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TIIC SOUTHERN SENTINEL Is published every Thursday Morning, IN cOLCJtnUs, ga. BY WILLIAM H- CHAMBERS, EDITOR AND PHOUMIETOK. To whom all communication® fnu®t be directed, pc*-1 paid Office on Randolph Street. Terms of Subscription. One copy twelve months, in advance, - - 82 “ “ “ “ Not in advance, -3 00 .. Six .. “ - lah * Where the üb’criptnn is not paid dnrinjr the year, 15 cents will be charged for ever mouth.- delay. No sub crinLon w II l>e recflivfcd lor t.ian six months,and none dbcontiinsed until ah arrearages are paid, except at the option of the proprietor. To Clubs. Five copies twelve months, - - * *’9 99 Ten - - * 16 00 tsT Thcmorev from Clubs must in all eases ac company the names, or the price of a single subscription will be charged. Rates of Advertising. One Square, fir-t insertion, - - SI 00 <• “ Each subsequent insertion, - 53 A liberal deduction on the e terms will be made in favor u s tho-e who adverti eby the vear. Adverti ements not specified as to time, will be pub lished IUI forbid, and charged accordingly. Monthly Adve tisements will be charged as new Ad vertisements at each in.-erton. Lea! Adverti semen's. N. B. —Sales of Lands, by Administrator®, Ex ecutor.-, or Guardian®, are required by law to beheld on the tir t Tue day in the month, between the hours of 10 in the fore ioon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court House in the county in which the land is situated. No tices of thee salt- raut be given in a public gazette sixty da VS previous to the day of sale. Sales of Negroes mu-tbemade at a public auction on the first Tue dav of the month, between the usual hours of sale, at the place of public sale® in the county where the Letters Te tamentary, of Administration or Guardianship, may have been granted, first giving sixty days notice thereof in one of the public gazettes of this State, and at the. door of the Court House, where such sale® are to be held. Notice for the sale of Personal property must be given in like manner forty days previous to the day of sale. Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an c-tate ma t be published forty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land, must be published for FOUR MONTHS. Notice for leave to sell Neoroes mu-1 lie ouhli bed for four months, liefore any order absolute shall be made thereon by the Court. Citations for Letter® ot Administration, must be pub lished thirty days—for dismission from admini trat-on, monthly six months —lor dismission fiom Guardianship, forty days. ‘ Rules for the foreclosure of a Mortgage must be pub lished monthly f>r four months —for e tabli-hing 10-t papers, for the fui.l spate ot three months —.or com pelling title.® front. Executors or Admini t’ator®, where a Bond has been given by the deceased, the full space of THREE MONTHS. Publications will always be continued according to the e legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered. SOUTH URN SENTINEL Job Office, HAVING received anew and extensive assortment of Job Material, we are prepared to execute at this office,all orders for JOB WORK, in a manner which can not he excelled in the State, on very liberal terms, and at the sUorte t notice. We feel ewufident of our ability to give entire satisfac tion in every variety ol Job Printing, including Books, Business Cards, Pamphlets, Bill Heads, Circulars, Blanks of every description, Hand Bills, Bills of Lading, Posters, 4* r - 4" r - t V , ‘- In short, all descriptions ofcPrir.ting which can be ex ecuted at any office in the country, will be turned out with elegance and despatch. Marble Works, East side Broad St. near the Market House, COLUMBUS, GA. HAVE con- tantlv on hand all kinds of Grlire Stones Monument*, Tomb* and Tablets, ol American, Italian and Irish Marble. Engraving and carving done on stone in the bert possible manner; and all kinds of Granite Work at the shortest notice. _ JOHN H. MADDEN. P. S.—Plaister of Paris and Cement, always on hand for sale. - Columbus, March 7, 1850. 10 ts NORTH CAROLINA Mutual Life Insurance Company. LOCATED AT RALEIGH. N. C. rpilE Charter of this company gives important advan- L tages to the assured, over mo t other conipame® The husband can insure his own life for the sole ute and j benefit ot* his wife and children, bee from any other claims. Persons who injure for lile participate in tiic profits which are declared annually,anti when the pre mium exceeds S3O, may pay one-hall in a note. Slave.® arc insured at two-thirds their value tor one or five years. Applications for Risks may be made to Agent, Cohunbus, Ga. Office at Greenwood &. Co.’s Warehouse. Nov. 15, 1840. TO RENT, rpiLL the first day o£ January next. The old printing 1 office room ol the “Muscogee Democrat ” Apply at this office. 18 County Surveyor. r pHE undersigned informs his friends and the Planters JL of Muscogee county, that he is prepared to make official surveys in Muscogee county. Letters addressed to Po t Office. Columbus, wili meet with prompt atten tion. WM. F. SERRELL, County Surveyor. Office over E. Barnard Co.’s store, Broad St. Columbus, Jan. 31,1850. 5 ly MRS. BAR DWELL, ITTOULD inform the Ladies of Columbus and it® \ V vicinity, that she has just returned from New Y ork with a handsome stock of MILLINERY, LACK CAPES, &c., and tru-t® the Ladies will give her an early call. She opened on Wednesday. April 11, 1850. „ 15 ts TEAS! TEAS! DIRECT from the “Canton Tea Company,” just re ceived and tor sale hv ELLIS, KENDRICK &. REDD. Feb. 7, 1850. 6 tt NOTICE. rp IE firm name of “MH. Dessau, Agent/’ is changed, 1 from this date, to M. H. DLSS At. Columbus, Feb. 7, 1850. ® 1 Williams, Flewellen & Williams, attorneys at law, COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. May 23, 1853. 21 JUST RECEIVED, V LARGE lot ol Miscellaneous and School Books. Al o a large and beautiful assortment of Stationery, fine Letter and Note Paper. Envelopes, &,c. peGRAFFENRIED & ROBINSON. April 18,8510. 