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Glance at Congress No I—The House of Representatives. It is comman t o all to form some idea of the appearance of the object or the locality of which they have spoken, or read; and in nearly every case, these portraits are the mind either laughably unjust or ridiculously flatter ed. During a session of Congress as eventful and exciting as the present, those whose avo cations preveut them from going to Washing ton, content themselves with picturing after this fashion, the pubiic men who are alternate ly forced into notice, by the dissensions or dis putes arising out of the absorbing question of the dav. When Col. Bissel,. of Illinois, and Col. Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, were near coining to an issue about a statement of the appearance of these heroes—for so they are, in the best sense of the term. Col. Biss el has a stern countenance, with a coal black eye ; and a calm quiet manner. He is very social in his nature, and has a heart, as the saying goes, “in the right place.” He is the ordinary height, and looks like a man bred to j arms. His speech on the slave question, was his first, as is this his first session. It was delivered with eminent coolness and delibera tion, and with a resolution that showed he would stand by it. It placed him at once be fore the country as a man of mind and of mark. Col. Davis is about Bissel’s age we think ; say forty; hut he has long been in pub- j lie life. He still walks with his cane, from the effect of his wound, and is quite military in all his tastes, lie has the calm look of a very brave man, and his sunken eye is singu larly brilliant. There is an expression in his ; countenance, as if lie constantly suffered from h.juries received in the battle. He is one ot the best educated men in Congress, and one ; of the most classical speakers. Steppingover j into the popular branch of Congress, the spec- , tator asks to see the two great rivals for the .Speaker-ship —Winthrop, of Massachusetts, and Cobb, of Georgia. Winthrop has the fresh complexion and the address of an Eng lish nobleman; is always dressed in perfect taste ; and is tall and graceful. He rejoices in gold spectacles. His manner of speaking is finished; his articulation distinct and clear; and his his voice musicle and cultiva- i tod. lie lives in elegant style, and is fond j of gathering about him the intellect and sash- j ion constantly centered in Washington. His speech against Giddings and the free soilers, was as fine a specimen of sarcastic eloquence as has been heard in the House for years. Mr. Cobb, his successful competitor, \s now in the Chair. Let us observe him in that posi tion. He is standing up, with “remorseless hammer” in hand, stating a decision to the House. A near view will impress you most favorably with Mr. Cobb. He is the true picture of good health; and is heavily built; but quick in his movements. His counten ance is open and frank; his eyes blue; bis thick curly hair auburn. In conversation bis face beams with intelligence. His voice is agreeable, and his manners prepossessing. You will notice how plainly and distinctly he is heard all over the House ; how prompt his decisions; bow lucid his language in stating flic question. Mr. Cobb is still a young man; not quite forty ; and is a gentleman of high character and faultless habits. lie has hosts of personal friends in both parties, and no en emies. Yon will notice that the House is ■ now about going into “Committee of the j Whole ; and, also, that Mr. Cobb has called j up a member into the Chair, from which he gracefully retires.’ That is his bosom friend, i Linn Boyd, the oldest member of the House, and yet “as straight as an arrow”—a form in which health and strength are conspicuous. Linn Boyd is one of the finest looking men in Congress. He is over six foot high and pro portioned. About the only evidence of his age is white hair. He does not often take part in debate, but is one the of best and most experienced members of the House. If you will run your eye along the left of the aisle dividing the House—the Democrats sitting on ; ihe right, and the whigs on the left, fronting j the speaker—you will observe two gentlemen i in earnest conversation. The contrast in ! their appearance is, in all respects, striking. | One is Robert Toombs, the other Alexander I H. Stephens, both of Georgia, and both whigs. j Toombs is a ferocious looking man, on ac count of his long black hair, and his dark complexion, and when he speaks his vehe mence gives to his countenance an angry and J tit ter cast. II is voice is harsh and unmusical; hut his ability is far above mediocrity. He ! is the idol of the Georgia whigs, and has ! great influence in the House. We never will forget his appearance and manner shortly af- j ter the Meade and Duer difficulty, in Decem ber, when he rallied the Southern members j about him, and excited them almost to frenzy j by this terrilfic declamation upon the subject of slavery. Stephens looks like a boy of! fourteen who has grown prematurely old. ; 11 is hand is small as a child’s, and lie holds ; his slender cane with a nervous grasp. Ilis i voice is a shrill treble, but is not unmusical withal. The House always listens to him 1 with, profound attention ; for he is accounted j a capital speaker. A few seats from him sits : Mr. Duer, of New York, the whig member ; who had the difficulty with It. Kidder Meade, ! of Virginia. There is great character in his ! face. Ilis Roman nose, and keen eye indicate indomitable courage. He is unquestionably, ‘ one of the leading men of the House, and made speech a few days ago on the President’s plan of settling the slave question, quite in genious and eloquent His former foe, but present friend, Meade, is on the other, or dem- ! ocratic side, and has a fine manly counten- ! ance, florid complexion, and good figure—his ! enormous watch chain and seals worn in the 1 uid fashion, and frequently twirled in his fin gers, while addressing the Chair. No body doubts his ready courage, and his ardent sym- j pathies for his native South are frequently ex- ; bibited. Virginia sends few better or purer representatives than Mr. Meade. A few seats from him will be seen Hon. Thomas Haynes Bayley, of the same State, his devo- j ted friend, and the present industrious and fearless Chairman of the Committee of ways and Means. He was compared to Washing- ! ton in appearance, by a correspondent; and his countenance has much in it that is digni fied and agreeable. His blue coat and yel low vest become him exceedingly, and his j fine head is crowned with luxuriant auburn hair. He is quite near sighted, and