIS PAPER IS Sf ANUFACTURKD BY THE ROCK ISLAND FACTORY, Near thin City. Columbus, Feb. 28. 1850. 9 ts |iKimi;i.\ MUSCOGEE COUNTY.—Where-j administration upon the estate of Allen Caldwell, late of said county, deceased. These are therefore to cite find admonish all and singular the kindred and creditors of said deceased, t* show cause (if any they have.) within the time presc.rilied hr law, why the Administration of said estate should not he granted to the said applicant. (liven under my hninl this 27th day of February, 1850. ‘ JOHN JOHNSON, c. c. o. February 28, 1850. 9 5t Planters, tuEic Notice. 7 Saw Mills, Gris! Hills, Factories. Gin Gear, I Hire Hills and Sugar Hills. riM HE firm of AM ill,Eli &, MORRIS, are now 3 ready to build any of the above named Mills., propelled by Water, Steam or Horae. Our work shall he dour in the In st possible manlier, and warranted inferior 1 to none now in use. Rotli of the above firm are practi- ; ral men. and attend to their business in person, and will . furnish Engines lor Steam Mills, Grist or Saw, and set | either in complete operation. The firm can give the best | assortment of Water Wheels and Gearing, of any in the Southern States, and will say to our employers, if a Mill , <nr any of our work does not perform in the business for j which it was intended, no pay will be exacted. Try us I .lid see. AMBLER &. MORRIS. j January 24, 1850. 4ly ! IMPORTANT TO HILL OWNERS AM) PLANTERS. fgl HE undersigned will contract for building B Rock Dams, or any kin dos rock work and I ditching, in any part of this Slate or Georgia, in the i most improved manner. TIMOTHY B. COLLINS, I'url AlilchtU, Russell, Cos. Ala. Dec. 6,1849. 49 6m. TO PHYSICIANS, DRUGGISTS AND COUNTRY MERCHANTS. ! R. J. N. KEELER & BRO. most respectfully solicit attention to their fresh stock of English, French. German and American Drugs, Medicines, Che micals. Paints. Oils. Dye-stulFs, Glassware, Perfumery, Patent Medicines, Ac. Having opened anew store No. ‘ SJ’Jt Market-st., with a full supply of Fresh Drugs anti j Medicines, we respectfully solicit country dealers to exa- ! rutue our stork before purchasing elsewhere, promising ‘ eue and all who may he disposed to extend us their patron- j nil*, to sell them genuine Drugs and Medicines, on us I Liberal terms as any other house in the city, and to faith- ! fully execute all orders entrusted to us promptly and with dispatch. One of the proprietors being a regular physi cian, affords ample guarantee of the genuine quality of nil articles said at their establishment. We especially Invite druggists and country merchants, who may wish to become agents for Dr. Keeler’s Celebrated Family j Medicines, (standard and popular remedies.) to forward their address. Soliciting the patronage ol dealers, we respectfully remain, J. N. KEELER A BRO. Wholesale Druggists, Oet. It. 1849. lv No. 294 Market-st. Phil's. County Surveyor. fSM 11E undersigned informs liis friends and tlip •* Planter* of .Muscogee county, that he is pre rurcd to make official surveys in Muscogee county. eiters addressed to Post Office. Columbus, will meet with prompt attention. WM. F SERRKI.I*, County Surveyor. Office over E. Rarnard & Co.’s store, Broad street. Columbus, Jan. 31. 1850. 5 ly North Cs&rofiina mutual Life liiNiiraitcc Company. LOCATED AT KALEI'ilt, N. C. fIA itE Clmrtrr of llii company gives important aitvan- X rnges lo lie assured, over most oilier companies. The husband can insure his own life for (lie sole use &ud benefit of Ilia wile and children, free from any othei I olitinn. IVrsona who insure fur life participate in ibe j profits v> iiicli are declared auuuall v, and when the pre- j mimu exceeds S3O, itlav pay one half in a note. Slave* are insured at two thirds their vuluu for one or j five years. Applications for llisks may be made to JOHN MINN, A gent, Coluir.bup, Ga. ST* Oilier at Greenwood ,fc Co.’s Warehouse. November ]. r >. 1319. ts SSO lScwur<l. KANAN\ Al from the subscriber, about the 15th ; February last, a small mulatto woman, by the 1 name of FRANCES, she is alwmt four feet ten or ele- | rcii inches high, speaks quick and laughs loud, with ra- j tlier a squeaking voice, her nose and mouth project ra ther more than is common for mulattos; she had rings m her ears when she left, and always wears something j on her head. I will pay fifty dollars for the apprehen- j nin and safe keeping of her so that I can get her. I will also pay a liberal reward for proof sufficient to con yiet any person of harboring her, as I have reasons to be lieve she is concealed bv someone. S. T. AUSTIN. November 1. 