16 Globe Hotel, , BUENA VISTA, MARION CO., GA. by j. WILLIAMS. March 14,1850. 11 ts Williams & Howard, attorneys at law, COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. POBT. R. HOWARD. CUPS. J. WILLIAMS. April 4, 1850. 14 if J. D. LEONARD, ATTORNEY AT LAW, TALBOTTOX, GA. WILL attend to business in Talbot arid the adjacent counties. All business entrusted to bis care will meet with prompt attention. April 4, 1850. 14 ly KING & WINNEMORE, Commission Merchants, MOBILIJ* ALABAMA. Dec. 20,1849. [Mob. Trtt.] 15 ti . THIS PAPER IS MANUFACTURED by the Rock Island Factory, NEAR THIS CITY. Columbus, Feb. 23,1850 9 ts VOL. I. Speech of Hon. J. C. Calhoun. Ou the Slavery Question. DELIVERED IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE, March 4, 1850. 1 have, Senators, believed from the first that the agitation of the subject of slavery w ould, if not prevented by some timely and effective measure, end in disunion. Enter t.ini.ig this Oj inion, 1 have, on all proper oc cur inis endeavored to call the attention of the two great parties which divide the coun try to induce them to adopt some measures to prevent so great a disaster, but without success. The great agitation has been pei - mitted to proceed, with almost no attempt to resist it, until it lias reached a peiiod when it can no longer be disguised or denied that the Union is in danger. lou have thus had forc ed upon you the greatest and the giavest question that can ever come under your con sideration . How can tie Union be preserv ed? To give a satisfactory answer to this migh ty question, it is indispensable to have an ac curate and thoiough knowledge of the nature and the character of the case by which the Union is endangered. Without such knowl edge it is impossible to pronounce, w ith any ceitaiuty, by what measure it can be saved; just as it would be impossible for a physician to ptonouuce in the case of some dangerous disease with any certainty, by what lemedy the patient could be saved, without similar knowledge of the nature and character of the cause of the disease. The first question, then, presented for consideration, in the investiga tion I piopose to make, in order to obtain such knowledge, is: Wh at is it that has en dangered the Union ? To this question ihere can be but one an swer: that the immediate cause is the almost universal discontent w hich pi evades all the States composing the Southern section of the Union, ‘ibis widely extended discontent is not of recent uiigin. It commenced with the agitation ofthe slavery question, and has been incieasing ever since. The next question, going one step further back, is: What caus ed this widely diffused and almost univer sal discontent? It is a great mistake to suppose, as some havedone, that itoiiginated with demagogues, who excited the discontent with the intention of aiding their personal advancement, or w ith the disappointed ambition of ceitain poliii cians wh re o.ted to it as the means of re lieving tlitir fortunes. On the contrary, all the great political inffuences of the section were arrayed against excitement,.and exerted to the utmost to keep the people quiet. The great mass of the people in the South were divided, as in the other section, into Whigs and Democrats. The leaders and the p e >s es of both parties in the South were very so licitous to prevent excitement and to preserve quiet; because it was seen that the effects of the foimcr w ould necessa ily tend to weaker, if not dest oy, the political ties w hich united them with their respective parties in the oth er s ction. Those who know the strength of party ties will readily appreciate the immense force which this cause exerted against agita tion, and in favor of preserving quiet. But, as great as it was, it was not sufficiently so to prevent the wide spread discontent which now pervades the section. No: some cause, far deeper and more powerful, than the one supposed, must exist, to account for discon tent so wide and deep. The question, then, recurs: What is the cause of this discontent? It will he found in the belief ofthe people ol the Southern States, as prevalent as the dis content itself, that they cannot remain, as things now 7 are, consistently with honor and safety, in the Union. The next question to he considered is: What has caused this be lief? One of the causes is, undoubtedly, to be traced to the long-continued agitation of the slave question on the part of the North, and the many aggressions which they have made on the tights ofthe South duiingthe time. 1 will not enumerate them at present, as it will be done hereafter in its proper place. ‘I here is another lying back of it, with which this is immediately connected, that may he regarded as the great and primary cause. It is to be found in the fact that the equil ibrium between the tw r o sections in the Gov ernment, as it stood when the Constitution was tfie Government put in ac tion, has been destroyed. At that time there was neatly a perfect equilibiium between the two, which ofierded amj le means to each to protect itself against the aggression ofthe oth er ; hut, as it now stands, one section has the exclusive power of controlling the Govern ment, which leaves the other w ithout any ad equate means of protecting itself against its encroachment and oppression. To place this subject distinctly before you, I have, Senators, prepared a brief statistical statement, showing the relative weight ofthe two sections in the Government under the first census of 1790 and the last census of 1840. According to the former, the population of the United States, including \eimont, Ken tucky, and Tennessee, w hich then were in their incipient condition of becoming States, but were not actually admitted, amounted to 3,929,827. Os this number the Not them States had 1,977,899, and the Southern 1,952,072, making a difference of only 25,- 872 in favor of the former States. ‘I he num ber of States, including \ ermont, Kentucky, and Tennessee, were sixteen ; of which eight, including Vermont belonged to the Not them section, and eight, including Kentucky and Tennessee, to the Southern, making an equal division of the States, between the two sec tions under the first census. There was a small preponderance in the House of Repre sentatives, and in the electoral college, in fa vor of the Northern, owing to the fact that, according to the provisions of the Constitu tion, in estimating federal numbers, five slaves count but three ; but it was too small to af fect, sensibly, the perfectequilibiium, which, with that exception, existed at the time. Such w 7 as the equality ofthe two sections when the States composing them agreed to enter into a Federal Union. Since then the equilibri um between them has been greatly distrub ed. According to the last census the aggregate population ofthe United States amounted to 17,063,347, of which the Northern section contained 9,728,920, and the Southern 7,334,- 437, making a difference, in round numbers, 0£2,400,000. The number of States had in creased from sixteen to twenty-six, making an addition of ten States. In the meantime the position ot Delaware had become doubt ful as to whitjh section she properlv be ®l)c Soutljmi Sentinel longs. Considering her as neutral, the Nor thern States w ill have thirteen and the South ern States twelve, making a difference in the Senate of two Senators in favor of ‘lie form er. Accoidingtothb apportionment under the census of 1840, there were 223 members ot the House of Representatives, of which the Northern States had 135, and the Southern States (considering Delaware as neut.ai) 87, making a difference in favor of the former in the House of Representatives of 48. ’lire difference in the Senate of two members, ad ded to this, gives to the North, in the Electo ral College, a majo: it} 7 of 50. Since the cen sus of Is 10, four States have here been ad ded to the Union : lowa, Wiscon: in, 1 lo;i ----da, and Texas. They leave the difference in the Senate as it stood when the census was taken ; but add tw 7 o to the side of the No; th in the House, making the present majo;ity in the House in its favor of 50, and in the tli toral college of 52. ‘1 he result ofthe whole is to give the North ern sections a predominance in every depart ment of the Government, and thereby concen trate in it the two elements which constitute the Federal Government; a majority of States, and a majority of the population, estimated in the federal numbers. Whatever section concentrates the two in itsel, possesses the conti ol of the enti.e Government. Lut we are just at the close of the sixth de cade, and the commencement or the seventh. The census is to be taken ti.is year, which must add g. eaily to the decided preponderance of the No. th in the House of Representatives and in the elector al college. The prospect is, also, that a great increase will be added to its present preponderance in the Senate, dur ing the peiiod of the decade, by the addition of new 7 States. ‘1 wo Ter: ito. ies, Oiegon and Minesota, are already in progress, and stren uous efforts are making to b;ing in three ad ditional States from trie Territory recently conquered liom Mexico, which, ii successful, w ill add three other ttates, in a shoit time, to the Northern section, making five States; and increasing the present number of its States from fifteen to twenty and o! its Senators from thirty to forty. On the contrary, there is not a single Territory in progress in the South ern section, and no certainty that any addi tional State will he added to it dining the de cade. ‘1 he j rospeet then is, that the two sec tions in the collate, should the efforts now be made to exclude the South from the new ly acqui.ed Tenito.ies succeed, will stand, before the end ofthe decade, twenty North ern States to twelve Southern, (considering Delaware as neutral,) and foity Northern Senators to twenty-four Southern. ‘lbis great increase of Senators, added to the great increase of members of the electoral college on the part of the N o th, w ich n.u t take place under the decade, will effectually and irretrievably destroy the equilibrium which existed w hen the Government commenced. Had this destruction been the operation of time, w ithout i .terfe.ence of Government, the South would have had no reason to complain; but such was not the fact. It w 7 as caused bv the legislation of this Govemmnet, which was appointed as the common agent of all, and charged with the protection orthe*nter ests and security of all. The legi.-lation by which it has been effected, may be classed un der three heads. The first is that series of acts by which the South has been excluded from the common tenitory belonging to all ofthe States, as the members of the Federal Union, and which have had the effect of ex tending vastly the portion allotted to the Northern section, and restricting within nar row limits, the portion left the South. The’ next consists in adopting a system of reve nue and disbursements, by which an undue propo. tiou of the burden of Taxation has been imposed upon the South, and an undue pro portion ol its pr oceeds appropriated to the North ; and the last is a system of political measures by which the original character of the Government has been radically changed. I propose to bestow upon each of these, in the or der they stand, a few remaiks, with the \ie\v of showing that it isowing to the action of this Government that the equilibrium between the two sections has been destroyed, and the whole powers of the system centered in a sec tional majority. The first of the se. ies of acts by which the South was deprived of its due share of the Terri to. ies, oiiginated with the Confederacy, which proceeded the existence of this Govern ment. It is to he found i:r the provision of the Ordinance of 1787. Its effects were to exclude the South enli ely from that vast fer tile region which lies between the Ohio and the