wears spectacles. There is Preston King now trying to catch the speakers eye—a round jofly face and rolling gait, and fat heavy fig ure—all indicating any thing but the malice w hieh enters so largely into his votes and his speeches, lie too, wears a blue coat. The worst investment he has made, in many years, was in trying to get the House to believe Mr. Cobb guilty of forgery. A disgraceful! defeat rewarded his enterprise. Immediately back of him is Judge Tompson of the Erie district, in this State, whose good-humored i countenance and frequent jokes make every body happy in his vicinity. He has the advantage over most every man in the House is his voice, which is very strong and sonor "Us, and commands attention. His speech a t-‘w days ago, on the Census bill, was one cf tin- best ot the session. On the whig side there are three members whom you would like to know. Edward Stanley of North: Caroli na ;H. W. Hilliard of Alabama, and Thom as L. Clingruan, of North Carolina. Mr. Stanly is one of the boldest debaters of his i party in the House, and has a most penetra ting voice. He has a youthful face, with a ! large nose, and is belo\v the average size. Mr. Hilliard, the member he denounced so bit terly a few days ago, and whose peaceful character as a clergyman prevented him from resorting to the code of honor ; is a most pre possessing person. His dark hair is tinged ; with grey, and his face is serious and com plexion dark. His manner of speaking cor rect and classical. Mr. Clingman rejoices in well trained whiskers, and a face, in which good humor is the most prominent feature, lie is very tropical in hi3 Southernism, and very wintry to the North. The gentleman holding up a bundle of letters beckoning for ! one of the pages on other side of the House, is Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi. One would take him for an Irishman from his i face, until his strong southern accent dissipa ted the impression. He is one of the truest | and best members in the House, and is a mem- j her of the Committee of Ways and Means. He belongs to that stern school of public meir among whom “Father McKay,” of North Carolina was prominent; and he watches zealously all attempts to expend the public J money. * Mr. Tompson is still a young man, j and is one of the very best speakers on the j floor. But here we must stop for to-day.— j We shall resume these sketches at our leisure, i [Pennsylvanian. \ JUDGE COLQUITT’S LETTER. Columbus, May 14th, 1850. Gentlemen —Your letter informing me that I had been selected by the Legislature, a Delegate to the Nashville Convention, ought long since to have been answered. The apology I offer for the seeming negli gence, is the severe and continuing illness of j my family. I feel myself compelled to accept the trust | conferred upon me, by the Legislature; and j you will permit me to assure you, that in my own situation and the situation of my family, ! nothing but my honest conviction of the im portance of the crisis, could induce me to do j so. The small vote given in the State for the j district delegates, and there having been tick- j ets cast at the polls against the convention, is j a strong motive for my acceptance. The j election for delegates having been determin ed by the Legislature, and no issue having been submitted as to the propriety of the con vention, the small vote for “no convention” may show the weakness of those who stand in opposition to the resolution, while the small j vote for delegates should not he construed in i the same manner. I did not go to the polls, j because there were no opposing candidates, I and the election of those gentlemen, selected I by the different parties, was certain. Fifty votes were as good, under the circumstances, as a thousand. There seems to have been a secret understanding upon the part of such as opposed the convention, to create no ex citement before hand, and hunt up, privately, such as they could have vote “no conven tion” on the day of election. This attempt to disparage the resolution of the State Leg islature, ami to ridicule the proposed conven tion, makes it the more necessary, that every i delegate, who feels for the interest of the ] South, should be at his post. The Nashville Convention must be held, decisive measures adopted, and those meas ures carried out by the South, if we hope to maintain that equality of rights secured to us by the constitution. It is unfortunate, that there exists anv division as to the propriety of holding the Convention; and it will be j doubly unfortunate, should that convention | fail to adopt with unanimity, decisive and es- ; ficient measures. To dally, now, is not only a virtual, but | an actual surrender of our slave property, to the mercy of the Abolitionists. I know full i well that very many in the Southern States ! I feel alarmed for the safety of the Union, j j should the Convention assemble and the ac- ; | tion of the Convention be sanctioned by the ! | people. I have no fears for the Union of j these States. The only danger we need ap- ! prebend, rests in our making an unjust and j dishonorable sacrifice of our rights, foi*fear of dissolution. No matter what course we may adopt, I will stand pledged for the safety of the Union. If we tamely submit to injustice and fraud, I of course the Union will be preserved ; and ! I apprehend that too many of our patriotic j citizens, have already come to the conclusion, that submission to wrongs, no matter how ! flagrant, inflicted by Congress, is the only way of preserving the confederacy. Laboring under this conviction, the}” are willing to remonstrate, complain and threaten, and when these have proved unavailing, sit down, fold their arms, read Washington’s farewell address, and rise up singing pagans ! to our glorious Union. One misfortune which attends this mode of preserving the Uuion, is, that those who in ! flict the wrongs anticipate the result, and ; laugh at its imbecility; another objection is, that we can make no calculation at what point our injuries and wrongs are to termin oae. Let it once be understood, that we are re solved, let what may come, to preserve the Union, and we may boast of freedom, pur thased by the blood of our revolutionary fa thers ; we may boast a constitution, the work ! of our tried and patriotic Statesmen, while we are in a condition as dependent and des -1 picahle as are the down-trodden subjects of despotism. | I have been taught to love the Union with a holy and sacred love; but I have in un bosom an indomitable hatred to fraud, in jus tice, and oppression. Submission to wrongs j for the sake of the Union, proceeds upon the principle that we shall either he