44tf ]>ancißig Academy. MR. R. POWELL, (late of New York,) has the honor to announce to the Ladies j and Gentlemen of Columbus, and its vicinity, that he ex- j pects to open a class sometime in January next, should ; he receive sufficient patronage, for the purpose of giving I instruction in that polite urt, in all its varieties. In ad- I dition to the plain style of Dancing aud \\ altzing, the fol- i lowing Fashionable and Fancy Dances will be taught during the season : Cachncha, El Jaleo Xeres, La Sylphide, Cel larius Waltz, Cracovienne, Muscovienne, Re* gatta Hornpipe, Uedowa Waltz, Varsovienne, Highland Fling, Wreath Waltz, Cing Temps, Polka Waltz, &c. Together with the fashionable Quadrilles of Polka Mazurka, Ist and 2nd sets, and new Quadrilles of Redowa, as danced in the principal cities and fash ionable watering places in the United States. Ladies who may wish to learn the more late and fashionable styles, such as Polka. Mazurka, Redowa and Cellarius Waltzing, or Polka, Mazurka, and Redowa Quadrilles, will be waited on at their resi dence,on day and hours to suit their convenience. Parents and guardians entrusting their children to my charge, may rely on the strictest attention being paid to their ease, grace and general deport pient. Terms, and other details may be known on appli pation to me- Pee. 20,18 IQ. 61 if THE SOUTHERN SENTINEL SPEECH OF HON. J. C. CALHOUN, On the Slavery Question. DELIVERED IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE, March 4, 1850. I have, Senators, believed from the first that the agitation of the subject of slavery would, if not prevented by some timely and effective measure, end in disunion. Entertaining this opinion, I have, on all proper occasions, en. deavored to call the attention of the two great (tatties which divide the country to induce them to adopt some measure to prevent so great a disaster, but without success. The agitation has been permitted to proceed, with almost no attempt to resist it, until it has reached a period when it can no longer be disguised or denied that the Union is in danger. You have thus had forced upon you the greatest and the grav est question that can ever come under your consideration : How can the Union be pre served ? To give a satisfactory answer to this might) question, it is indispensable to have an accu rate and thorough knowledge of the nature and the character of the cause by which the Union is endangered. Without such knowledge it is impossible to pronounce, with any certainty, by what measure it can be saved ; just as it would be impossible for a physician to pro. flounce in the case of some dangerous disease, with any certainty, by what remedy the patient could be saved, without similar knowledge of the nature and character of the cause of the i disease. The first question, then, presented for consideration, in the investigation I propose to make, in order to obtain such knowledge, is : W hat is it that has endangered the Union ? To this question there can be but one an swer: that the immediate cause is the almost universal discontent which pervades all the States composing the Southern section of the Union. ‘l'liisi widely extended discontent is not of recent origin. It commenced with the agi tation ot the slavery question, and has been in creasing ever since. The next question, go. ing one step further back, is : What has cans- i od this widely diffused and almost universal discontent ? It is u great mistake to suppose, as some ! have done, that it originated with demagogues, 5 who excited the discontent with the intention , of aiding their personal advancement, or with the disappointed ambition ol certain politicians, who resorted to it as the means of retrieving their fortunes. Oil tin* contrary, all the great political influences ot (lie section were arrayed against excitement, and exerted to the utmost to keep the people quiet. The great mass of the people of the South were divided, as in the oth er section, into Whigs and Democrats. The leaders and the presses of both parties in the j South were very solicitous to prevent excite, i ment and to preserve quiet ; because it was 1 seen that the effects of the former would tie. cessarily tend to weaken, if not destroy, the i political ties which united them with their re spective parties in the other section. Those who know the strength of party ties will readi-] ly appreciate the immense force which this; cause exerted against agitation, and in favor of preserving quiet, lint, ns great as it was, it was not sufficiently so to prevent the wide- ; spread discontent which now pervades the sac- j tion. No : some cause, far deeper and more powerful, than the one supposed, must exist, to J account for discontent so wide and deep. The question, then, recurs : What is the cause of this discontent ? It will be found in the be lief of the people of the Southern States, as prevalent as the discontent itself, that they can not remain, as things now are, consistently with honor and safety, in the Union. The next question to be considered is : What has caused this belief? One ot the causes is, undoubtedly, to be traced to ihe long-continued agitation of the slave question on the part of the North, and the many aggressions which they have made on the rights of the South during the time. I will not enumerate them at present, as it will be done \ hereafter in its proper place. There is another lying back of if, with which > this is intimately connected, that may be regar- J (led as the great and primary cause. It