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net to the name, but to that which it proposes j to effect. That, tho Southern States hold to b? unconstitutional, unjust, inconsistent with tluir equality as members of the common X. nion, and calculated to destroy irretrievably the equilibrium between the two sections. — These objections equally apply to what, for brevity, I will call the Executive Proviso. — There i3 no difference between it and the Wilmot, except in the mode of effecting the object, and in that respect I must say, that the latter is much the least objectionable. It goes to its object, openly, boldly and distinct ly. It claims for Congress unlimited power ever the Territories, and proposes to assert it over the Territories acquired from Mexico, by a positive prohibition of slavery. Not so the Executive Proviso. It takes an indirect course, and in order to elude the Wilmot Pro viso, and thereby avoid encountering the uni ted and determined reristance of the South, it denies, by implication, the authority of Con gress to legislate for the Territories, and claims the right as belonging exclusvely to the inhabitants of the Territories. But to ef fect the object of excluding the South, it takes care, in the meantime, of letting in emigrants freely, from the Northern States and all other quarters, except from tho South, which it takes special care to exclude, by holding up to thorn t.ie danger of having their slaves lib erated under the Mexican laws. The neccs- Ba-ry consequence is to exclude the South from the Territory, just as effectually as would the ilmot Proviso. The only difference in this respect is, that what one proposes to effect directly and openly, the other proposes to effect indirectly and covertly. But the Executive Proviso is more objec tionable than the V* ilmot, in another and more important particular. The latter, to cifect its object, inflicts a dangerous wound upon the Constitution, by depriving the South ern States as joint partners and owners of Territories, of their lights in them; but it in flicts no greater wound thau is absolutely necessary to effect its object. The former, on the contrary, while it inflicts tho same wound, it inflicts others equally as great, and if possible, greater, as I shall next proceeed to explain. In claiming tho light for the inhabitants, instead of Congress, to legislate for the terri tories, iii the Executive Proviso, it assumes the sovereignty of the Territories so vested in the former, or to express it in the language used in a resolution offered by one of the Sen ators from Texas, (Gen. Houston, now ab sent,) they have “the same inherent right of self-government as tho people in the States.” The assumption is utterly unfounded, uncon stitutional, without example, and contrary to the entire practice of the Government, from the commencement to the present time, as I shall proceed to show. The recent movements of individuals in California to form a Constitution and a State Government, and to appoint Senators and Representatives, is the lirst fruit of this mon strous assumption. If the individuals, who made this movement had gone into Califor nia as adventurers, and if, as such, they had conquered the Territory and established their independence, the sovereignty of the country would have been vested in them, as a separate and independent community. In that case they would have had the right to form a Con stitution, and to establish a government for themselves, and if, afterwards, they thought proper to apply to Congres for admission in . to the Union as a sovereign and independent State, all this would have been regular, and according to established principles. But such is not the case. It was the United States who conquered California, and finally acquired it by treaty. The sovereignty of course, is vested in them, and not in tire incii viduals who have attempted to form a Con- j stitution and a State without their consent. — j All this is clear, beyond controversy, except it can be shown that they have since lost or been divested of their sovereignty. Nor is it less clear, that the power of legislating over the acquired territory is invested in Con gress, and not, as assumed, in the inhabitants of j the Territories. None can deny that the Gov ernment of the United States have the power to ! acquire Territories, either by war or treaty; but j it the power to acquire exists, it belongs to Con- j gress to carry it into execution. On this point i there can be no doubt, for the Constitution ex- i prcssly provides, that Congress shall have povv- \ er“to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper to carry into execution the foregoing I powers,’’ (those vested in Congress.) “and all j other powers vested by this Constituti on in the Government of the United States, or in any de partment or office thereof.” It matters not, then, where the power is vested; for, if vested at all in th? Government of the United States, or any of its departments, or offices, the power cf car rying it into execution is clearly vested in Con gress. Biit this important provision, while it gives to Congress the power*of legislating over i the Territories, imposes important restrictions | on its exercise, by restricting Congress 10 pass- [ ing laws necessary and proper for carrying the l power into execution. The prohibition extends, j not only to all laws not suitable cr appropriate to | the object of the power, but also to all that are ; unjust, unequal, or unfair; for all such