forced to bear them, or destroy the Government. This I do not believe, and feel fully satisfied that the Union will be more certainly, and more effectually perpetuated by an unyield ing determination not to suffer imposition, no matter what consequences may flow from resistance. { The coward, who lies down quietly under injury and insult, may acquire the reputation for being a peaceable citizen, but will have no more of character or property than calumny and fraud may choose to permit him. Tame submission to palpable and known I wrongs inflicted upon us by a majority in i Congress, may win for us a reputation of j loyalty to the Union, hut will assuredly , prove as unworthy the gift of freedom. It will be vain to hold up our form of Gov , eminent, as a model to the world, while rights secured by its constitution arc contemptuously j disregarded. j I repeat, that the Union will be most cer tainly preserved, when it is known unmis takeably that we will not sutler injustice; j that we are prepared to sacrifice every thing ; we hold deer on earth, rather than how down | quietly to the palpable infliction of a single j wrong. ’ The reasons are obvious. There is a sense of justice in the human breast North, as well as South, and they know well enough when they disregard our rights and disturb our peace. There i3 as much love for the Union North as there is South, and when it is known and felt that we will not submit to aggression, that Iwe would sooner see the temple ot Union tumble into ruins, and the sunny South swal lowed up by an earthquake; their sense of | justice and love for the Union will control their action. We ask nothing but justice! We only desire to enjoy that equality ot rights secur ed to us by our common constitution ! This ice must and will have, regardless of conse quences. This should be the feeling of every Southern man ; and inspired by this feeling and this determination, the delegates of the slave-holding States should meet at Nash ville, unfurled the banner, upon whose folds are inscribed in glowing capitals “Justice and the Constitution,” under which every South ern State should stand shoulder .to shoulder, and around which every Southern man should rally, resolved to plant it firmly on the dome of the National Capitol, or perish in the at tempt. If it he known at Washington ; if it be known through the length and breadth of the land, that every Southern State speaks the same language, and that every Southern heart vibrates with the same feeling, our Un ion will be preserved—a Union worthy of freemen —a Union that will continue to at tract the admiration of the generous and brave throughout the world. There are, this day, many, very many men in the Northern and non-slavehoiding States, who despise the spirit of fanaticism that is sweeping over their section of the Union, and hearing down such of them as dare vindicate our rights under the Constitution : they have been made victims by our passive indifference to insult and injury. They are imponent in defending the con stitution as it was formed, while they dare hold up that sacred instrument as affording protection to slavery; hut when the issue is changed, and made, as it must he made, up on the fearful consequences that must inevita bly flow from disregarding our rights; these noble hearted patriots will be made strong, and be held at home in double estimation. If disunion is to be the result of aggression, then will the friends of the Union among them rally about such men and forever put down the foul spirit that disturbs the peace and prosperity of the Union. If civil war is to he the result, then will the friends of jus tice, who understand our rights, and the friends of peace, -who are not willing to see the dividing mountains made the dark moun tains of death, combine, for the purpose of stopping the strife and securing to the South that equality of rights and privileges guaran tied by the constitution. Do we ask for any thing in the legislation of Congress which is not just? Will any man, not blinded by fanaticism, say that we ask anything more than peace and security in our slave property, and that the Territo ries of the United States be as open to us, with our property, as it is to them, with theirs? Shall this be denied us and we submit for fear of disunion ? for fear of civil war ? 1s dis union so desirable to the non-slaveholding States, and Union so necessary to us, that we must tamely surrender what is honestly and justly ours in order to prevent a dissolution ? Is civil war so much a pastime with the non slayeholding States, that in order to escape this, their holiday sport, we must relinquish our property, forsake our families and sacri fice our honor ? If the Union be necessary to our prosperi ty, it is equally so to theirs. If civil war be terrific to the South, the picture is equally ap palling to the North. Over the heads of time-serving, truckling politicians we demand our rights? In despite the croaking of parti- ! zau demagoues we must and will have jus- 1 tice. The only question to determine, is, j what are the unquestionable rights of the j slave States as equals under the constitution of the confederacy ? By the treaty with Mexico, the United States have acquired an ! extensive territory, over which the laws of the Union have not as yet been extended. To this territory, the States have equal rights, and whatever measure shall exclude one or more States, or their citizens from an equal participation of it, is manifestly unjust. The South has contributed as largely in blood and treasure as the North, in procuring this terri- j tory. A part of it has been found rich in gold and minerals, inviting the industry and euterprize | of our citizens. By what rule of justice can the North exclude the South from sharing its enjoyment ? Shall Ibe told that the South is not to he excluded from California, if it be admitted as a State with the present constitu tion ? Shall Ibe told that there are Southern men there, and that Southern men can still go there without let or hindrance ? Such replies are as insulting to our understandings, as the admission of California would he unjust to our l ights l The principal and most valua ble part of the property in the Southern States consists in Slaves, and this property is to be excluded! Onr enjoyment is permitted upon terms. The condition upon which we are permitted to live in California, is a posi tive and absolute exclusion. We can live in California upon the express condition by law, that u-c abandon and leave our property behind us ! The Northern citizen goes with all the property he possesses ! Is this equality ? Is this justice l Ought the South