Mississippi livers, now embracing five estates and one Tenitory. The next of the seiies is the Missonii Compromise, which ex cluded the South from that large portion of Louisiana which lies North of 30 deg. 30 min., excepting w hat is included in the state of Missou. i. ihe last of the se; ies excluded the South from the whole ofthe Oregon Ter litory. All these, in the slang ofthe day, weie w hat was called slave ten ito; ies, and not free soil; that is, ten itoi ies belonging to slave holding powers and open to the emigration of masters w ith their slaves. By these several acts, the South was excluded from 1,238,025 square miles, an extent of country consider ably exceeding the enti.e valley of the Mississippi. ‘1 o the South was le;t the por tion ofthe Tenitory of Louisana lying South 0f36 deg. 30 min., including the fetates of Louisana-and Aikansas, and the territory ly ing West ofthe latter and South of3o deg. 30 min., called the Indian country. This, with the Tenitory of 1 loiida, now the State, makes in the whole, 283,003 square miles.— To this must be added the tenitory acquired w ith Texas. If the whole should he added to the Southern section, it would make an in crease of 325,520, which would make the whole let to the 50uth,609,023. But a large part of Texas is still in contest betwgen the two sections, which leaves it uncertain what will be the leal extent of the poition of terri tory that may be left to the South. 1 have not included the territory recently acqui.ed by the treaty with Mexico. The North is making the most strenuous efferts to appropiiate the whole to hersel,f by exclud ing the South from every foot of it If she should succeed, it will.add to that from which the South has already been excluded, 526,078 square miles, and would increase the whole which the North has appropriated to herself to 1,764,023, not including the potion that she may succeed in excluding us from in Texas. To sum up the whole, the United States, since they declared their independ ence, have acquired 2,373,046 square miles of territory, from which the North will have COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, JUNE 13, 1850. excluded the South, if she would succeed in monopolizing the newly acquired territories, of about three-fourths of the whole, leaving to the South but one-fourth. Such is the first and great cause that has destroyed the equilibi ium between the two sections in the Government. The next is the system of revenue and dis bursements which has been adopted by the Government. It is well known that the Gove: nment has de ived its revenue mainly f. oin duties on imports. I shall not under take to show that such duties must necessari ly fall mainly on the exporting States, and that the South, as the great exporting poition of the Union, has in reality paid vastly more than her due proportion ofthe revenue; be. cause I deem it unnecessary, as the subject has on so many occasions been fully discuss ed. Nor shall 1, for the same reason, under take to show that a far greater poi tion of the revenue hasbeen disbursed at the North, than isher due share ; and that the joint effect of these causes has been,to transfer a vasf amount from South toNo.th, whieb, under an equal system of reveuue and disbursements, would not have been lost to her. If to this be add ed that many of the duties were imposed, not for the revenue, but for the protection—that U, intended to put money, not in the treasury, but directly into the pocket of the manufac tures—some conception may be formed ot the immense amount which, in the long course of sixty years, has been transferred from South to North. There are no data by which it can be estimated with any ceitain ty ; but it is safe to say, that it amounts to hundreds of millions of dollars. Under the most moderate estimate, it would be sufti cientto add greatly to the wealth ol theNoith, and thus greatly increase her population by attracting emigration from all quarters of that section. This, combined with the great and prima ry cause, amply explains why the North has acquired a preponderance over every depart ment of the Government by its disproportion ate increase of population and States. ‘1 he former, as has been shown, has increased in fifty years, 2,400,000 over that of the South. This increase of population, during so long a period, is satisfactory accounted for, by the number of emigrants, and increase of their de scendants, which have been attracted to the Northern section from Europe and the South, in consequence of the advantages derived from the causes assigned. If they had not existed—if the South had retained all the cap ital which has been extracted bom her by the fiscal action ofthe Government; and, ii it had not been excluded by the ordinance ot ’B7, and the Missouii compromise, from the region lying between the Ohio and the Miss issippi livers, and between the Mississippi and the Rocky Mountains,north of 36deg. 30 min. —it scarcely admits of a doubt, that she would have divided the emigration with the North, and by retainging her own people, would have at least equalled the Noith in pop ulation under the census of 1840, and proba bly under that about to be taken. She would also, if she had retained her equal rights in those tenitoiies, maintained an equality in the number of States with the North and have preserved the equilibrium between the two sections that existed at the commencement ofthe Government, ‘lhe loss then ot the equilib.ium, is to be attributed to the action of this Government. But while these measures w 7 cre destroying the equilibiium between the two sections, the action ofthe Government was leading to a radical change in its character by concentrating all the power of the system in itself. The oc casion w ill not permit me to trace the meas ures by which this great chagce has been consummated. If it did,it would not be diffi cult to show that the process commenced at an eaily pe;iodof the Government;. that it