laws, would be unnecessary and improper, and, there- j tore, unconstitutional. Having now established, beyond controversy, j that the sovereignty over the territories is vested ! in the United States—that is, in the several I States composing ihe Union—and that the power of legislating over them is expressly vested in Congress, it followes, that the 1 individuals in California who have undertak- i on to form a Constitution and a State, and to ; exercise the power cf legislating without the i consent of Congress, hare usurped the sover eignty of the States and the authority of C( n- : gress, and have acted in open defiance of both, j In other words, what they have done is revolu- j tionary and rebellious in its character, anarchical j • in its tendency, and calculated to lead to the j most dangerous consequences. Ilad they acted 1 from premeditation and design, it would have been, in sacs, actual rebellion ; but such is not the case. The blame lies much less upon them ! than upon those who have induced them to take a course so unconstitutional and danger ous. They have been led into it by language : held here, and the course pursued by the Ex- ; ecutive branch of the Government. I have net seen the answer of the Executive to the calls made by the two Houses of Congress, for information as to the course which it took, or the part which it acted, in reference to what was done in California, I understand the answers i have not yet been printed. But there is enough ; . known to justify the assertion, that those who profess to represent and act under the aurhority j of the Executive, have advised, aided and en couraged the movement, which terminated in ! forming, what they called a Constitution and ! a State. Gen. Riley, who professed to act as civ il Governor, called the Convention, determined on the number and distribution of the delegates, appointed time and place ofits meeting, was pre sent during the session, and gave its proceedings his approbation and sanction. Ifhe acted with out authority, he ought to have been tried, or at least reprimanded and disavowed. Neither hav ing been done, the pret u nption is, that his course nas been approved. 1 his, ot itself, is sufficient to identify the Executive with his acts, and to i make it responsible for them. I touch’ not the 1 question, whether Gen. Riley was appointed, or I received the instructions under which he pro fessed to act, from the present Executive, or its I predecessor. If from the former, it would im plicate the proceeding as*well as the present Ad- i ministration. If not, the responsibility rests ex- j ciusiyely on the present. It is manifest from this statement, that the ! Executive Department has undertaken to j perform acts preparatory to the meeting of the individuals to form their so-called Con stitution and Government, which appertain ex exclusively to Congress. Indeed, they are identical in many respects, with the provis ions adopted by Congress, when it gives per mission to a territory to form a Constitution ! and Government, in order to be admitted as a State into ihe Union. Having now shown that the assumption upon which the Executive and the individu als in California acted throughout this whole affair, i* unfounded, unconstitutional,and dan gerous, it remains to make a few remarks, in order to show that what has been done is contrary to the entire practice of the Govern ment trom its commencement to the present time. From its commencement until the time that Michigan was admitted, the practice was uniform. Territorial Governments were first organized by Congress. The Government of the United States appointad the Governors, Judges, Secretaries, Marshals, and other of ficers, and the inhabitants of the territory were represented by legislative bodies, whose acts were subject to the revisions of Congress. This state of things continued until the gov ernment of a territory applied to Congress to permit its inhabitants to form a Constitution and Government, preparatory to admission into the l. nion. The preliminary act to giv ing permission was, to ascertain whether the inhabitants were sufficiently numerous to au thorize them to be formed into a State. This was done by taking a census. That being done, and the number proving sufficient, per mission was granted. The act granting it fixed all the preliminaries—the time and place of holding the convention, the qualifica tion of the voters, establishment of its boun daries, and all other measures necessary to be settled previous to admission. Tho act giving permission necessarily withdraws the sovereignty of the United States, and leaves the inhabitants of the incipient State as free to form their Constitution and Government, as were the original States of the Union af ter they had declared their independence. At this stage, the inhabitants of the territory be came tor the first time a people, in legal and constitutional language. Prior to this, thev were, by the old acts of Congress, called in habitants, and not people. All this is perfect ly consistent with the sovereignty of the United States, with the powers of Congress, and with the right of a people of selt-govern ment. Michigan was the first case in which there was any departure from the uniform rule of acting. Hers was very slight departure from established usage. The ordanance of ’B7 se secured to her the right of becoming a State, when she should have 00,000 inhabitants.