to submit to this exclusion ? Let it be admitted that bv this act, we are denied the full enjoyment of rights secured to us by the constitution, and if there be one drop of blood coursing through our veins which warmed the veins of our revo lutionary fathers we will demand it, and leave the result to Him who commands tiie storms. I shall he told in and out of Congress that the general Government will not be responsible j for this exclusion! That California has the ! undoubted right to form her own constitution j and determine the question of slavery for her self. That she has determined it, and that Congress does no more than admit a State i in the Union. The shuffling, tricking management and fraud that has been practiced upon us, in or- ! der to present a reasonable pretext for sub mission to injustice, so far from sanctifying the act, makes it more odious and detestable. What is Califdmia ? Is it not the fractional part of a Territory acquired from Mexico ? How came it separated from the balance of the territory ? Who was authorized to hold an election i Who regulated the qualifica tion of voters ? Y\ ho has been appointed to take the census l Have the laws of the Un ion been thrown over any part of the coun try ? Perhaps it is the first time in the histo ry of any government, that an undefined num ber of men have attempted the exercise of j any such power. Upon the common territory of the United States over which the laws of the country, to j which it is attached, have not yet been exten- j ded, an unknown number of citizens or aliens, without any authority, without a claim of j right, assemble, carve out of this common territory a State, fix its boundaries, form its government and then demand admission into the Union ! And this is the miserable arrangement by which Congress is to escape responsibility and tho South to be satisfied. The unprece dented, unauthorized, lawless arrangement to strip the South of her rights, renders the act doublv hateful. If California be admilted with her present constitution, the fact cannot be disguised, that Congress does enact the Wilmot Provi so in its most objectionable form. Examine the subject. The people who have formed the constitution for California, and have * ranged its boundaries, had no right in any acceptation of that word, to form a govern ment. We know that many of them, at the time of forming the constitution, were citizens of the States, claiming residence in the States, and the residue were not in a situation, by proper legislation, to ask for a State govern ment, except in the character of petitions. As mere petitioners, they could suggest a boundary, and offer the draft of a constitu tion ; they could do no more. They are not in the situation of people living in an organiz ed territory, who would have a right, not on ly to ask admission as a State, hut would have the unquestionable right to forma con stitution, which Congress could not touch, if it bore the republican features of the govern ment. But if the citizens of New York were to fix boundaries and form a constitution for California, they certainly could not ask Con gress, as a matter of right, that it should be admitted as a State in the Union. Suppose Congress had the power to admit the State, adopting the constitution and boundaries in dicated, I ask, emphatically, if Congress would not be wholly responsible for the con stitution and boundaries. Clearly as much so, as if they should adopt a constitution, made by a single individual, without respect to his residence. By ratifying and adopting the plan suggested by individuals, who reside, or happened to be upon the territory, who had no authority whatever, the act becomes ex clusively the act of Congress. So that Con gress not only makes a constitution for a State, (which she has no right to do,) but ex cludes slavery by positive enactment in the most solemn form. The Wilmot Proviso an nexed to a territorial government, would af ford such citizens as might reside upon it, when a constitution should be formed, the op portunity, if they so willed, to strike it out; hut by making a constitution for the State, this opportunity will be precluded. We have conclusive evidence that the people in Cali fornia considered it a matter of no conse quence, where even their senators might live —for it is known that my old friend T. But ler King, was voted for-as Senator, To have submitted to the enactment of the Wilmot Proviso, would have been an ac knowledged, open surrender of our rights— to submit to this fraudulent arrangement which effectually carries out the proviso, not only surrenders our just rights, but makes us parties to the fraud. I am in the habit of speaking plainly, and I must be permitted to say, that the good people of California would never have dreamed of such assumption of power, if it had not been whispered in their sleeping cars, by agents sent by the present administration, with their aid and co-opera tion. This piece of trickery, by which the South is to be robbed, if she submits to it, is the conception of party tactics, to save the President from that disgrace which was like ly to follow his non-committal policy, during the Presidential canvass. The South supported him, though he refus ed to give his opinions upon the slavery ques tion in the new territory ! ’I he people here relied on his being a Southern man and a slaveholder, and felt confident that his inter est would bind him to veto the YY ilmot Pro viso. TANARUS! ie North supported him under the firm conviction that he would not veto such a measure if enacted by Congress. They pub licly proclaimed him opposed to slavery ex tension, and that he stood pledged not to op pose the will of Congress, upon the subject. Under such circumstances, it was manifest, if Congress organized territorial governments, he could not escape exposure. He would be compelled to disappoint the expectation of his supporters North, or the hopes of his friends South. To avoid the ruin of his popularity, this scheme has been suggested; govern ment agents sent to enforce it, with the assu rance, that, though unprecedented, unauthor ized and a fraud upon the South ; the force of Executive popularity and power would be em ployed to obtain the approval of Congress. Shame! shame! upon such conduct. Thou sands of honest whigs, who gave Gen. Tay lor a warm support, denounce the shuffling. They prefer their country to party, and the rights of the South, to the President’s popu larity. No man in his senses hut knew that a con stitution formed in California without embra cing a clause prohibiting slavery, would be rejected by the present Congress. YVith this knowledge, this device was