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From the Savannah Newa. The Senate and the Ladies. — One mark eJ feature of the present session of Congress ha# been, and is, the assiduous attendance of the non.voting poition of the community; the members of society who are supposed to take no interest or share in political discussions, be cause they exercise no direct or ostensible in fluence on political arrangements. Every nar rator or describer of eveuis at Washington, the past winter, has remarked upon the fidelity of the ladies in resorting to the .Senate Chamber ; and the fuct # has even elicited remark from dis tinguisheri Senators, which has figured in the published reports of the Senate proceedings. The phenomenon, theiefore, comes legiti mately within the range of public observation ; and there is propriety in discussion of its mean ing and its consequences. \\ e give place, ac cordingly, to a significant essay on the subject, from the Richmond Republican : A Beautiful Spectacle. —The Washington correspondent of the Boston Courier says that Mr. Clay, while “being delivered” of his last great speech, had a ‘‘coronet of laurels over and around his head,” and that he was “imbed ded in a nest of the fair sex.” “No Senator could get across the chamber without thrusting his head under a bonnet.” This is really a most captivating picture ; and one which animates us never to despair of the Republic. The ladies aro,/o a man, the enemies of disunion. Wo do not wish to inti mate that they are more in favor o (union than the other sex—we do not think they are ; but when the knot is tied, they are infinitely inure true and loyal. They are more patient, more kind, more enduring tnan man. When St. Paul described charity, he drew the picture of a good woman yoked to a bad husband. “Charity suflereth long and is kind; Charity beareth all things, beiieveth all things, hopeth all things, endureth all things.” But we are wandering from our text, which was the Amer ican Senate, and the dames and damsels con gregated therein. Some of our cotemporaries, led on by Sena tor Pearce of Maryland, are in favor of exclu ding these fair creatures from the Senate, on the ground that they divert the attention of Sen ators from their proper duties, and tempi them to become too discursive and flighty in their harangues. Unfortunately, however, most of our public men speak for Buncombe, at any rate, so that there is no probability of making their oratory more diffuse than it is at present, lu the existing temper of Congress, the pres ence of the ladies will have a beneficial effect. It will soothe the irritated nerves of the old gen tlemen in the Senate, and lead their thoughts from the contemplation of annoying subjects to the days of their youth, when they went courting, ” and rambled along green lanes and amid beautiful flower gardens, in company with a neat little cottage bonnet, a pair of very be witching eyes, and a very small foot encased in a fascinating gaiter boot, like that which cap tivated the juvenile Winkle. “Ah,” thinks some old Senator, as he yields to these reflec tions and tulis his withered brow, “time lias made snd changes since that horn. Can yon der fat woman be the spirit of my youthful dreams? Can this worm-eaten heart and shrunken shank belong to the gay stripling who wooed and won her? Can I be myself?” This seems a veiy absurd inquiry; yet from • very deep wrinkle, from every gray hair, from every trembling nerve, from every feeble pul sation of the aged bosom, a melancholy voice answers, NO. Our Senator has become philosophic, philan thropic, even romantic. II is icy old soul is rapidly thawing under the bland and Spring like rays of youth and beauty. If he rises to make a few remarks, it is done in the courtly manner of the be-wigged, be-queued and be powdered statesman ol two centuries ago. 7/e cannot be rude, discourteous or vulgar in the presence of woman. The novels which he read when he was a boy, represented the brav est knights as most gentle, most deferential to the fair sex. What a transformation has been wrought in this eminent public functionary ! It is like that effected upon Halbert Glendin ning by the mysterious Lady of Avene!. An hour since he was turbulent in manner, coarse in speech, imperious, provoking a personal con troversy with every word : now lie is a model of quiet dignity, regarding himself with calm self-respect, and not to be outdone even by Sir Piercie Shafton in polished courtesy. Our Senator, exhausted with his effort, sits down and wipes his brow. The ladies look with respect and admiration upon the kind and intelligent countenance of the good old man. These reverential glances increase the benig nity and tenderness of his spirit. Instead of the fire-eater that he was but a short time ago, he becomes in his own imagination a sort of patriarch, with flocks and herds, and quite a number of wives. He feels softened, benevo lent, and even loving. He wonders that pco. pie in this world ever quarrel, and, most of all, that those bound together in matrimony ever fall out with each other. H is mind recurs with great sensibility to the married relation. A man and his wife are bound together, he ru. minates, for better—for worse. Destiny has made them one, and to “bear and forbear” is their highest wisdom as well as duty. “What God hath joined together, let not man put asun der.” Verily the presence of women has worked a miraeft*. It has struck the rocky heart of an old politician, and lo ! streams of penitence, poetry and piety gush forth. But her influence does not stop here. By no means. Ihe venerable convert is not only pi. ous, penitent and poetical, but he turns his new acquisition to a practical purpose. Women remind him of marriage—marriage of the Un ion of those mighty sovereignties, one of which ho represents in the Senate, and whose slave controversy now absorbs the attention of all public men. He thinks of those great states which pledged their youthful vows lo each oth er at Bunker Hill and Yorktown ; whose early affection was purified and made more fervid by the fires of common sorrows, but the glories ol whose bright day of wedlock have cast into the •shade the memories of former sufferings. 