is to j be found in the fact that the equilibrium be tween the two sections in the Government, as , it stood when the Constitution was ratified and the Government put in action, has been de- ! stroyed. At that time there was nearly a per feet equilibrium between the two, which affor ded ample means to each to protect itself j against the aggression of the other ; but, as it j now stands, one section has the exclusive pow- j er of controlling the Government, which leaves ‘ the other without any adequate means of pro-• tecting itself against its encroachment and op- j pression. To place this subject distinctly be fore you, I have, Senators, prepared a brief statistical statement, showing the relative j weight of the two sections in the Government under the first census of 1790 and the last cen- I sus of 1840. j According to the former, the population of; the United States, including Vermont, Ken- i tucky, and Tennessee, which then were in their incipient condition of becoming States, but were not actually admitted, amounted to 3,929,- j 827. Os this number the Northern States had 1,977,899, and the Southern 1,952.072, mak ing a difference of only 25,827 in favor of the former States. The number of States, inclu ding Vermont, Kentucky, and Tennessee, were sixteen ; of which eight, including Vermont, belonged to the Northern section, and eight, in. eluding Kentucky and Tennessee, to the South ern, making an equal division of the States, be. tween the two sections, under the first census. There was a small preponderance in the House of Representatives, and in the electoral col lege, in lavor of the Northern, owing to the fact that, according to the provisions of the Constitution, in estimating federal numbers, five slaves count but three ; but it was too small to affect, sensibly, the perfect equilibri um, which, with that exception, existed at the time. Such was the equality of the two sec tions when the State* composing them agreed to enter into a Federal Union. Since then the equilibrium between them has been greatly ! disturbed. 1 According to the last census the aggregate population of the United States amounted to 117,063,357, of which the Northern section con COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, MARCH 14, 1850. tained 9,728,920, and the Southern 7.334,437, making a difference, in round numbers, of 2,400,000. The number of States had increas ed from sixteen to twenty-six, making an addi tion of ten States. In the meantime the posi tion of Delaware had become doubtful as to which section she properly belongs. Consider ing her as neutral, the Northern States will have thirteen and the Southern States twelve, making a difference in the Senate of two Sena tors in favor of the former. According to the apportionment under the census of 1840, there were 223 members of the House of Represen tatives, of which the Northern Slates had 135, and the Southern States (considering Delaware as neutral) 87, making a difference in favor of the former in the House of Representatives of 48. The difference in the Senate of two mem bers, added to this, gives to the North, in the Electoral College, a majority of 50. Since the census of 1840. four States have been added to the Union : lowa, Wisconsin, Florida, and Tex as. They leave the difference in the Senate as it stood when the census was taken ; but add two to the side of the North iu the House, mak ing the present majority in the House in its fa vor of 50, and in the electoral college of 52. The result of the whole is to give the North ern section a predominance in every department of the Government, and thereby concentrate in it the two elements which constitute the Federal Government ; a majority of States, and a ma jority of the population, estimated in federal mini- j bers. Whatever section concentrates the two in itself, possesses the control of the entire Gov ernment. Rut we are just at the close of the sixth de cade, and the commencement of the seventh. I'he census is to he taken this year, which must add greatly to the decided preponderance of the North in the House of Representatives and in the electoral college. The prospect is, also, that a great increase will be added to its present preponderance in the Senate, during the period of the decade, by the addition of new States. Two Territories, Oregon and Minesota, are al ready in progress, and strenuous efforts are mak ing to bring in three additional States from the Territory recently conquered from Mexico, which, it successful, will add three other States, in a short time, to the Northern section, making live States ; and increasing the present number of its States from fifteen to twenty, and of its Senators from thirty to forty. On the contrary, there is not a single Territory in progress in the Southern section, and no certainty that any ad. ditional State will be added to it during the de cade. ‘Flie prospect then is, that the two sec tions in the Senate, should the efibrts now made to exclude the Soulh from the newly acquired Territories succeed, will stand, before the