concocted with the aid and sanction of a Southern President, and urged through the agency of Southern men, to perpetrate a wrong upon the South. And this fraud we are expected to approbate for the sake of party or the preservation of the Union. YVhen the South bows their necks submis sively to such a violation of their rights, they will have lost, forever, that spirit which has always characterized her people. YVhat will be the effect of submission upon the destiny of the South? If yielding now would satisfy our oppressors, there might be some virtue in bearing the wrong, for the sake of public tranquility. But what will be the result of submission ! The certain, sure and rapid de struction of all value of slave property; and the positive ruin of the Southern States. This language is strong; but in my opinion, not so strong as will be the sad reality. No man can successfully deny the fact, that Gen. Tay- j lor sacrificed his independence, and refused to make public his opinions and purposes, in re lation to the YY’ilmot Proviso, through fear of losing the support of Abolitionists ! No man can doubt, but that the noise made in the non slaveholding States about freesoilism, is the spirit of pure, undulterated abolitionism, or its products upon the public mind. The sum and substance of the whole, resolves itself into this; that we are to be stripped of our rights, through the force and power of Abolitionism. Will this fell spirit cease to disturb our peace, \ and leave unmolested, our property, while it feels its potency in controlling the destiny of the i country, reckless of the constitution ? YViil the Northern section of the Union cease to augment its, power, when they ascertain through its agen cy the Southern States can be made their depend ent colonies? Let the bistort/ of the last few years dic tate an answer. In 1835, and in the earlier part of the year 1836, the debates in Congress will show that Northern Representatives denounced the mischievous disorganizing purposes of the Abolitionists, not hesitating to declare, that the prevalence North of these opinions, would justly burst asunder the bonds of the Union. Mr. Wright, then a Senator from the State of New York, among others, declared that their number was small and contemptible, and to quiet all ap prehension at the South, related an etfort made by them to hold a State convention in Utica, and the uprising of the citizens to prevent so wicked an assemblage. They were not permitted to hold their meeting. In fifteen years how ditfer eut the state of feeling in this great State! The fact that Governor Seward is now a Senator, elected more for the peculiarity of his sentiments upon this subject, than the power of his intellect sufficiently answers. What is the object of this strong and increasing body of men, before whose power General Taylor surrendered his independ ence, and to propitiate whose favor, the South I is now called upon to sacrifice her rights ? They j have avowed it openly from the first —the entire • AND FULL ABOLITION OF SLAVERY. Who then can hope that we shall arrest their I progress by increasing their strength ? What I Southern man can be so credulous, as to believe | that by tame submission in the present contro : versy, we shall purchase exemption from addi ton il aggression ? The Northern press, to an alarming extent, is now subsidized, sound states men there, have been overawed, or sacrificed ; itinerant lecturers traverse the land, preaching a crusade against slavery ; the pulpit resounds with denunciations, and infuriate zealots unfurl the banner of the cross as the standard around which abolitionists are to rally. Their cause is made identical with religion, and every appeal that con warm the heart or fire the imagination is made to men, women and children to unite in ridding the land from the sin of slavery. And can we hope for safety, by giving them assurance by yielding, that they will achieve a bloodless victory? Are we already so intimidat ed by their power, that we must “hunt out for pretexts and subterfuges to ward olf, for one short hour, the suspended blow ? We must be mild, gentle and conciliatory, for fear of waking up the wrath of the monster whose teeth are sharpened to devour us, We must breathe softly, for fear a strong breath may kindle a spark that will burn down the temple of | Union. We must bow down submissively be | fore the lowering storm; for fear we may be ! prostrated by its force, as it passes over us. And is this really our condition ? Has the constitution j no efficiency to afford us shelter? If so—how | important that we should meet in in convention, | mingle our counsels at once, and adopt decided I measures for our safety. Let the heart-rending | examples of Jamaica and St Domingo wake up I every Southern heart to the necessity of action, j Our all is at stake. In the name of our holy re ] ligion, and in the sacred name of liberty; the ab \ olitionists are prostrating the only free govern | rnent on c-arth, and preparing a scene of blood j and massacre unparalelled in the history of the i world. I Let us not wait till the force of the moving av i alanclie crush us to powder. The torch of the 1 unfeeling incendiary is lighted; we have plead, | remonstrated, threatened, and still our hearth ! stones and bed-chambers are threatened with | conflagration. The same power that controls now the federal j Legislature, has long since resolved not to stop short of universal emancipation. The accomplish ment of their purposes, desolates the South and BURIES IN BLOOD AND RUIN OUR WIVES AND OUR CHILDREN. We cannot, with safety, delay action any long | er. The firebrand has been cast, and we must | tread it out at once, or perish for our timidity.