7/e sees them alienated, distrustful, almost prepar ed to dissolve the matrimonial bonds, and pur sue each a separate path through life. The thought is too much for our benevolent Senator. In the spirit of Uncle Toby, when ho swore that the poor soldier should not die, the old gen tleman vows that this Union shall not be dis solved. He will interpose ; ho will offer a compromise; he will speak soothingly to every body around; he will make any sacrifices ; yea, if there be no one else to play the Curtiu3, he will throw himself, with his ivory-headed cane, hi* broad-brimmed hat, his capacious um brella, into the yawning abyss. He is an old man. He has given to ambition the kernel. It is not too much to give his country the shell. He is the “last leaf upon the tree.” What matter ihough he yield himself now to the breeze ? A few more blasts, at any rate, must snap him from the withered stem, and send him down that arrowy tide of time which knows no return. Admit the women, by all means ! They are the great civilizers ot the age. They enter the political arena, and the wild beasts of party crouch in tenderness and awe at their feet. They soften and humanize even ferocious fa natics, making them decent, gentle, accessible to reason. Admit them, and their very pres ence will banish harshness, acrimony and es trangement. Grim old greybeards, who repre sent inflexible old sovereignties, will learn to temper their fierce valor with a kindly and for giving spirit. And states, once joined togeth er by hooks of steel, but almost parted now, will return to a sisterly embrace, and clasping hand in hand, exclaim, in the language of loyalty and love that once fell Irom the lips of a noble woman, “Whither thou goest I will go ; and where thou lodgest I will lodge ; thy people shall be my people, and thy God my God. Where thou diest will I die, and there will I be buried; the Lord do so to me, and more al so, if aught but death part thee and me.” Another writer attributes to the ladies who attend the chambers of the Capitol very differ ent motives from those of humanizing the bear gardens of Congress. lie says : The great object to be achieved in Wash ington, by young ladies, is to get a husband. They live here, and come here, for no other purpose. A young lady who has ‘spoons’ can take her pick among the male sex who are un married. But a very large portion of the young ladies one meets with in Washington, are as poor as church mice. If they have beauty, they aim high. When they first came out, they set their caps for a secretary or senator. The second session, they would take any de cent member of Congress. The third year, they are somewhat discouraged, and are wil ling to throw their charms into the arms of the army or navy. The fourth year, they will con sent to marry a twelve hundred, or even a thou sand dollar clerk. After that, they arc entire ly dependent, for a matrimonial offer, upon out side strangers. A visit to the capitol and a winter in Washington, are of immense service to many sweet girls from country portions of the different States. They learn a lesson that lasts them for life. They find that “all is not gold that glitters,” and that tnen whose fame has rung through the section from whence they came, are but men. They find them, in real life, a different set of gentlemen from what their imagination had pictured, when reading their speeches and praises in the newspapers. Such sensible girls go home from the capi tal perfectly disgusted, and satisfied. Secreta ries, Senators, and members, are of little ac count in the capital, compared with what they are at a distance from it. They have seen these great men, have talked with them, walk ed with them, and—the romance is over. The fair visitors go home impressed with the idea that they are, in general, by no matinner of means the superiors, or even equals, of some of the unmarried visitors to their firesides at home. They save seen quite enough of Washington and its s iciety. They have found it nothing more than a big hotel, filled with selfish travel lers ; the male guests keeping or seeking office or plunder, and the female occupants dressed for company or conquest. THE SOUTHERN SENTINEL. COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, MARCH 21, 1850. OCT Being about to remove our office, we offer for rent, the Room which we have here tofore occupied. Apply at this Office. The Remington Bridge. This is truly one of the most valuable inventions of the age. The philosophical principle involved is so simple that it is remarkable that it should have been so long overlooked, and the mode of its applica tion to the construction of bridges, is as simple as the principle itself. Mr. Remington, the inventor of the bridge, (a native of Va. but now a resident of Montgomery, Ala.) thus briefly describes it: “The great principle sought to he proved in this bridge (says Mr. It.) is that a beam of