proceeded almost without interruption, step by step, until it absorbed virtually its entire pow ers; but without going through the whole process to establish the fact, it may be done satisfactory by a very shoit statement. That the Government claims, and practi cally maintains, the light to decide in the last resot ton the extent of its powers, w ill scarce ly be denied by any one conversant with the polilical history of the country. That it al so claims the light to reso;tto force, to main tain whateverpporerw r er it claims, against all op position, is equally ceitain. Indeed it is ap parent, iiotu w hat w e daily hear, that this has become the prevailing and fixed opinion of a majority of the community. N o\v, 1 ask, what limitation can possibly be placed upon thepowereof a government claiming and exercising such lights ? And, if none can be, how can the separate governments of the states maintain and protect the powers re served to them by the Constitution, or the people ofthe several states maintain those w hich are reserved to them, and among oth ers, the sovereign powers by which they or dained and established, not only their sepa rate state Constitution and Government of the United States? But, if they had no con stitutional means of maintaining them against the right claimed by this Government, it nec essarily follows, that they hold them at its I lcasure and discretion, and that all the pow ers ofthe system are in reality concentrated in it. It also follows, that the character of the Government has been changed in conse quence, from a federal Republic, as it oi initi ally came from the hands of its framers, into a great national consolidated Democracy.— It has indeed, at present, all the characteris tics of the latter, and not one of the former, although it still retains its outward form. The result of the w hole of these causes combined is, that the North has acquired a decided ascendancy over every department of this government, and through it a control over all the powers of the system. A single section governed by the will ofthe numerical majoiity, has now, in fact, the control of the Government and the entire powers of the system. VVhat was once a constitutianal fed eral Republic, is now converted, in reality, in to one as absolute as that of the Autocrat of Russia, and as despotic in its tendency, as any absolute government that ever existed. As then, the North has the absolute cont ol over the Government, it is manifest, that on all questons between it and the South, w here there is a diversity of interests, the interest of the latter will be saciificed to the former, how 7 ever oppressive the effects may be, as the South possesses no means by which it can re sist, through the action of the Government. But if there w 7 as a question of vital importance to the South, in reference to w'hich there was a diversity of views between the two sections. this state of things might be endured, with out the hazard of destruction to the South.— But such is not the fact. There is a question of vital importance to the Southern section, in reference to w hich the \ ie'.vs and feelings of the two sections are as opposite and hos tile as they can posHhly he. I rife, to the r 1 io be ween fia two acts ir) tue Southern tec.uti, w..i,_. constitute* .. vital portion of her social organization.— Every po.tion of the Noith entertains views and feelings more or loss hostile to it. Those most opposed and hostile, regard it as a sin, and consider themselves under the most sa cred obligation to use eveiy effoit to distroy it. Indeed to the extent that they conceive they have power, they regard themselves as implicated in the sin, and responsible for sup pressing it by the use of all and every means. Those less opposed and hostile, regard it as a c ime—an offence against humanity, as they call it ; and although not so fanatical, feel themselves bound to use all efforts to effect the same object; while those who are least opposed and hostile,- regard it as a blot and a stain on the character of what they call the Nation, and feel themselves accordingly l oand to give it no countenance or supp r. L . On the contrary, the Southern section regards the relation as one which cannot be destroyed without subjecting the two races to the great est calamity, and the section to poverty, des olation, and wretchedness ; and accordingly the} 7 feel bound, by every consideration ot in terest and safety, to defend it. This hostile feeling on the part ofthe North towards the social organization of the South, long lay dormant, but it only required some cause which would make tire impression on those who felt it most intensely, that they were responsible for its continuance, to call it into action. The increasing pow er of this Government, and ofthe cont olofthe North ern section over all its departments, furnished the cause. It was this w hich made an impres sion on the minds of many, that there was little or no restraint to prevent the govern ment from doing whatever it might choose to do. Tills was sufficient of itself to put the fanatical poition ofthe North in action foi the purpose of destroying the existing relation between the two races in the South. The first organized movement towards it commenced in 1835. Then, for the first time societies were organized, presses established, lecturers sent forth to excite the people ofthe North, and incendiary publications scattered over the whole South, through the mail.