— This is a perilous conflict; it not only involves our honor and our property, but our very exist ence. The inexorable necessities of self-preser vation call upon us to act, and to act with prmpt | ness, with energy, and with decision, j lam apprised, that very many will conclude i that I exaggerate the danger; that while I see the fearful condensation of a tempest surcharged with the elements of destruction—they perceive nothing on the horizon, but a floating cloud, which is now passing away upon the summer breeze. Their best hope is founded upon the prospect, that a compromise at Washington will traiujuilize the country. Ifthe report of the com mittee of 13 shall be adopted, and the South ac quiesce, J shall feel bound to make personal pre paration for my own safety and the safety of my family If that be the best that can be done for the South, my last hope for safety in Congress expires. I have already said as much as I need say about the admission of California. It requires no argument to show that so far as this one measure is concerned, the abolitionists obtain all they could possibly ask or require. They have gotten all, they could get no more. This part of the proposed compromise is, therefore, a full and shameful surrender of our rights, and our honor. Does any man believe, that those Northern Senators who are now so clamorous for the admission of California, would vote for its becoming a State, but for the clause in their constitution prohibiting slavery? Would Mr. Webster do it ? notwithstanding his eloquent and conciliatory speech made in the Senate which has drawn to him the affections of a thou sand Southern hearts 1 Certainly not; his votes and speeches in and out of Congress, concusive ly prove that he would not. He has proclaimed too often in public assemblies that the Whig par ty was the Free Soil parly, and has branded too often the Northern Democracy for being friendly to slavery extension, to record his vote for the ad mission of California as a State, if by it slavery could be admitted. I like the tone of his speech; it was calculated to tame refractory spirits, and make them gentle in the endurance of insult and injury—the man; while he bridles, saddles and cruppers the horse, making him ready for the spur, is wise before he mounts, to sober his steed by kind woords and gentle gestures. No matter however, the horse is to be ridden. In the posi tion of things Mr. Webster well knew that the South was to be subjected to the spur, and it was important, if possible, to prevent kicking up. What is offered the South, as and equivalent for giving up California! I must confess, I see noth- ‘ ing. All that savours of compromise in my es- ! timation is this: that the abolitionists demand j more than is now proposed to be granted. Con- ! gress compromises their requirments by saying, ! “take two thirds of what you ask now, and wait a j few years for the rest.” So far, the report of the | committee is a compromise and no farther. — There is nothing proposed for the South, except ‘ the humiliating consolation, that she is to submit I bravely, for the sake of peace and the Union. After admitting California in the qery shape j that the abolilitionists desire, the committee pro- j poses to form governments for the remaining territory without annexing the Wilmot proviso. We are really piteously humbled if we consider this a boon. We insist that Congress has no right to exclude us or our property from auy of the territories of the United States. She does ex clude us from by far the most valuable part, and most graciously stays her hand as to the balance. Does the South estimate this as any equivalent! But poor as is this show of mercy, I believe that i it is mere show, and that when these territories J shall presume to become States, they will be re- ; jected by Congress unless their constitntione ! prohibit slavery. I will at least hazard the opin- ! ion, that a majority of members of the present j Congress from non-slaveholding States will not I dare pledge themselves publicly, in carrying out ; this very compromise, to advocate the admission j of the remaining territory when it applies for ad- ! mission as States, if they are to be slave states. j They will make no such pledge ; for the same j power at home which makes them free soil men j in Congress, would crush them if they dared do i it. In this proposition the South gains nothing. ‘ In curtailing the baundary of Texas, the South j sustains a positive loss, in point of strength on the slavery question. Texas is now a slave State, and therefore, by this part of the proposed compromise, a partion of slave territory is made free. By the proposed legislation for the District of Columbia, I do not suppose that the most vision ary imagine that the South receives a boon, ac- j quires an additional right, or gains an atom of; strength for her defence. The only remaining , proposition is, to change the law of 1793, as, if possible, to enforce a plain clause of the constitu tion in our favor. And has it come to this, that we must give up unconditionally valuable rights, in order to have the promise, that one of the plainest clyuses in the Constitution shall not be violated ? A law is to be passed, by which it is hoped, that we may by possibility recover fugitive sloves! The constitution declares they shall be de livered up. The constitution has been disregard ed ; and we are to imagine that the same people tcho have trampled it under foot, will obey a law. The supreme law of the land is treated with ul ter contempt, and yet, we are to conclude they will have respect to a law of Congress. But I ’ am utterly opposed to the passage of any law by Congresss, which will authorize any Federal Of ficer to take from the jurisdiction of any Slate the protection of its citizens. Such a law strikes down at one blow the sovereignty of the States, and consolidates the Government. lam not the less opposed to it because it is to be passed for our benefit. It is wrong in principle, and will work badly in practice. Congress certainly has no power to oompel any State to pass or repeal laws, she has no power to force any citizen from the protection of the State in which that citizen lives, and if jhe laws of the State recognize a black man a citizen, whether he be a fugitive or not. it is setting at nought the sovereignty of the State, to annul the State law by federal legisla tion. If one single citizen of a State can be made directly subject to a law of Congress, contra ry to the will and legislation of the State in which he lives; so may eveey citizen and the federative character of the Governmen is at an end, Congress has no power whatever to pass up op the propriety or constitutionality ot State laws, and set them aside at pleasure. It would reduce the States to the condition of provinces to the Federal Empire. It ftoul and enable to dom inant party in Congress to execute the most frightful designs. If they have power to judge priina facia whether one, claiming citizenship is a slave or free, and by a law of their own send Federal Officers to conduct the individual to a I place designated by themselves for trial; what will prevent a majority of Congress, who may believe that slavery in these United States, in point of law, and right does not exist, and could not exist under the nature of our free form of government, from passing a law by which fed eral officers shall conduct our negroes (who would claim the benefit of the creed) to the State es New York, and have the question of slavery decided by such a judge as Senator Seward would make in the premises. After recognizing