timber—of whatever size, shape, or length—lying horizontally and resting at each extremity on abutments, is as strong, and will require as much weight on the top ot it to break it, as it would take to break the same piece when pulled longitudinally in the direction of the fibre.” Mr. Beattie, who is the owner of the monopoly for the construction of those bridges in this State, is at present in this city for the purpose of enlisting the co-operation of practical Bridge builders, that he may be able to fake the contracts that have already been offered to the inventor, in Georgia. See his adver tisement in another column. For the satisfaction of those who were incredulous of the powers of this bridge, this gentleman exhibited a model, made of two stringers, forty feet long, one and a quarter inch es thick at the abutments, and three-eighths of an inch thick at the middle. Between four and five thousand pounds were placed upon this frail struc ture without the least giving way, but upon adding to the weight, the iron screws by which the string ers were fastened to the abutments, gave way. The test was regarded perfectly satisfactory by those who bad assembled to witness it, the only regret being that the insufficient fastenings at the ends, prevented a complete exhibition of its powers. There are numerous advantages claimed for bridg es built on this principle. • The first is its great econ omy. We are informed by Mr. Beattie, that a bridge : feet span is now being constructed at Mont* gomery, Ala., at a cost of .$1,500, while one built on j the P l **’ would require an expenditure of SB,OOO, a saving of over four-lifths. Another very great ad vantage is, that a bridge of this kind can be built, where or.e supported on piers would be impractica- I Mr- Remington is also the patentee of a prepa- I ration which he calls artificial slate, by means of : which he is able to protect wood entirely from expo sure to air and moisture, and thus secure very great durability to the timbers of his bridge. He has also j applied the principle of the bridge to the construction ;of springs for beds, railroad cars, sofas, chairs, i&c. & c . §®IDTGO H® ED §> iOSTT DBO IIL = The Cass County Meeting. A meeting was held at Cassvilie on the sth 1 inst., composed of those citizens of that imme diate neighborhood who are unfriendly to the proposed Nashville convention, at which cer tain resolutions were introduced and adopted, which, in our opinion, are calculated to do im mense injury to the cause of the South. Among those resolutions are the following: 6. Resolved , That we are opposed to tlie Southern Convention proposed to be held at Nashville, cher ishing as we do a strong attachment to the Union, and we pledge ourselves to support the President, in using all constitutional means in his power to protect i it from violence for any cause now known to ns. 7. Resolved, That vve condemn the action of the late Legislature of this State, in requiring the Gov- j ernor to rail a convention of the people of the State in the event that California is admitted into the Un- i ion as a State, and hope he will not, for such a cause, call the people from their homes, and thus burthen ; them with unnecessary expense, and increase the | excitement of the public mind. The first objectionable feature in these res olutions is that embraced in the attempt to ar ray the proposed Southern Convention against j the Union. What else is implied in the senti ment, opposing that convention, because “they cherish a strong regard for the Union”? Has it ever been announced by the friends of that measure, that its object is to dissolve the Union ‘! The assumption of such a design is altogether ; gratuitous, for so far from ever admitting that the object of the convention was to dissolve the Union, those who have been instrumental in getting it up, have all along avowed their pur pose to be, to devise some plan for securing the Union. If this be not the design, then we have most ignorantly been the advocate of the measure, for we do not hesitate to declare our most emphatic and unqualified opposition to it,* if its object is that charged in these resolutions. It is, there- j fore, unjust to the authors of this movement, nay, j it is almost treachery to the South itself, thus to denounce without a reason, the efforts of South- j ern men to secure for their own section the hon- j or, the equality, and the rights guarantied to it by the constitution. That our rights have been invaded, and that their very existence is seri ously threatened, no Southern man doubts, and that, being thus threatened, it is the duty of the South to vindicate herself, is a proposition about j which Southern minds can not disagree ; as so the most effectual method, of vindication, even Southern men may differ. Some have believed that a convention of Delegates from ail the Southern States, was the surest and speediest resort for effecting that object ; others have i thought that a State convention was the wisest policy, and others again have doubled the pro priety of all conventions. Now the advocates! of each policy may be, and probably are sincere 1 in their conclusions, and it is therefore unwise and unjust in either to ascribe to the other, trea- j sonable motives. The South must harmonize if she would prevail, and if differences of opinion exist among her friends as to the best policy in securing her rights, those differences should be j confined to opinion, and not be allowed to en gender fierce and bitter factional animosities. We think, therefore, that this feature of those