— Ow it)g to some neglect Congress delayed tak ing the census, in the meantime her popu lation increased, until it clearly exceeded more than twice the number which entitled her to admission. At this stage she formed a Constitution and Government w ithout the census being taken by the United States, and Congress w aived the omission, as there was no doubt she had more than a sufficient num ber to entitle her to admission. She was not admitted at the first sessison she applied, ow ing to some difficulty respecting the bounda ry between her and Ohio. The great irreg ularity, as to her admission, took place at the next session, but on a point which can have no possible connection with the case of Cali fornia. The irregularities in all other cases that have since occurred are of a similar nature. In all, there existed territorial governments, established by Congress, with officers appoin ted by the United States. In all, the territo rial government took the lead in calling Con ventions, and fixing the preliminaries prepar : atory to the formation of a Constitution and | admission into the Union. They all recog nized the sovereignty of the United States, and the authority of Congress over the territories ; and whenever there was any departure from established usages, it was done on the pre | sitmed consent of Congress, and not in defi ance of tliis authority, or tho Sovereignty of | the United States over the territories. In this respect California stands alone, without usage, or a single example to cover her case- It belongs now, Senators, for you to decide what part you will act in refererence to this unprecedented transaction. The Ex ecutative has laid the paper purporting to be the Constitution of California before you, and ask you to admit her to the Union as a State, and the question is : will you not admit her ? it is a grave question, and there rests upon you a heavy responsibility. Much, very much will depend upon your decision. If you admit her, you endorse and give vour sanction to all that has been done. Are you prepared to do so ? Are you prepared to surrender your power of legislation for the territories; a power exclusively vested in Congress by the Constitution, as has been fully, established? Can you, consistently with your oath to suppport the constitution, surrender the power? Are you prepared to admit that the inhabitants of the territories possess the sovereignty over them, and that any number, more or less, may claim any ex tent ot territory they please; may form a Constitution and government, and erect it in to a State, without asking your permission ? Are you prepared to surrender the sovereign* i ty ot the United States over whatever territo ry may be hereafter acquired to the first ad venturers who may rush into it ? Are you prepared to surrender virtually to the Execu tive Department, all the powers which vou have heretofore exercised over the territories? If not, how can you consistently with your duty and your baths to support the Consti tution, give your assent to the admission of California as a Stale, under a pretended Con- j stitution and government? Again : can you j beiieve that the project of a Constitution j which they have adopted, has the least validi- ; ty ? Can you believe that there is such a j State in reality as the State of California ? ! No: tire re is no such State. It has no legal; or constitutional existence. It has no validi- ■ ty, and can have none, w ithout your sane- ! tion. How, then, can you admit it as a State, \ when according to the provision of the Con- ! stitution, your power is limited to admitting i new Stales. To be admitted, it must be a j State, an existing State, independent of your | sanction, before you can admit it. When you give your permission to the inhabitants of a territory to form a Constitution and a State, the Constitution and State they form, derive their authority from the people, and not from you. The State before admitted is actually a State, and does not become so by the act off admission, as would be the case with Cal ifornia, should you admit her contrary to con stitutional provisions and established usage heretofore. The Senators on the other side of the Chamber must permit me to make a few re marks, in this connection particularly appli cable to them, with the exception of a few Senators from the South, sitting on that side of the Chamber. When the Oregon question was before this body, not tw r o years since, you look (if I mistake not) universally the ground that Congress had the sole and, absolute power of legislating for the territo ries. How, then, can you now, after a short interval which has elapsed, abandon the ground which you took, and thereby virtual ly admit that the power of legislating, instead ot being in Congress, is in the inhabitants of the territories ? How can you justify and sanction by your votes, the acts of the Exe cutive, which are in direct derogation to what you then contended for ? But to approach still nearer to the present rime, how- can you after condemning, little more than a year | since, the grounds taken by the party which j you defeated at the last election, wheel round ! and support by your votes the grounds w-hieh, as explained recently on this floor by the candidate of the party in the last election, are identical with those on which the Executive has acted in reference to California? What are we to understand by all this ? Must we conclude that there is no sincerity, no faith, in the acts and declarations of public men, and that all is mere acting or hollow proses- I sion ? Or the exclusion of the South from : the