and enacting a law by which we destroy the sovereignty of the States, could we consistently resist the Federal Officer in car i rying out such enactment? The Union—while it continues what it was when framed, and what it was intended it should continue to be—a Union of free, sov ereign and independent States ; will be justly considered the greatest possible political good, and for themaintainanee and support of which the people of the States would pour out their blood like jvater. But even in their high es- I timation of it, they do not hold it as the great | est good. There is still one better, still more ! precious which they rate infinitely higher. — It is tiieir liberty. And for the people to he free; the States must be free; and no State can he free, the sovereignty of which is subject to the control of Congress. The States are not to be kept in order by coer cion upon the part of the Federal Legislature. Whatever the States have obligated them selves to do, in their compact of Union ; they are in duty and honor, bound to perform, in forming the constitution, they relied upon the mutual good faith of each other, duly to observe their respective obligations and de posited power in no department of the Gener al Government to compel their obedience. The citizen owes allegiance to the States, and the State is under obligation to protect jhe citizens. I trust never to see the day when this salutary safeguard to the citizen, shall be swept away by usurption of power in any de partment of the G overnment. If l have right ly understood the proposed compromise by’ the committee, there is nothing contained in it, calculated to satisfy the South, or which promises any equivalent for tamely submit ting to a surrender of our rights. I appreci * ate highly’ the motives, which I doubt not, in fluence the action of many patriotic Senators. They honestly and earnestly desire public tranquility, and unfortunately, can perceive no means of pacification, but in further con cessions by the South. When the distinguish ed Senator from Kentucky submitted his res olutions, i thought an adjustment might he effected through his instrumentality, upon the basis he proposed. In my anxiety to tran quilize the public mind, 1 do not care about forms only—l look to thq substance. By Mr. Clay’s influence much was accomplished thirty years ago, to restore harmony to a dis tracted country. His success then depended upon the the concession of the South. The slave States then surrendered all right to em igrate w ith their property’ North of 36 deg. 30 aud they have never violated nor sought to violate their engagement. I had hope that w hen Mr. Clay spoke of limitting California, with proper boundaries, that he would feel it due to himself, the South and the country', to make its Southern boundary the old com promise line, to which the South had so faith fully adhered. 1 did not believe he would feel willing to ask of the South any farther concessions, and that he would enforce the propriety of this arrangement with all the powers of his mas terly eloquence. I had hoped in his success ; with this, the South would have been content, hut when the spirit of fanaticism demands an additional surrender —one which carries along with it the certain prospects of ultimate ruin —and Congress yields to their wishes; ! w'e have but one alternative—it is, self-reli ance. We should make no farther surrender, ] but standing fearlessly by the pillars of the ; constitution; resolve to sustain it, or be bur- j ried udder its ruins. We exist under a necessity that cannot j long be tampered with. If neither the shield of reason, argument, justice, nor the Constitu tion can be interposed for our safety ; the law | of self-protection. The doctrine of non-iu- j tervention if applied to the entire territory, is 1 all w'e ask. But if Congress, to get rid of | responsibility, admits California with her pre sent constitution and boundaries, it w ill he too late to talk of non-intervention. They will have permitted the foulest intervention, before the doctrine is allowed to prevail; let territorial governments be formed for the en tire territory, and we agree to the doctrine of non-intervention upon the part of Congress, j We w ill go farther so the sake of peace, and submit to the irregular application of Califor nia for admission as a State, if her Southern boundary’ is fixed at 36 deg. 30. The subject is it present with Congress, and that august body’ must not bow r to the force of anti-slav ery feelings, and make a greater sacrifice of our rights, and except submission from free men. I am sensible that the ties of the party will hold still in this contest, many’ proud and pat riotic hearts. lam equally sensible that some who feel the strongest impulse to resist op pression, will fold their arms because they can see neither the time, the place, nor the manner of ressitance. They as effectually strengthen the hostile spirit that is aiming a blow at our vitals, as if they breathed its sen- | timents. We may differ as to the extent of the power, which Congress may exercise over the property of individuals in the terri tories but w r e cannot differ as to what con stitutes us equals under the constitution. We differ as to the mode of redress; but we can not differ as to the necessity of redress. Then we must away with these distinctions, by which our counsels may be divided, and re solve upon resistance—resistance in some form—resistance in any form that will prove j us worthy of a free government. I am a democrat, and know that their creed well observed, would secure our rights and save the country. But this question is more vi tal to the South than party. Our object is to protect our lives and property; to hush up that domineering insolence which now controls fed- * eral legislation upon the subject of slavery ; tor correct the inroads of abolitionists upon our prosperity and happiness. There exists no right either in law, in the constitution or in mor als, thus to jeopardize all we hold dear on earth. It is now, we unite, take counsel together and adopt measures, as W'e shall believe best calcu lated to chock the influence of that wild frenzy, which threatens our destruction. Let no South ern man be alarmed about the consequences. Civil war may result ffom rrtanly resistance, but I think not. Yet the chance ofa civil war should be preferred to the absolute certainty of a serv ile war —and the latter must follow submissio-, In twenty five years the slave population will be quadrupled in the few cotton growing States/ The fierce spirit of abolitionism, encouraged by success, will invade every negro-cabin, to shar pen the kiiife and