resolutions is to be deeply lamented. The next objection to these resolutions, is the voluntary “pledge of support to the President in using all constitutional means in his power to protect the Union from violence for any cause now known to them.” We almost shrink from the interpretation of this passage. If it means anything, it is that the Resolvers pledge them selves to enrol under the banner of the Execu- tive, in suppressing at the point of the bayonet, any attempt on the part of the South, to resist what she should conclude was unjust and tyran nical legislation by Congress. We shall con tent ourselves with a bare interpretation of this threat, and leave it to our readers without a word of comment. The 7th Resolution entire, is objectionable. The Legislature ot Georgia has instructed the Governor of the State to call a convention be fore the happening of certain contingencies. When those contingencies or any one of them shall transpire, it is made the duty of the Gover nor to call the convention, and that body may, in its discretion, determine whether the event fur nishes a sufficient cause of action. Any con demnation of this act of the Legislature, coming from such a source as this, can not lessen the obligation thereby imposed upon the Governor. Its only effect, therefore, can be mischief, by en couraging the North to hasten the very event against which the Legislature intended to pro vide. But we have probably attached undue impor tance to this Cassville meeting, for it appears that after all, the assemblage was neither so large nor so influential as it has been represented- A counter meeting of the citizens of Cass county took place at Cartersville on the 9th at which the following resolutions were adopted : Resolved, Ist. That the meeting at Cassville had no authority to speak or act for us, or, in our opin ion, for any considerable number of the people of this county ; and that we repudiate and condemn the ac tion of that assemblage in several important particu lars. Resolved, 2d. That we warmly approve the South ern Convention, and indignantly repel the insinua tion against its projectors and advocates as unfoun ded. Resolved, 6th. That the action of the late Legisla ture on the subject of our federal relations, and in reference to the proposed Southern Convention, sus tained as it was by a large majority of both parties, meets our decided approoation. Speaking of those who had participated in the Cassville meeting, the Rome Southerner says: “The truth is, they bad met in caucus at Cassville without notice to us—without our knowledge, and there condemned our principles—the principles of a decided majority of both parties in our late Legisla ture, and having done this, and insinuated that the purpose of the friends of a Southern Convention, was, not to deliberate for the preservation of South ern rights and constitutional Union, as everywhere avowed by them—but to devise some treasonable plan of separation, which called upon them to pro mise their aid to the President in putting it down by “constitutional means.” They had denounced us, and our principles and objects, as well as those of our friends of both parties, in their meeting held without our knowledge, and had even usurped the important political right of selecting delegates to rep resent us in an important Convention without giving ns any voice in tiie selection !"* All Agricultural Society. We were pleased with the suggestion of the Enquirer’s correspondent, proposing the forma tion of an agricultural society at this place. It is by the influence of such popular associations as this, and not by the uncertain and improper aid of governmental protection, that all the great inter ests of the land are to bo effectually encouraged and fostered. Ot the utility of such associations, no one can have any question who is at all famil iar with their history and operations even in this State. The old and exhausted lands of mid dle Georgia are being renovated and made pro ductive ; the population is becoming fixed ; hand some country residences are being erected ; first rate barns and farm houses are built; in short, a country that seemed inovital/y doomed to abso lute depopulation and desolation has been sudden ly rescued from its downward tendency, and con verted into a land of bountiful harvests and hap py people. This result is to be mainly attributed to the influence ot agricultural societies in the different counties. In no other part of Georgia has agriculture been so much improved, (and not more in its operations than in its results,) as in Hancock county. There, we think, the first agricultural society in the State was estab lished, and its influences are every where visible, in the fields, in the houses, and even in the faces of the thriving population. We need not undertake now to explain hoic all these bles sings are attributable to the operations of such associations. Let every body who is skeptical, attend at the organization of this society, and if they are not then satisfied, we know they will be after one year’s membership. The invitation is extended to the farmers ofali the adjoining coun ties. If the agricultural population of Western Georgia and Eastern Alabama will move in this matter, they may form the best society in the land. I’he time suggested by the Enquirer’s corres pondent, is the first Monday in May. We move to amend the suggestion by changing it to the 2J. Wednesday in that month. Speech of Hon. 11. A. Toombs. We have read tins speech with very great pleasure. I hat pleasure lias proceeded not so much