end of the decade, twenty Northern States to twelve Southern, (considering Delaware as neutral,) and forty Northern Senators to twenty-four Southern. This great increase of Senators, add ed to the great increase of members of the House ol Representatives and the electoral college on the part of the North, which must take place un der the next decade, will effectually and irre trievably destroy the equilibrium which existed when the Government commenced. Had this destruction been the operation of time, without interference of Government, the South would have had no reason to complain ; but such was not the fact. It was caused by the legislation of this Government, which was appointed as the common agent of all, and charged with the protection ot the interests and security of all. The legislation by which it has been effected, may be classed under three heads. The first is, that series ot acts by which the South has been excluded from the common Ter-! ritory belonging to all of the States, as the mein- j bers of the Federal Union, and which have had j the effect of extending vastly the pot lion allotted 1 to the Northern section, and restricting within narrow limits, the portion left the South. The next consists in adopting a system ot revenue i and disbursements, by which an undue proper- j tion oftbe burden of taxation has been imposed j upon the South, and an undue proportion of its proceeds appropriated to the North ; and the last is a system of political measures by which the original character of the Government has been radically changed. I propose to bestow upon each of these, in the order they stand, a few remarks, with the view of showing that it is owing to the action of this Government that the equilibrium between the two sections has betm destroyed, and the whole powers of the sys- j tern centred iu a sectional majority. The first of the series of acts by which the South was deprived of its due share of the Ter- j ritories, originated with the Confederacy, which preceded the existence of this Government. It is to be found in the provision of the Ordinance of 1787. Its effect was to exclude the South entirely from that vast and fertile region which lies between the Ohio ami the Mississippi riv ers, now embracing five Slates and one Terri- ! tory. The next ot” the series is the Missouri Compromise, which excluded the South from j that large portion of Louisiana which lies North of 36 deg. 30 min,, excepting what is included in the State of Missouri. The last of the se ries excluded the South from the whole of the Oregon Territory. All these, in the slung of the day, were what is called slave territories, and not free soil; that is,* territories belonging to slaveholding powers and open to the emigra tion of masters with their slaves. By these sev eral acts, the South was excluded from 1,238,025 square miles, an extent of country considerably exceeding the entire valley of the Mississippi. To the South was left the portion of the Terri tory of Louisiana lying South of 30 deg. 30 min., i and the portion North of it included in the State of Missouri. The portion lying South of 36 deg. 80 min., including the States of Louisiana and Arkansas, and the territory lying West ot the latter and South of 30 deg. 30 min* called the Indian country. This, with the Territory of Florida, now the State, makes in the whole, 283,503 square miles. To this must be added the territory acquired with Texas. If the whole should be added to the Southern section, it would make an increase of 325,520, which would make the whole left to the South, 609,023. But a large part of Texas is still in contest between the two sections, which leaves it uncertain what will be the real extent of the portion ol territory that may be left to the South. I have not included the territory recently ac quired by the treaty with Mexico. The North is making the most strenuous efforts to appro priate the whole to herself, by excluding the South from every foot ot it. If she should suc ceed, it will add to that from which the South has already been excluded, 526,078 square miles, and would increase the whole which the North has appropriated to herself to 1,764,023, not including the portion that she may succeed in excluding us from iu Texas. To sum up the whole, the United States, since they declared their independence, have acquired 2,873 5 046 square miles of territory, from which the North will have excluded the South, if she should suc ceed in monopolizing the newly acquired terri tories, about three-fourths of the whole, leaving to the South but about one-fourth. Such is the first and great cause that has des troyed the equilibrium between the two sections in the Government. The next is the system of revenue and dis bursements which has been adopted by the Gov. eminent. It is well known that the Govern, ment has derived its revenue mainly from du ties on imports. I shall not undertake to show that such duties must necessarily fall mainly on the exporting States, and that the South, as the great exporting portion of the Union, has