light the torch of blood and desolation. The crisis, in my opinion has come, and we must decide at once, whether we shall m ike a full surrender of our rights and our hon or, or resolutely defend them, though we perish in the effort. Having withdrawn from the pub lic field of politics, with-the determination not again to enter the arena, lam sure that no in fluence operates upon my judgment, but an hon est desire to save the South from degradation and ruin. I have no wish to light the torch of discord ; to me there would be no lustre in its blaze, nor cheering warmth in its fires. Most happy will Ibe to witness the passing away of the portentous clouds now overshadowing the brightness of the country's glory. I delight to look upon the country—the entire country, as a whole; not cut up into sectional divisions sects, schisms at war with its general peace and prosperity ; nor have I at any time feared to aid in extending the borders, and giving strength and importance to the republic, le.st the South should suffer wrong, from the proscriptive spir !it of other sections of the Union. I supposed — ! yes, I had a right to suppose that the constitu tion of my country was the aegis of our rights, i and the palladium of our liberty, I had a right ! to suppose —yes, as an American citizen, I was bound to supposo, that the enactments of Con gress would be regulated* according to its de lighted and limited powers?? dispersing equal laws and equal rights to every portion of our federa tive system. In the same degree, that love for the Union as it was formed inspires my heart; do my feelings of resistance grew strong when sectional prejudices threaten to mar its beauty. In proportion to the devotion, I feel for the con stitution of my country —does my heart burn with indignation, an the prospect of looking up on its broken and dishonored fragments. I shall never stand prepared to boast of the Union and the Constitution, where the first can only be maintained by submitting to injustice, and the other shall exist only in name. The state must not lose sight of their charac ter and their responsibility, in preserving the government as it was framed, and in securing justice to their citizens. The definition given ofa State by a Greek as paraphrased by a Brit ish poet, will meet the sanction of all the citizens of all the States in this free Republic; “What constitute? a State ? Not high-raised battlements nor labored mound. Thick wall, nor moated gate. Not cities fair, with spires and turrets crowned ; Not bays and broad armed ports, Where “laughing at the storm, rich navies ride! Not star and spangled courts, Where low bowed baseness waits perfume to pride: No! Men! high minded men! Men who their duties know ; But Know their rights, and knowing dare maintain ; Prevent the long airred blow, And crush the tyrant, when they burst the chain, The-e constitutes a State,” With a confederacy of such States, and with our constitution, the Union will endure until Kingdoms, Empires and republics, all shall find a common grave. Entertaining the fond hope ! that my own loved Georgia wili, in every emer ! gency, support the true character ofa State. I am, with sentiments of high resp*ct. Yonr ob't servant, WALTER T. COLQUITT. To Messrs. Philips, Ramsay Lawton, Howard, and Gartrell, Committee. ! SOUTHERN SE NTINEL. COLUMBUS, GEORGIA: THURSDAY MORNING, MAY 23,1850. O’ Several articles, editorials and communications, | intended for this week's paper, have been unavoida ; bly crowded out. Our readers will not expect an apology for the scarcity of editorial in to-day’s paper, when its plaeo ! is so much better occupied with more interesting mat j ter. Judge Colquitt. —We lay before our readers to day the patriotic and able letter which this gentleman has written in accepting the appointment of Delegate to the Nashville Convention. We trust that it will be read, not only by the Democrats and Whigs of Georgia, but by all men of all parties at the South. Its positions are boldly taken, and admirably sustain ed, forcing every’ mind not wilfully blind to the rights of the South, to the conviction of the justice of her cause. We presume no one who knows the author of that letter, will question his motives or doubt the | sincerity which breathes in every line of it. Agricultural Meeting. We defer till next week, the proceedings of the ; agricultural meeting. The society was organized by the election of the following officers : James M. Chambers, President, James R. Jones, Ist Vice President, Augustus Howard, 2nd do do B. A. Sorsby, 3rd do do Dr. R. W. Carnes. 4th do do N. Nuckolls, sth do do Wm. 11. Chambers, Recording Secretary, Ch. A. Peabody, Corresponding do Jos. W. Woolfolk, Treasurer. ! The Recording Secretary keeps a list of the mem bers, and those who desire to become members, aro requested to call on him at his office and enroll their 1 names. Cuba. —The expedition lias sailed, and ere this time has, doubtless, either effected a landing, or met with a repulse. We do not believe in the principle involved, but sincerely hope the boys may have a fine time of it. The Bulloch Case. —The Grand Jury of Chat ham have returned six true bills against Bulloch, tho absconding Cashier. The prisoner’s counsel chal lenged some members of the Grand Jury, propter af fectum on the grounds that they Were directors and stock holders in the bank: and challenged the array on the ground that the jurors were all eitizens of Savan nah, which city owned §500,000 stock in the Bank, The Court decided that the objection came too late, and gave no opinion as to the other questions raised. Our “Yankee Correspondence.” —The favor of “Yankee Doodle” will be found very interesting. An unusual press of copy, and the lateness of the hour at which the letter came to hand, have compell ed us to omit one or two very’ entertaining para graphs. Editorial. —Messrs. Bullit & Sargeant have re tired from tho “Republic.” The o&use assigned is a difference with the cabinet. Mr, Burke, the Junior of the Union, will retire, it i9 said, on the 31st inst, Mr. Elwood Fisher, and Mr. Bullit, formerly of the Republic, are spoken of as the Editors of the contem plated Southern paper at Washington. Destructive Fire in Charleston. — A fire occur red in Charleston on the 17th inst., consuming a num ber of houses arid six thousand bulcs of cotton. Tho total loss including buildings may be estimated at from $400,000 to $500,000. BIT The Superior Court of this county is now en gaged in the trial of Geo. W. Evans and Martha Ste vens, who are charged with the murder of Madison M. Jones ; Sol. Gen. Chas. J. Williams prosecuting, and Col. McDougaH and Mr. Devos in the defence.