from any coin cidence of opinion on all the points of discussion, as from an admiration of its lofty bearing, its devotion to the South, its determined opposition to wrong, and its stirring eloquence. Mr. Toombs deservedly ranks among the very first debaters of the House; indeed, the South has not a more effective champion upon the floor of Congress. H e still adheres to the fallacy of Congressional protection of our rights in the Territories, and contends that the Mexican laws prohibiting slavery arc still of force in Mexico, and demands that Congress shall legislate for the removal of those disabilities. On this point, we re gard the argument of Mr. Berrien in the Senate, as per fectly unanswerable. We should like to spread both of these speeches upon our columns, but we could not pub lish them entire without excluding every thing else, and our readers would hardly be obliged to us for administer ing them in broken doses, at weekly intervals. O’ We copy the following interesting letter from the Washington correspondence of the Baltimore Sun. We will not be understood, however, to endorse the senti ments expressed by the writer with respect to Mr. Cal houn. The supposition which attributes to Messrs. Clay, Cass, Benton and Douglass patriotic motives, as distin guished from a spirit of faction in Calhoun unfriendly to a peaceable and amicable adjustment of the great question of the day, is alike undue eulogy of the former gentlemen and injustice to the latter. Mr. Calhoun’s position re sults from the consciousness that “might,” if it do not “give,” too often usurps “right”—that “lawless might,” however obnoxious in principle to common justice, is alike exercised by individuals and nations—that the North is aggressive, no less in the usurpations of doubtful powers than in palpable and admitted violation of one of the provisions of our federal compact. Mr. Calhoun wishes no more wind to be sown, as enough is already in embryo to produce the whirlwind. Washington, March 11, 1850. We really begin to see daylight. The speech of Mr. ’ Webster, in conjunction with the noble attitude assumed by Mr. Clay, has evinced a disposition on the part of the leading men of the nation, except Mr. Calhoun, to settle j the great question of the day peaceably, amicably and without delay. I have no doubt but that Cass, Benton ’ and Douglass will be ready to join the issue thus nobly presented between prosperity, happiness, grandeur and union, and anarchy, civil war, the contempt of the world, and disunion. The terms of compromise will be these : 1. California to come in as a State. 2. The territorial governments established by the will of the people in Deseret and New Mexico to be legalized ; judges and other officers to be appointed by the President. 3. The boundary of Texas to be definitely settled, and I Texas to be paid a reasonable indemnity for all the territo ! ry east of the Rio Grande to be ceded by her to the Uni ted States. 4. New slave States to come in out of Texas as fast as that. State consents to the division, and the parts thus sep ! arated have the requisite population. This will settle the question, especially if, as Mr. Web ster hinted, an annual appropriation be made in aid of the colonization of free negroes. This is a very impor tant consideration, and one which I find southern gentle men have not yet fully reflected upon. It is a special boon to the State of Virginia, as a faint token of national acknowledgment for her generosity in yielding up the north western territory. As to Mr. Calhoun's idea of making California a test question, it will not obtain half a dozen votes in either House, and justly so. Mr. Calhoun's proposition of com promise is little better than a demand with a revolver pointed at your breast. I doubt whether the Nashville convention, after the speech of Mr. Webster and the action that will follow it, will be much more than a ratification meeting. There is a vast deal of common sense in the people of this country, incompatible with the purpose of individualizing ideas, or leading any portion of the country, north or south, blind folded. As to the free soilers, I am not joking when I state it as my opinion that they have grown thinner—l mean corporeally so. I hey have lost flesh from some cause, and seem to be in a much better condition to swallow pills than “a W ilmot.” Mr. Wilmot is the honest man amonrr them. Difficulties are no doubt brewing in Cuba, and a fresh revolution is expected. It is to be hoped that our govern ment will have better and nobler things to do than to act the public agent for the Spanish government a second time. ! If Spain would prevent revolutions, in part excited by the example of our own government, let her not treat the Isl and of Cuba as a milch cow for the benefit of her starving children. I Ins will do more for putting down revolutions in Cuba than all the friendly, neighborly acts of Mr. \ C layton, acknowledged with so much pomp by the Span- 1 ish Cortes. V ou will yet see that I have been fight from the com- J mencement, when I stated it as my opinion, that the whole object of Great Britain in treating with Mr. Law rence about a canal across the Isthmus of Nicaragua, 1 was to defeat the very object our government had in com- | mencing negotiations. Thus far the bargaining was all on one side, and the terms proposed by Mr. Clayton (neg atively Mr. Lawrence) the same that Sir Henry Lyttou Bulwer himself had the adroitness to palm off on Mr. Lawrence. x. | 1 C” he St. Louis Republican states that from present [ indications the emigration to California, across the Plains, will be equally as large, if not greater, than the emigra tion by the same route last spring. 