territory acquired from Mexico is an ob i jeet of so paramount a character in your es i timation, that Right, Justice, Constitution, I and Consistency, must all yield, when they stand in the way of our exclusion ? But, it may be asked, what is to be done with California, should she not be admitted ? I answer, remand her back to the territorial condition, as was done in the case of Ten nessee, in the early stage of the Government. Congress, in her case, had establisheh a terri torial government in the usual form, with a Governor, Judges, and other officers, appoint :ed by the United States. She was entitled, j under the deed of cession, to be admitted in i to the Union as a State as soon as she had sixty thousand inhabitants. The territorial government, believing it had that number took a census, by w-hich it appeared exceed ed it. She then formed a Constitution, and applied for admission. Congress refused to admit her, on the ground that the census should be taken by the United States, and that Congress had not determined whether tho Territory should be formed into one or two States as it was authorized to do under the cession. She returned quietly to her Territorial condition. An act w-as past to take a census by the United States, contain ing a provision that the Territory should form one State. All afterwards was regularly con ducted, and the Territory admitted as a State in due form. The irregularities in the case of California are incomtnensurably greater, and offer much stronger reasons for pursu ing the same course. But, it may be said, California may not submit. That is not probable; but if she should not, when she retuses, it will then be time for us to decide what is to be done. Having now shown what cannot save the Union, 1 return to the question with which I commenced: How can the Union be saved ? I here is but one w-ay by which it can with any certainty, and that is by a full and final settlement, on the principle of justice, of all the questions at issue between the tw-o sec tions. The South asks for justice, simple jus tice, and less she ought not to take. She has no compromise to offer but the Constitution; and no concession or surrender to make. She has already surrendered so much that she has little left to surrender. Such a settlement would go to the root of the evil, and remove all cause of discontent. By satisfying the fcouth, she could remain honorably and safe ly in the Union, and thereby restore the har mony and fraternal feelings between the sec tions, which existed anterior to the Missouri agitation. Nothing else can, w ith any cer tainty, finally and forever, settle the question at issue, terminate agitation, and save the Union. But can this be done? Yes, easily : not by the weaker party, for it can of itself do noth ing—not even protect itself—but by the stron ger. The North has only to will it to ac complish it—to do justice by conceding to the South an equal right in the acquired territory and to do her duty by causing the stipula tions relative to fugitive slaves to be faithfully tulfllled—to cease the agitation of the slave question and to provide for the insertion of a provision in the constitution, by an amend ment, which will restore in substance the pow-er she possessed of protecting herself, be fore the equilibrium between the sections was destroyed by the action of this Government There will be no difficulty in devising such a provision. One that will protect the South, and which at the same time, will improve and strengthen the Government, instead of impart ing and weakening it But will the North agree to this ? It is for her to answer this question. But, I will say she cannot refuse, if she has half the love for the Union which she professes to have, or without justly exposing herself to the charge that her love of power and aggrandizement is far greater than her love of the Union. At all events, the responsibility of saving the Union rests on the North, and not on the South. The South canuot save it by any act of hers, and the North, may save it w ithout any sacrifice whatever, unless to do justice, and to perform her duties under the Constitu tion, should be regarded by her as a sacrifice. It is time, Senators, that there should be an open and manly avowal on all sides, as to what is intended to be done. If the question is not now- settled, it is uncertain w hether it ever can hereafter be; and w-e, as the Repre sentatives of the States of this Union, regar ded as Governments, should come to a distinct understanding as to our respective views, in order to ascertain whether the great questions at issue can be settled or not. If you, who represent the stronger portion, cannot agree to settle them on the broad principle of jus tice and duty, say so; and let the States w-e both represent agree to separate and part in peace, tell us so, and we shall know what to do, when you reduce the question to submis sion or resistance. If you remain silent, you will compel us to infer what you intend. * In that case'Califomia will become the test ques tion. If you admit her, under all the difficul ties that oppose her admission, you compel us to infer that you intend to exclude us from the whole of the acquired Territories, w-ith the intention of destroying, irretrievably, the equilibrium between the two sections/ We would be blind not to perceive in that case, that your real objects are power and aggran dizement, and infatuated not to act according ly- I have now, Senators, done my duty, in ex pressing my opinions fully, freely, and can didly, on this solemn occasion. In doing so I have been governed by the motives which have governed me in all the stages of the agi tation of the Slavery question, since its com mencement. I have exerted myself during the whole period, to arrest it, w-ith the inten tion of saving the Union, if it could be done; and if it could not to save the section where it has pleased Providence to cast my lot; and which I sincerely believe, has justice and the Constitution on its side. Having faithfully done rrvy duty to the best of my ability both to the Union and my section, throughout this agitation, I shall have the consolation, let what will come, that lam free from all re sponsibility. SOUTHERN SENTINEL. COLUMBUS, GEORGIA: THURSDAY MORNING, JUNE 13,1850. 