in re ality paid vastly more than her due proportion of the revenue ; because I deem it unnecessary, as the subject has on so many occasions been fully discussed. Nor shall I, fur the same reason, un dertake to show that a far greater portion of the revenue has been disbursed at the North, than its due share ; and that the joint effect of these causes has been, to transfer a vast amount from South to North, which, under an equal system of revenue and disbursements, would not have been lost to her. If to this be added that many of the duties were imposed, not fur revenue, but for protection—that is, intended to put money, not in the Treasury, but directly into the pocket of the manufacturers—some conception may be formed of the immense amount which, in the long course of sixty years, has been transferred from South to North. There are no data by which it can be estimated with any certainty ; but it is safe to say, that it amounts to hundreds of millions of dollars. Under the most moder ate estimate, it would he sufficient to add great ly to the wealth of the North, and thus greatly increase her population by attracting emigration from all quarters to that section. This, combined with the great and primary cause, amply eiplains why the North has ac quired a preponderance over every department ot the Government by its disproportionate in crease of population and States. The former, as has been shown, has increased in fifty years, 2,400,009 over that ot the South. This increase of population, during so long a period, is satis factorily accounted for, by the number of emi grants, and the increase of their descendants, which have been attracted to the Northern sec tion from Europe and the South, in consequence, of the advantages derived from the causes as signed. If they had not existed—if the South had retained all the capital which has been ex tracted from her by the fiscal action of the Gov- 1 eminent; and, if it had not been excluded by the ordinance of’B7, and the Missouri compro mise, from the legion lying between the Ohio and tho Mississippi rivers, and between the Mis sissippi and the Rocky Mountains, north of 36 deg. 30 min.—it scarcely admits of a doubt, that she, would have divided the emigration with the North, and by retaining her own people, would have at least equalled the North in popu lation under the census of 1840, and probably under that about to lie taken. She would also, if she had retained her equal rights in those Territories, maintained an equality in the num ber of States with the North, and have preserv ed the equilibrium between the two sections that existed at the commencement of the Govern ment. The loss then of the equilibrium, is to be attributed to the action of this Government. But while these measures were destroying the equilibrium between the two sections, the action of the Government was leading to a radical change in its character, by concentrating all the power of the system in itself. The occasion will not permit me to trace the measures by which this great change has been consummated. It it did, it would not be difficult to show that the process commenced at an early period of the Government; that it proceeded almost without interruption, step by step, until it absorbed vir tually its entire powers; but without going through the whole process to establish the fact, it may be done satisfactorily by a very short statement. That the Government claims, and practically maintains, the right to decide in the last resort, as to the extent of its powers, will scarcely be denied by any one conversant with the political history of the country. That it also claims the right to resort to force, to maintain whatever power it claims, against all opposition, is equally certain. Indeed it is apparent, from what we daily hear, that this has become the prevailing and fixed opinion of a great majority of the com munity. Now, I ask, what limitation can possi bly be placed upon the powers of a government claiming and exercising such rights? And, if none can be, how can the separate governments of the States maintain and protect the powers reserved to them by the Constitution or the peo ple of the several States maintain those which are reserved to them, and among others, the sovereign powers by which they ordained and established, not only their separate State Con stitutions and Governments, but also the Consti tution and Government of the United States? But, if they have no constitutional means of maintaining them against the right claimed by this Government, it necessarily follows, that they hold them at its pleasure and discretion, and that all the powers of the system are in re ality concentrated in it. It also follows, that the character of the Government has been changed in consequence, from a federal Republic, as it originally came from the hands of its framers, into a great national consolidated Democracy. It has indeed, at present, all the characteristics of the latter, and not one of the former, although it still retains its outwaid form. The result of the whole