1 Mr. Denning's Letter. To the Editor of the Southern Sentinel: Sir—ln your last paper, a communication signed “Muscogee,” closes with the lollovving sentence : “If harmony ami union are to prevail, let the opin ions and policy of those who are selected as candid ates be fully and freely expressed, and let the selec tion fall on no ultraist.” I know not whether this was meant for me or not. Indeed I have not been directly notified of my nomi nation as a candidate to represent the 2d district, in the Nashville Convention. All that I know, cn that subject, is what I have seen in the newspapers, and wlmt 1 have heard from unofficial persons. But as I think there can be but little doubt of my having in fact received such nomination from the Democratic party by its representatives at Milledgeville, and also to some extent bv its own primary action in some parts of the District, and as I am willing to serve if elected, and as this is not a time to stand upon forms, I will with your permission seize the opportunity which the communication of “Muscogee” presents to express, through your columns, the opinions which I entertain on tiie subjects in question. I think, then, the following propositions are true: 1. That the North has already the will to abolish slavery everywhere in the United States as soon as she can do it safely to herself. 2. That she is rapidly acquiring the power to car ry out this will. 3. That of all the calamities which ever afflicted a nation, there have been none which would equal those which abolition would visit upon the South ern States. A few words upon each of these. The first you. will observe, Mr. Editor, is only what you yoiin-.el! assert in more energetic and unlimited language in the same paper, when you say, “it is the solemn and fixed determination of the Northern St ates to extir pate slavery from the confines of the American l /non.'’ Surely elaborate argument and citation o! proofs are not required to establish this proposition. We can j almost see its truth with our eyes. Wherever the North has hitherto been able to abolish slavery with impunity, she has invariably abolished it. The old Northern States were all, at one time, slave States. Each lias abolished slavery within its own limits by law. The constitution to which the North gave her solemn assent requires her to surrender fugitive slaves who are foetid in her midst, to their owners, on being claimed. Instead of observing this obligation, she knowingly and deliberately violates if. as lar as she can do so, without incurring physical penalty.— In place of surrendering such fugitives, she throws around them a barrier of legal enactment, judicial interpretation and public opinion,which to the master is impassable or passable only at the risk of his life. Every Northern State, with perhaps one or two exceptions, confined to those lately admit.ed into the Union, has passed laws, the whole aim of which is to render the constitution in this particular, a nullity —that is to say, as much as in her lies, the North has already applied the principle of abolition to the slavery of the Southern Slates. She has done this not only at the expense of her faith most solemnly [.lighted to the South, but in contravention of a most darling domestic policy of her own - that which seeks to exclude free negroes from her bounds—lor what can she make of a re-cued slave bill a free negro ? Randolph’s emancipated slaves to the number of near three hundred, were driven out of Ohio as a curse—had they been slaves unemancipated and flee ing from him, their legal owner, every door would have flown open at their approach for welcome ami concealment. Year alter year her intrepidity in this sort of treachery becomes mere and more atrocious. About two years ago the pursuer of a fugitive slave was mobbed and murdered in Pennsylvania. Nothing has been done with the murderers ; they have not even been placed under the ban of public opinion. The mob was not made up of rifl-raffand scum either. Professors in Colleges, ministers of the Gospel, fig ured conspicuously. Even nmv, Pennsylvania has a Alary lander in jail whom she found on her tree soil seeking for his runaway slave—put there on some other miserable pretext. The case is so glaring, that Maryland in her sovereign capacity has had to take notice of it, and send thither her own counsel to try to have justice done the man. Yet Pennsylvania is claimed to be the Northern State which is infected with abolition in its mildest form. At the late great abolition convention in Massachusetts it was made a boast that no fugitive slave had teen recovered from that State (or tiie last seven years. Indeed the ca.