— The South was thoroughly amused. Meet ings were held everywhere, and resolutions adopted, calling upon the North to apj ly a remedy to arrest the threatened evil, and i lodging themselves to adopt measures for t lei. own prote tion, i it was not arrested. At ttie meeting of Congress petitions poured in from the North, calling upon Congress to abolish slavery in the List.ict of Columbia, and to prohibit what they culled the internal slave trade between the States, announcing at the same time, that their ultimate object was to abolish slavery, not only in the Dis trict, but the States, and throughout the Un ion. At this peiiod, the number engaged in the agitation was small, and possesed-little or no personal influence. ■ • - Neither party n Cungn ss’iad, at that ‘im , any sympathy with them, or tuei. cause. — The members of each pa; ty presented their petitions with great reluctance. Neverthe less, as small and contemj ible as the paity then was, both of the great parties of the North dreaded them. They felt that though small, they were organized in reference to a subject w hich had a great and a commanding influence over the Northern mind. Each party, on that account, feared to oppose their petitions, lest the opposite party should take advantage of the one who might, by favoring their petitions. The effect was that both unit ed in insisting that the petitions should be received, and that Congress should tyke ju.is diction of the subject for which they prayed. To justify their course, they took the extraor dinary grounel, that Congress was bound to receive petitions on every subject liow r ever objectionable it might be; and whether they had or had not ju isdiction over the subject. These views prevailed in the House of Repre sentatives, and paitially in the Senate, and thus the party succeeded in their firet move ments in gaining what they proposed—a pos ition in Congress, from which agitation could be extended over the whole Union. This was the commencement of the agitation, which has ever since continued, and which, as is now 7 acknowledged, has endangered the Un ion itself. Ai f< r mysel , I belizvcd at that eaily peii od, if the pai ty who got up the petitions snoyld succeed in getting Congress to take jurisdic tion, that agitation would follow, and that it would in the end, if not arrested, destroy the Union. 1 thus expressed myself in debate, and called upon both parties to take ground against assuming ju:isdiction, but in vain.— Had my voice been heeded, and Cong; ess refused to take jurisdiction,by the united votes of all parties, the agitation which followed w 7 ould have been prevented, and the fanatical zeal that gives impulse to the agitation, and which has brought us to our present pe:ilous condition, would have become extinguished from the want of something to feed the flame. That was the time for the North to show her devotion to the Union; hut unfoitunately both of the great parties of that section w ere so intent on obtaining or retaining party as cendency, that all other considerations were overlooked or forgotten. What has shice followed are but natural consequences. With the success of their first movement, this small fanatical party began to acquire strength ; and w ith that, to become an object of couitship to both the great par ties. The necessary consequence w 7 as a fur ther increase of pou 7 er, and a gradual taint ing of the opinions of both of the other par tins with their doctiines, until the infection has extended over both; and the great mass of the population of the North, who, whatev er may be their opi ion ofthe o.iginal aboli tion party, which still preserves its distinct ive organization, hardly eyep fail, when it comes to acting, to co-operafe in carrying out their measures. With the -increase of their influence, they extended the sphere of their action. In a shoit time after the commence ment of their first movement, they had acquir ed sufficient influence to induce the Legisla tures of most of the Northern States to pass acts, which in effect abrogated the provision of the Constitution that provides for the de livering up of fugitive slaves. Not long after petitions followed to abolish slavery in forts, magazines and dock yards, aud all other pla- ; ees where Congress had exclusive power of legislation. 1 nio was followed by petitions and resolutions of the Legislatures of .North ern States and popular meetings, to exclude the Southern States from all ‘luxitoiies ac quired, or to be acqui.ed, and to prevent the admission of any State hereafter into the Un ion, which by its C onstitution, does not pro hibit slavery. And Congiessb invoked to do all this expressly w ith tne view to the final abolition of slavery in the States. That has .been avowed to be the ultimate object from the beginning of the agitation until the pres ent time; anu yet the great body of both par ties at the Acttn, with the full knowledge of the fact, although disavowing the Abolition ists, have co-operated w ith them in almost all their measures. &ueii is tne b:ief history of the agitation, as far as it has yet advanced. Now 1 ask, •senators, w hat is the ultimate end proposed, unless some decisive measure should be a dopted to prevent it? Has any one of the causes, w Inch has added to its increase fioni its oiiginal small and contemptible beginning until it has attained its present magnitude, diminished in force? Is the oiiginal cause oi tne movement, that slavery is a si , and ought to be suppiessed, weaker now man at uie commencement ? Or L the Abolition party less numerous or influential, or have they less influence or control over tao two great pai lies of the North in elections? Or lias the oouth greater means of influencing or con trolling the movements ol ti.is Oovernmeut now,tuau it had when the agitation commenc ed ? ‘1 o all these questions but one answer can be given; No, no, no. ‘iho very re verse is true. Instead of being weaker, all the elements in favor of agitation are strong er now’ thaii they were in ife3s, when the ag itation first commenced, w'l.ile all the elements of influence on the pait of the South are weaker. Unless something decisive is done i again ask, what is to stop this agitation, belore the great and final object at which it aims—the aoolition of slavery in the .States— is consummated ? Is it, then, not certain, that if something decisive is not now’ done to arrest it, the c?outh will be forced to choose betweti abolition and secession ? Indeed, as events are now moving, it will not require the South to secede to dissolve the Union. — Agitation w ill of itself effect it, of which its past history furnishes abundant pi oof, ass shall next proceed to show’. It is a great mistake to suppose that disun ion can be effected by a single blow’. The coids which bound these fetates together in one common Union are far too numerous and powerful for that. Lisunion must be the work of time. It is only tlnough a long pro cess, and in succession, that the cords can be snapped, until the whole fabiic falls asunder. Already the agitation of the slavery question has snapped some of the most important, and has greatly weakened all others, as 1 shall proceed to show. The cords that bind the States togeather are not only many, but various in character, dome are spiiitual or ecclesiastical; some political; others social. Some appertain to the benefit conferred by the Union, and oth ers to the feeling of duty and obligation. The strongest of those of a spi.itual and ecclesiastical nature, consisted in the unity of the great religious denominations, all of which originally embraced the whole Union. All these denominations, with the exception, per haps, of the Catholics, were organised very much upon the piinciple of our political insti tutions; beginning with similar meetings cor responding with the political divisions of the country, their organization terminated in one great central assemblage, corresponding very much with the character of Congress. At these meetings the principal clergymen and lay members of the respective denominations hour all paits of the Union met, to transact business relating to their common concerns, it was not confined to what appertained to the doefc. ine and discipline of trie respect ive denomination, hut extended to plans for disseminating the Bible, sending out mission aries, dist. Uniting tracts, and establishing presses for the publication of tracts, newspa pers and periodicals, with a view ol diffusing religious information, and for the support of the doct. ines and creed of the denomination. All these combined, cout ibuted greatly to strengthen the bonds of the U nion. ‘1 he strong ties which held each denomination to gether loinred a strong cord to hold the whole union together; but as powerful as they were, they have not been able to resist the exj lo.:ive effect of the slavery agitation. l lie first of these cords which snapped, un der its exj lo ive force was that of the power ful Methodist Episcopal Church. ‘1 he nu merous and strong ties which held it together are all broke, and its unity gone. They now form separate chuiches; and, instead ol that feeling of attachment and devotion to the in terests of the w'hole Church which was for mei ly felt, they are now arrayed into two hostile bodies, engaged in litigation about what was forme, ly their common property. The next cord that snapped was that ol the j Baptists, one of the largest and most respec table of the denominations. That of the Presbyteiians is not enti.ely snapped, but some of its strands have given away. That of the Episcopal Church is the only one of thefourgreat Protestant denominations which remains unbroken and enti.e. The strongest* cord of political character consists of the many and strong ties that have held together the two great parties wdiich have, with some modification, existed from the beginning of the Government. They both extended to every portion of the Union, j and strongly conti ibuted to hold all its parts together. But this powerful cord ha3 iared no better than the spi, itual. It resisted for a long time the explosive tendency of the agi tation, but has finally snapped under its force —if not entirely, in a great measure. Nor is there one of the remaining coids which have not been greatly weakened. To this, extent the Union has already been destroyed by ag itation, in the only way it can be, by snap- ! ping asunder the working cords which bind it together. If the agitation goes on, the same force, acting w ith increased intensity, as has been i shown, will finally snap every cord, when nothing will he left to hold the States togeth er except force. But, surely, that can, with no propriety of language, be called a Union, j when the only means by which the weaker is held connected with the stronger portion is j force. It may, indeed, keep them connected; j but the connection will partake much more j of the character of subjugation, on the part; of the w eaker to the stronger, than the union ; of free, independent and sovereign States, in one t ederal Union, as they stood in the early stages of the Government, and which only b worthy of the sacred name of Union. Having now, Senators, explained what it is that endangers the Union, and traced it to its cause, and explained its nature and char acter, the question again recurs: How can the Union be saved ? To this I answer, there : is but one way by which it can be, and that ! is by adopting such measures as will satisfy i the States belonging to the Southern section I that they can remain in the Union consistent |ly with their honor and their safety. There is, again, only one way which that can be ef | fected, and tiiat is by removing the causes by | which this belief has been produced, bo that, and discontent w ill cease, harmony and kind feelings between the sections be restor ed and every apprehension of danger to the Union be removed. The question, then, is: By what can this Ire done? But before 1 un dertake to answer tnis question, I propose to show by what the Union cannot be saved. •It cannot, then, be saved by eulogies on ; the Union, however splendid or numeious.