1 aterYrom Europe. The Steamer Atlantic has arrived, bringing Liverpool dates to the 29th uIL The trade of Manchester was in a healthy condition, and pri ces were a shade better than those brought by the America, though the quotations were un changed. On the 28th the sales amounted to 7000, bales, about one half of which was taken on speculation. STILL LATER ! ARRIVAL OF THE CANADA, With three day’s later dates than the Atlan tic. Advance in cotton of one fourth of a Penny in Liverpool. We are indebted to an extra from the office of our neighbor, the Times, containing the follow ing : Charleston, June 12th ) 9 o’clock, 30 mP. M. { Baltimore 11th, 10 o’clock at night—Steamer Canada arrived at Halifax this morning. At Liverpool on June Ist Cotton advanced one quarter of a penny during the week. Fair Or leans quoted at 7 |d. The week’s sales were 65,000, speculators taking 20,000, and Expor ters four thousand. Mr. Calhoun’s Speech. We republish to-day, the last and one of the great est speeches of Mr. Calhoun. We regard it the ablest paper w-hich has been written on tho subject of which it treats, and the additional solemnity which has been imparted to its weighty reasoning, by the death of its illustrious author, has induced us to spread it again be fore our readers. While Mr. Calhoun lived there were those whose minds were too bitterly prejudiced againtt him, to appreciate properly anything which originated with him. Such men read his speech when it was delivered, predetermined to find in it, additional food for their hatred of its author. Now that he is dead, that great redeeming trait of man, which buries with hi 6 fellow man, all recollection of his faults, has not only disabused the public mind of prejudice, but the remembrance of those preeminent virtues, which placed Mr. Calhoun's fame far above almost any oth er public man of his day, has invested e cry thing connected with his brilliant career, with mo. a than ordinary claim to the respect and admiration of his countrymen. Whatever else may be said of him, the world will accord to him, unquestioned devotion to the South. Since his connection with the politics of the country, almost every public act of his, discloses the impulses of a heart, that beat always true to the inter ests of the South ; not that he sought to distort the action of the Government to an undue devotion to the South, but with one hand upon the constitution and the other upon his own section, he constantly endeav ored so to steer the course of public affairs that the honor, the equality ami tho- rights which the former guarantied to the latter, should never be for a mo ment disregarded. If the man ever lived who was entitled to the unreserved confidence of the South up on the questions which now dcstract the country, that man was Mr. Calhoun. The great speech which clos es the history of his connection with the public affairs of the country, gives the lie to the foul charge of dis union, with which traitors at the South have endeavor ed to impair his ability to shield her interests. Mr. Calhoun loved this Union, as truly and as honorably, as any man who had ever lived under it, but he loved it only while it continued a Union of justice ; and when by the combination of Northern injustice and Southern treachery there was danger that its power to protect might be converted into a power to destroy, then he was prompted by that spirit, which knew no such thing as submission to wrong, to declare that between dis union and dishonor he should not hesitate to choose the former. The torguc that can denounce him for the choice, would poison with any tiling that deserved the approbation of an honest mind. We ask every one of our readers, who feels any in terest in the controversy now pending between the North and South, to give this speech, a careful peru sal. Examine his premises, weigh well his arguments and we have no fear that his conclusions will be disput ed. It may be that our devotion to the memory of this great man, the greatest in our opinion, who ever ap peared upon the stage of public life in America, inca pacitates us for a true estimate of his opinions, but we admi twe see nothing but truth from the first to the closing word of this immortal production. The Missouri Compromise. The question which above all others now engages the public mind, is, how are the differences which distract the North and the South to be healed, and the Union preserved? That the issues that now di vide the country must be determined, is evident. If they can beadjUßted consistently with the Union, all good patriots will rejoice at it; but if their settle ment necessarily involves the overthrow of the Gov ernment, no honorable mind will shrink from it. The