-e there, and in all New England, and the greater part of N. York and Ohio, now is, that a fugitive slave from the South is not only protected, but he is in stantly made a lion of. Thousands assemble to hear him tell his “experience,” to sympathize with him, to curse the slaveocracy. Such conduct is gloried in by “a moral and religious people.” It was but the other day that a whole steamboat load of slaves was stolen from the city of Washington, during the sit ting ot Congress, almost in the face of the sun, and in open defiance of law. Having extirpated slavery from her own soil, the North is now ready to go be yond it. She is now ripe to abolish slavery, in the District of Columbia, in all the U. S forts, arsenals, dockyards, ships, &c. She can hardly be restrained from instantly pouncing, at every hazard, upon the District of Columbia. The app ehension of deter mined resistance on the part of the whole South, is barely sufficient to rein lier in. Tiie Union is a part nership, in which all the members are equals and en titled to share profits and divide losses. This part nership since it has been in operation has acquired nearly 2,500,000 square miles of territory of land. But such has been the hatred of the North to slave ry, that trampling under foot this characteristic and essential quality of every partnership—this first, dic tate of the sentiment of justice even in its rudest state of developement, she has appropriated, or is appropria ting to herself three-fourths of all of this rich acquisi tion, and is prosecuting a fierce claim to a third of | the residue—half of Texas. Almost every Northern j State has, in some form, announced the principle j that slavery must be abolished by the general govern- j roent in all places in which it has jurisdiction over the subject, and that it must be excluded from all I places in which it does not now at present exist. ! Yet awhile, she would be understood by this to point j at the District of Columbia and the territories only. ; But the general welfare clause in the constitution is her pet clause. Rapidly becoming a majority large enough to command every branch of the gov-; eminent, it needs but her favorite interpretation of | that clause—that is a liberal one, to give her juris diction over slavery in the Stales as well as in the District of Columbia and the territories. Wm. 11. Seward, “the rising star of the North,” thus deliver ed himself little more than a year ago, in a studied 1 address to the people of Cleaveland, Ohio: “Slavery 1 can be limited to its present bounds—it can be ame liorated—it can be ami it must be abolished, and you and I can and must do it. ,, When did he ever mis take the heat of the public pulse ? The tone of j Horace JVlann.Thad. Stevens, Col. Bissell, each rep-1 resenting a distinct section of the North—New England—the middle States—the North West, in their late speeches, what does it proclaim hm war to the knife, unending war upon slavery ? Will these different sections repudiate these men? It were fatuity to believe it, Are not the voices of the whole one hundred and forty members of the House from the North timed in unison ? and what are they hut the taint echoes of the ceaseless howls of their mighty constituency ? The sentiment of abolition, universal abolition, pervades the Northern mass like gravity does matter. 2. The North is rapidly acquiring the power to carry this sentiment into effect. She is doing this, by seizing to herself all of the public territory, by frightening slavery out of the border slave States, by the well founded expectancy of the early annexation of Canada; by absorbing into her bosotn the whole tide of foreign emigration, amounting to from 250,000 to 300,000 per.-ons a year—by establishing a system of laws—tariff and others, which pours into her lap annually millions of the substance ol the South—by growing into a size which according to the law es our present organization, will soon give her the legal control of the purse and sword of the whole nation, and which in short, will enable her to wield all her strength of whatever kind or however acquired, against the South, to the very best advantage—whilst this is going on at the North, the South moulders away—a black population flows in upon the South Atlantic and the Gulf States, and by and by. under a sense of the coming catastrophe, a white one in con stantly increasing volume flows out. The decreas ing remnant of whiles, growing more and more dispirited, will in the end be easily crushed under the united mass of the negroes and the North. The North is rapidly acquiring the power to abolish slave ry at her mere pleasure — Abolition therefore is only a i question of time. Some thirty or fifty years off. 3. Wlmt is abolition ? It is certainly universal bankruptcy to all those States in which slavery may be found existing when it is proclaimed—it is almost as certainly the extirpation of the whole white race. The 3,000,000 slaves now in the South are worth $1,200,000,000. By the time abolition comes, they will probably have doubled their number and their value. The loss of 2,000,000,000 of dollars, whether it comes in the twinkling of an eye, or is spread over i half a dozen years, cannot but result in indiscrimi | nate bankruptcy. The incomes of the Cotton, Sugar i and Rice planters will be cut down to nothing—still they will be better off than any other class of the com munity save the hoarders of gold—they will 6till ! have their lands—being all the lands which are choice. From these they may draw a precarious support, i such as are out of debt—but they will have little or ; nothing to buy with from the merchant—to pay the mechanic—to supply to labor its wages. The occn i pafions of these latter classes will be utterly gone until anew system, anew order of things can be slowly and gradually, if at all, constructed out of the old disrupted fragments. This is the most favorable, the mildest effect which can be anticipated from ab olition. But, in addition to this-, we may look for horrors , such as have not been seen since the sacking of Je rusalem by Titus—and were not then. A war will ; break out between the white race and the black, ! w hich, from its nature, must be a war without quarter, without mercy without any civilized usages ; a war ; which shall spare neither age nor sex, nor condition ; a