— The cry of “Union Union—the glo.ious Un ion!” can no more prevent di union than the ; cry of “Health, health—glo.ious health! ’ on the part ol a physician, can save a patient | lying dangerously ill. fco long as the Union, instead ol being regarded as a protector, is regai ded in the opposite, by not much less than a majo.ity oi tne states, it will be in vain to attempt to conciliate them by pro nouncing eulogies on it. Besides, tnis cry of union comes common ; ly from those whom we cannot believe to be sincere. Jt usually comes from oi.r assail | ants, if they loved tne Union, they would j necessn. ily be devoted to the Constitution.— | It made tlie Union, and to destroy the Con j stitntioii would be to destroy the Union. — | But the only reliable anu certain e\idence of j devotion to tiie constitution, i.-, to abstain in tire one baud, from violating it, and to repel, jon tne other, all attempts t • violate it. it is I only by 1. i n.u ly ptr.on. i g these high de ities that the Constitution c.n be pieserved, and w ith it the U nion. But how’ stands the proses: ion of devotion to the Union by our assailants, when brought to the tost ? Let tlie many acts passed by the i\ oi them estates to set aside and annul the clause of the Constitution providing for the delivery of fugitive slaves, answer. 1 cite this, not that it is the only instance, (for there are many others,) but because the violation, | in this particular, oi the Constitution, is too i notoiious and pay able to be denied. Again: ! have they stood lortli fai hfullyto repd violu j tions of the Constitution ? Let their course | in reference to agitation of tne slavery ques ; tion, which was commenced and curried on j for fifteen years, avowedly for the purpose of abolishing slavery in the states—an object all allow to be unconstitutional—answer.— Let them show a single instance, dining this long peiiod, in which they have denounced the agitators or thiir attempts to effect what is admitted to be unconstitutional, or a single measure they have brought forward, for that purpose. How can we, with all these facts before us, believe that they are sincere in their profession of dcvo'.ion to the Union, or avoid believing thiir profession is but intend ed to increase the vigor of thiir assaults, and : to weaken the foice of our resistance? Nor can we regard the profession of devo lion to this Union, on the part of those who are not our assailants, as sincere, when they pronounce eulogies upon the Union, evident ly with the intent of charging us with di un ion, without uttering one word of denuncia tion ag.ii ist our assailants. If fiiends of the Union, thrir .course should be to unite with us in repelling these assaults, and denounc ing the authors as enemies ol the Union.— Wliy they avoid ti.is, and pursue the course Urey do, it is for them to explain. Nor can the Union be saved by invoking the name of the illusti ious Southerner whose mortal remains repose on the Western bank of the Potomac. He was one of us—a slave | holder and a planter. We have studied his ! history, and find nothing in it to justi y sub mission to wrong. On the contrary, his great fame rests on the solid foundation, that while he w’as careful to avoid doing wrong to others, he was prompt and decided in repelling wrong. I trust that, in ti.is res pect, we have profited by his example. Nor can we find any thing in his history to deter us from seceding from the Union, should it fail to fulfil the objects for which it was insti tuted, by being permanently and hopelessly converted into the means of oppressing in stead of protecting us. On the contrary, we find much in his example to encourage us, should we be forced to the extremity of de | eiding between submission and disunion, j There existed then, as well as now, a un i ion—that between the parent country and her then colonies. It was a union that had much to endear it to the people of the color ies.— Under its protecting and superintending care the colonies were j lanted and grew up and prospered, through a long course of years, until they became populous and wealthy, its benefits were not limited to them. Their ex tensive agiicultural and other productions, gave birth to the flourishing commerce, which liclily rewaided the parent country for the trouble and expense of establishing and pro tecting them. Washington was born and grew up to manhood under that Union. He acquired his early distinction in its service, and there is every reason to believe that he was devotedly attached to it. But this de votion w: s a ration .1 oi e. He was a t uhed to it not as an end, but as a means to an end.— When it failed to fulfil its end, instead of af fording protection, was converted into means of oppressing the colonies, he did not hesi tate to draw his sword, and head the great movement by which that union was forever severed, and the independence of these States established. This was the gpeat and crown ing glory of his life, which has spread his fame over the whole globe, and will transmit i„ to the latest posteiity. Nor can the plan proposed by the distin ! guished Senator from Kentucky, nor that of the Administration, save the Union. I shall pass by, v\ ithout remark, the j lan proposed by the Senator, and proceed directly to the consideration of that oftbe Adti.ii istration. 1 however assure the distinguished and able Senator, that in taking this course, no disres pect whatever is intended for him or 1 ii plan. 1 have adopted it because so many Senators of distinguished abilities, who were present when he delivered his speech and explained his plan, and who were fully capable to do justice to the tide they support, have replied to him. The plan of the Administration cannot save the Union, because i f can have no effect whatever, towards satisfying the States com posing the Southern-section of the Union, that they can, consequently with safety and honor remain in the Union. It is in fact but a mod ification of the Wilmot Proviso. It p. ‘ooses to effect the same object—to exclude the South from all territory acquired by the Mex ican treaty It is well known that the South is united against the Wilmot‘Proviso, and has committed itself by solemn resolutions, to re sist, should it be adopted. Its opposition is NO. 24.