of these causes com bined is, that the North has acquired a decided ascendency over every department of this Gov ernment, and through it a control over all the powers of the system. A single section govern ed by the will of the numerical majority, has now, in fact, the control of the Government and the entire powers of the system. What was once a constitutional federal Republic, is now converted, in reality, into one as absolute as that of the Autocrat of Russia, and as despotic in its tendency, as any absolute government that ever existed. As then, the North has the absolute control over the Government, it is manifest, that on all questions between it and the South, where there is a diversity of interests, the interest of the latter will be sacrificed to the Conner, how ever oppressive the effects may be, as the South possesses no means by which it can resist, through the action of the Government. But if there was no question of vital importance to the South, in reference to which there was a diversity of views between the two sections, this state of things might be endured, without tho hazard of destruction to the South. But ; such is not the fact. There is a question of vi- I fa! importance to the Southern section, in re. ference to which the views and feelings of the two sections are as opposite and hostile as they can possibly be. I refer to the relation between the two race* in the Southern section, which constitutes a vi tal portion of her social organization. Every portion of the North entertains views and feel ings more or less hostile to U. Those most op posed and hostile, regard it as a sin, and con sider themselves under the most sacred obliga tion to use every effort to destroy it. ludeed to the extent that they conceive they have power, they regard themselves as implicated in the sin, and responsible for suppressing it by the use of all and every means. Those less op posed and hostile, regaid it as a crime—an of fence against humanity, as they call it; and although not so fanatical, feel themselves bound to use all efforts to effect the same object; while those who are least opposed and hostile, regard it as a blot and a stain on the character of what they call the Nation, and feel them selves accordingly bound to give it no counte nance or support. On the contrary, the South ern section regards the relation as one which cannot be destroyed without subjecting the two races to the greatest calamity, and the section to poverty, desolation, and wretchedness; and accordingly they feel bound, by every consid eration of interest .and safety, to defend it. This hostile feeling on the part of the North towards the social organization of the South, long lay dormant, but it only required some cause which would make the impression on those who felt it most intensely, that they were responsi ble for its continuance, to call it into action. The increasing power of this Government, and of the control of the Northern section over all its departments, furnished the cause. It was this which made an impression on the minds of many, that there was little or no restraint to prevent the government from doing whatever it might choose to do. This was sufficient of itself to put the most fanatical portion of the North in action for the purpose of destroying the existing relation between the two races in the South. The first organized movement towards it [ commenced in 1835. Then, for the first time, ’ societies were organized, presses established, | lecturers sent forth to excite the people of the ] North, and incendiary publications scattered j over the whole South, through the mail. The I South was thoroughly aroused. Meetings were | held everywhere, and resolutions adopted, call ing upon the North to apply a remedy to arrest the threatened evil, and pledging themselves to adopt measures for their own protection, if it was not arrested. At the meeting of Congress petitions poured in from the North, calling upon Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and to prohibit what they called the internal slave trade between the States, an nouncing at the same time, that their ultimate object was to abolish slavery, not only in the District, but in the States, and throughout the : Union. At this period, the number engaged in the agitation was small, and possessed little or | no personal influence. | Neither party in Congress had, at that time, any sympathy with them, or their cause. The ; members of each party presented their petitions j with great reluctance. Nevertheless, as small i and contemptible as the party then was, both of the great parties of the North dreaded them. They felt, that though small, they were organized in reference to a subject which had a great and a commanding influence over the Northern mind. Each party, on that account, feared to oppose their petitions, lest the opposite party should take advantage of the one who might, by favoring their petitions. The effect was that Doth united in insisting that the petitions should be received, and that Congress should take