war in which women shall pray lor unpolluted death, as a deliverance beyond price. The North having de creed abolition, will, of course, assist in executing her ow n decree. She will not take the side of thef whites who will be heaping upon tier curses and art atiiemas as the author ol the evil. Joining the ne groes, the united forces overwhelm the whites— all the latter are killed, except, perhaps, some miserable remnant which may, like the outcast Seminoles, find a temporary refuge in the everglades of Florida, or like the aboriginal Britons escape intosoine inacces sible Wale--. In the end, the allies fall out, too. The North begins to covet the rich lands and the happy climate which have talien to tiie lot of the negroes. C?he picks a quarrel with them. Then com®s a war. Then peace, on condition of a large slice of territory to the stronger power. This process being repeater! a few times, the black race will be driven into the Atlantic, as the red is being driven into the Pacific. This, I take it. is the kind ot thing abolition will be. If I am right in these positions, it is plain whait should be the object and the 4 duty of the Nashville Convention. It should be to provide a remedy for (be coming evil, that is to sav, tc devise some means by which the fixed determination of the North toabolislr slavery shall be abandoned, or if that is impossible, by which her acquisition of the power to abolish it may be arrested. The remedy must be adequate to the accomplishment of one of these two things, or mani festly it will prove a mere delusion and a snare. Now, I have no doubt the Convention will have in it wisdom enough and patriotism enough to hit upon and to recommend for adoption such a remedy. Should the one selected be found within the Union, it will afford me so far as [ am individually concerned, high gratification— should it not, still 1 will accept it, even at the ex pense ot the Union. I consider escape from tho evils to which I have alluded, a matter to bo weighed, even against all the honor and all the profit of an alliance with Mr. Webster and Se ward, Mr. Cass and Mr. Bissell, Mr. Corwin and Mr. Mann,* Mr. Buchana'n and Mr. Wilmot, Messrs. Vail Ruren, Thad. Stevens, Root, Alien, ‘lnk, (biddings, Gates, and their respec tive associates and followers. Most assuredly ( will not support any remedial measure which looks to a dissolution of the Union, except in tho language of “Muscogee,” “that shall he the last and only honorable alternative.” This, I believe, to be what, not only the 21 district, butt the whole South, would have me do. And tho will of that district I would hold to be a law to me whether it agreed with my own or not—any thing else would be a misrepresentation instead of a representation of the district. Thus, sir, you have my opinions upon smo leading points in the slavery question—upon tho objects and duty of the Nashville Convention, and ;:pon the course which I should put sue if honored with a seat in that Convention. Other kindred topics invite to discussion, and thesu might, no doubt, be expanded to advantage, l>ut engagements, which will not be put off, restrain me from the undertaking. The papers of the district will much oblige me, by laying this communication before their readers. HENRY L. BENNIXG. j Mr. Foote's Committee. —The proposition ! of Senator Foote to appoint a committee of thir teen, to whom to refer all the compromise prop ositions, will, it is supposed, pass the Senate to day. A correspondent of the Philadelphia North American, in alluding to it, says : “Various conferences have recently been held j in regard to the organization of the proposed committee, which have resulted in an under standing that the following gentlemen shall com pose it, and be elected, whenever the resolution j>s carried : Northern whigs—Mr, Webster, Mr. Phelps, and Mr. Cooper. Northern demo j crats—Mr. Cass, Mr. Dodge of lowa, and Mr. Dickinson. Southern whigs—Mr. Bell, Mr. j Berrien, and Mr. Manguin. Southern demo. : crats—Mr. Mason, Mr. Soule, and Mr. Foote. There was a general concurrence of opinion on ail sides that the influence and position of Mr. Clay peculiarly pointed him out as the most proper person to preside over this committee. W lien it was signified to him that such was the ; desire of a majority of the Senate, ho readily acquiesced. “It will be seen that the name of Mr. Cal. . houn is excluded from the committee.. Tbe views which he expressed on two recent oeca -1 sions forbade the hope of any conciliatory dfepo.. sition on his part, and it was, therefore, con*id ered more prudent to encounter his opposition in the Senate, than to embarrass the delibera. tions of the committee by unprofitable and exci ting discussions. “Whatever measure they may recommend, ft is thought, will pass the Senate by a large, if not an overwhelming vote, and will meet with, the same success in the House.” Congress. —The history of the first, wouftU have been almost a history of every subsequent week of the session. But one subject engages the attention of Congress, and that, although it is of vast import, does not furnish material j enough for a dozen different speeches ever week. The consequence is, that while th* may be some novelty in the mode of presefg! the same points, the discussion is becoming**! ren ot interest even to those who are deeply 9 (crested in its results. Os course we except tl great speeches, and perhaps there never was session of our National Legislature, more prr lific in them, nor has there ever convened Congress at Washington composed, of more able men.