paramount consideration is to settle the question—to restore quiet to the public mind; and, we repeat it, this must be done, in the Union if possible, out of the Union if necessary. The dissolution of this confed eracy may involve consequences, to be deprecated by the South; wc do not say it would not, but lamenta ble as those consequences might be, they could not prove more destructive to all the best interests of the South, than is the ceaseless agitation of questions, whose determination, involve the well-being if not the very existence of her peculiar institutions. This Union may confer great blessings to the South, beyond our powers of enumeration, we will not question it; but innumerable as those blessings may be, they yet fall short of those which result from the undisturbed and secure enjoyment of our property. We recur then to the all-important position with which we set out: this agitation must cease, the South must be secured. Can this be done without sacrificing the Union ? We think so. Since our brief connexion with the press, we have known but one principle in our political creed, that has been the honor, the equality and the interests of the South. In the sincerity of our devotion to these ends, and in our ignorance of the blind tenacity with which men cling to party, we looked alone to what we believe the best Interests of the South demanded, in the advocacy of this, or the denunciation of that particular policy. Planted upon this basis, wc de nounced every effort at compromise, as treason to the South, and recommended our rights under the Con stitution as the only position which we could assume consistently with our honor or our interest*. And in vindication of that position, we appeal now to the common sense of any man who appreciates the rights and obligations growing out of our federative system, whether, looking alone to the ultimate good of the j South and the salvation of the country, it would not be the safer and the wiser policy, to stand at the very’ tbreehhold of our rights, and firmly turn back at once, or be overrun by, the spirit of invasion. This teas our position, and it is the position which we love yet, but the people have not sustained it, and we must now fall back upon the line at which we believe the South will make a stand. What is the state of the oase to-day ? This Union is in danger, and there are three plans now oefore the country by which it may be preserved. What are they ? The first in order, is the executive recommenda tion of non-action, which proposes, the admission of California and nothing more. The second is the Committee r or Clay Compromise, whioh embraces, the admission of California, the formation of Territo rial governments for Utah and New Mexico, the sub division of Texas, the cession by Texas of 125,000 square miles of her territory to the Union, a provision for the recovery of fugitive slaves, and the abolition of the slave trade in the District. The third plan is, the Missouri compromise, which runs the line of 36 30 to the Pacific, giving the North all north of that line, and the South, all south of it. These are the three plans which have been sugges ted for the settlement of this controversy, and of the three, which will the South take ? Without debate, the last. We presume no southern man hesitates in saying that by this plan, the South gains more than she would by either of the others. But, asks the faint hearted Southerner, can we get the Missouri compromise? Most unquestionably, if the South will demand h. What has the North to lose by the compromise? what right does she surren der ? what concession does she make by it ? Does the South gain by it any more than she is entitled tc\ or does she receive even all she is entiled to? We find men in our own midst, who are so devoted to the Union, that sooner than endanger it, they avow their willingness to surrender Borne of the rights of the South ; and is it to be supposed that the North is less attached to the Union than the South ? Will Southern men make larger sacrifices for its preserva tion than Northern men ? We can see no'good rea son why they should, but on the other hand we do see many aDd powerful reasons why the North should outstrip the South in her anxiety to maintain the Un ion. Lot us suppose then that the issue is presented ; either the Missouri line must be run to the Pacific, or the Union must be severed ; and suppose the North is impressed with the determination of the South to insist upon this alternative, is there any question as to the result ? The Missouri compromise will be adopt ed if the South demands it. Will the demand be made ? This remains to be seen. But if we are to make a stand any where short of absolute submission; if Southern men have not made up their minds to put up with any thing for the sake of the Union, we ask in all sincerity, when and where will that stand be made ? Are we to proclaim to the North, that we will not resist any thing this side of an actual inva sion of slavery in the States ? Can nothing short of palpable ruin arouse us to a sense of our danger ? Wc put the question to our readers, and we wish them to consider it; if it has been determined that this question is not to be settled on terms of perfect justice to the South, shall we not insist upon that plan which is least violative of our rights ? Weigh well the propositions embraced respectively in the three plans of settlement, now before the country, and if your rights are to be determined by one of the three, which will you accept ? Our Book Tabic. ’ Graham's Magazine. —The July number of this 1 Magazine, which commences anew volume, is, we * think, the most splendid periodical, which has ever ! been issued from the American press. In the exqui ! site perfection of its engravings, and the beauty of its ; typography, not less than in the taste and excellence ! of its original contributions, it surpasses anything of the day. Taken altogether, it is a magnificent mon ‘ ument to the talent and taste of Its worthy propri ■ etor. Hunt’s Merchant’s Magazine. —The contents of the June number are as follow s : . Artl. Trade: with reference to its origin, laws, and its influence on civilization, and on the ( industrial powers of nations. Art 2. Money - : its history and philosophy and its use and abuse.