juris diction of the subject for which they prayed. To justify their course, they took the extraordi nary ground, that Congress was bound to receive petitions on every subject, however objection able it might be, and whether they had or had not jurisdiction over the subject. These views prevailed in the House of Representatives, and partially in the Senate, and thus the party suc ceeded in their first movements in gaining what they proposed—a position in Congress, from which agitation could be extended over the whole Union. This was the commencement of the agitation, which has ever since continued, and which, as is now acknowledged, has en dangered the Union itself. As for myself, 1 believed at that early period, if the party who got up the petitions should suc ceed in getting Congress to take jurisdiction, that agitation would follow, and that it would in the end, if not arrested, destroy the Union. I then expressed myself in debate, and called up on both parties to take ground against assuming jurisdiction, but in vain. Had my voice been heeded, and Congress refused to take jurisdic tion, by the united votes of all parties, the agita tion which followed would have been prevented, and the fanatical zeal that gives impulse to the agitation, and which has brought us to our pres ent perilous condition, would have become ex tinguished from the want of something to feed the flame. That was the-time for the North to show her devotion to the Union; but unfortu nately both of the great parties of that section were so intent on obtaining or retaining party ascendency, that all other considerations were ! overlooked or forgotten. What has since followed are but natural con sequences. With the success of their first movement, this small fanatical party began to acquire strength ; and with that, to become an object of courtship to both the great parties. The necessary consequence was, a further in crease of power, and a gradual tainting of the opinions of both of the other parties with their doctrines, until the infection has extended over both : and the great mass of the population of the North, who, whatever may be their opinion of the original abolition party, which still pre serves its distinctive organization, hardly ever fail, when it comes to acting, to co-operate in carrying out their measures. With the increase of their influence, they extended the sphere of their action. In a short time after the com mencement of their first movement, they had acquired sufficient influence to induce the Legis latures of most of the Northern State* to pass acts, which in effect abrogated the provision of the Constitution that provides for the deliver*, ing up of fugitive slaves. Not long after, peti-i tions folloxved to abolish slavery in fort*, maga- j zincs, and dock yards, and all other places’ where Congress had exclusive power of legisia- j tion. This was followed by petitions and resolutions of the Legislatures of Northern States and popular meetings, to exclude the Southern States from all Territories acquired, or to he acquired, and to prevent the admission of any State hereafter into the Union, which tyfrs Constitution, doe* not prohibit slavery. And Congress is invoked to do all this expressly with the view to the final abolition of slavery in the States. That has been avowed to be the ulti mate object from the beginning of the agitation until the pre*ent time ; and yet the great body of both parties of the North, with the full knowl edge of the fact, srtthongh disavowing tho Abo litionists, have co-operated with then* in almost all their measures. buch is the brief history of tho agitation, at far as it has yet advanced. Now I ask, Sena tors, what is the ultimate end proposed, ufes some decisive measure should bo adopted to pro* - vent it ? Has any one of’ the causes, whichf has added to its increase from Us original small and contemptible beginning until it ha* attained its present magnitude, diminished in force 1 It the original cause of the movement, that slavery is a sin, and ought to be suppressed, weaker now than at the coinmenoement t Or is the Aboli tion party less numerous or influential, or have they fees influence or control over the two groat parties of the North in elections ? Or has tha South greater means of influencing or control ling the movements of this Government now, than it had when the agitation commenced? To all these questions but one answer can be given : No, no, no- The very reverse is true. Instead of being weaker, all the elements in favor of agitation are stronger now than they were in 1835, when the agitation first commenced, while all the elements of influence on the part of tha South are weaker. Unless something decisiva is done, I again ask, what is to stop this agila tion, before the groat and final olyect at which it aims—the abolition of slavery in tha States— is consummated ? Is it, then, not certain, that if something decisivo is not now douo to arrest it, the South will be forced to choose between abo lition and secession T Indeed, as event* ara now moving, it will not require the South to se cede to dissolve the Union. Agitation will of itself effect it, of which its past history furuisho* abundant proof, as I shall next proceed to show. It is a great mistake to suppose that disunion can bo affected by a single blow. The corda which bound these States together in one com mon Union are far too numerous and powerful for that. Disunion must be the work of time. It is only through a long process, and in suc cession, that the cords can be snapped, until (fi# whole fabric falls asunder. Already the agita tion of the slavery question has snapped some es tho most important, and has greatly weakened all others, as I shall proceed to show. The cords that bind the States together ara not only many, but various in character. Soma are spiritual or ecclesiastical; some political j others social. Some appertain to the benefit conferred by the Union, and others to the feeling of duty and obligation. The strongest of those of a spiritual and ec clesiastical nature, consisted in the unity of tha great religious denomination*, all of which orig inally embraced the whole Union. All thesa denominations, with tho exception, perhaps, of the Catholics, were organized very much upon the principle of our political institution* ; begin ning with similar meetings, corresponding with the political divisions of the country, tbeir or ganization terminated in one great central as semblage, corresponding very much with th* character of Congress. At those meetings tha principal clergymen and lay members of the re spoctivo denomination* from all part* es the Union met, to transact business relating to their common concerns. It was not confined to what appertained to tho doctrine and discipline of tho respective denominations, ber extended to plans for disseminating the Rible, sending out cm*ion aries, distributing tract*, and establishing press es for the publication of tracts, newspapers and periodicals, with a view of diffusing religious in formation, and for the support of the doctrine* and creed of the denomination. All thesa com bined, contributed greatly to strengthen th# bonds of the Union. The stroug ties which held each denomination together formed a stroag cord to hold the whole Uuion together; but, ar powerful as they were, they have not been abla to resist the explosive effect of the slavery agi tation. The first of these cord* which snapped* un der its explosive force, was that of the powerful Methodist .Episcopal Church. The numerous and strong ties which held h together are all broke, and its unity gone. They now form separate churches ; and, instead of that feeling of attachment and devotion to the interest* of the whole Church which was formerly felt, they are now arrayed into two hostile bodies. engaged in litigation about what was formerly their com mon property. The next cord that snapped was that of th Baptists, one of tho largest aud most respecta ble of the denomination*. That of the Presby terians is not entirely snapped, but some of its strands have given away. That of the Episco pal Church is the only one of tho four great Pro testant denominations which remains unbroken and entire. The strongest cord of political character, con sists of the many and strong tics that have held together the two great parties which have, with some modifications, existed from the beginning of the Government. They both extended to ev ery portion of tho Union, and strongly contribu ted to hold all its parts together. But this pow erful cord has fared no better than the spiritual. It resisted for a long time the explosive tenden cy of the agitation, but has finally snapped un der its force—if not entirely, in a great measure. Nor is there one of the remaining cords which have not been greatly weakened. To this ex tent the Union has already been destroyed by agitation, in the only way it can be, by snapping asunder the working cords which bind it to gether. If the agitation goes on, the same force, act ing with increased intensity, as has been shown, will finally snap every cord, when nothing will he left to hold the States together except force. But, surely, that can, with no propriety of language, be called a Union, wlien the only means by which the weaker is held connected with the stronger portion is tore©. Ik may, in deed, keep them connected ; but the connection will partake much moro of the cnaractor of sub jugation, on the part of the weaker to the strong er? than the union of free, independent and sov ereign States, in one Federal Union, as they stood in the early stages of the Government, and which only is worthy of the sacred r.ara© of Union. Haring now, Senators, explained what it is that endangers the Union, and traced it to its cause, and explained its nature and character, the question again recurs: How can (he Union b© saved ? To this I answer, there is but one way by which it can be, and that is by adopting such measures as will satisfy the States belong ing to the Southern section that they can remait} In the Union consistently with their jjuc at NO. 11.