— Part I.—of the history and philosophy of money. ! Art 3. The trade and commerce of theN. York Canals. Art 4. Currcncy-Interest-Production.—No 111. Art 5. Free trade vs Protective Tariffs. , Under the head of Mercantile Law Cases , are embraced all the recent important decisions in com mercial law. The Commercial Chronicle and Review embraces a financial and commtrcial review of the United States, etc. illustrated with tables &c. These together with various other less prominet ar ticles make up a summary of invaluable intelligence, to be found no where else than in the pages of this Review. • • STAY AT HOME. There is no doubt that interest forms a very con siderable element in the politics of most men. An ap peal to the pocket quickens the apprehension, and sharpens the wits, of many a man who had before been unable to discover a point in the argument addressed to his understanding. Fortunately for the South, such appeals are as ready for her use. as are the more abstruse reasons of constitutional law, in this sectional controversy. There may be and doubtless is, a great deal of mutual dependence between the North and and the South, but it would not take the political arith metician lor.g, to determine on which side of the line there is the greatest dependence-. The North knows this as well as the South. We say, let the appeal be made; not as was suggested at our last legislature, by the enactment of non intercourse laws, but by the voluntary acts of the people. There are several modes in which this can be effectually done. The following which we extract from the South Carolinian contains some valuable hints to those families who are in the habit of leaving home during the sultry months of summer. Substituting, a few words, to adapt the re marks of the Carolinian to our own State, that paper says: The usual season for summer travelling and pleasure migration is at hand aud already are the Northern papers anticipating golden harvests for their hotel keepers and hosts of watering places. One says. ‘‘Southern families, like the birds, must make their annual migration North when the time comes.” Our advice to Southern families would be to stay at home the present summer—just to try it for once. Let them fashionise their own “springs” and watering places just for this “one season,” and in all probability they will be inclined to do so again. W e are all crying out for “equality or independence.’ I There are a thousand ways in which we can secure the latter at all events. Be independent of the North in building up places of summer resort at home—give madam fashion the mitten, rather than allow her to lead you off from your own delightful clime, its green shades and charming scenery—to introduce your daugh ters to the dissipation and frivolity which reign in the saloons of Saratoga, where whiskered and moustachoed weather-beaten roues and fortune-hunters make it a business to lead silly women captive—where your sons are decoyed to the gaming table—and where host, hostess, man servant and maid servant, from the obse quious master to menial “boots,” are all engaged in fleecing you out of yonr dollar, not stopping to inquire whether they are the “products of slave labor” or not—where you are plastered with “blarney*'—import ed, improved, and patented by yankee enterprise and ingenuity—to your faces, and laughed at as fools when your backs are turned—where your sons are admired as the flower of chivalry, and yonr daughters adored as “lovely Southern belles,” when the evidence is conclusive that the plantation and negroes are in the back ground ; in short where every species of dissipa tion, profligacy, fraud and humbuggery, keep time to the music of the orchestra in the ball room, and your character, the length of your purse, and the charms of the ladies, discussed over iced mint juleps and brandy toddies in the basement. We say throw fashion to the dogs rather that commit such foolery. The money spent in one summer at such places by the visitors from our own State, would make the wa tering plaaes of Georgia, equal to any in the Union but, above all, it would be kept it here among us, add to the wealth of the State, develop her resources, and fill the cup of social enjoyment with pure water drawn from our own fountains, unpolluted by the nauseous mixture of pride, folly and vice, drank with so much gusto at the haunts of fashion alluded to, but which invariably s:cken when the draught is swallowed and paid for. Georgians would know each other better, and oonse- tie of friendship and mutual interest would be strengthened. In whatever light it can be viewed, the advice we give at the head of this article carries with it its own recommendation—stay of home! M e are indebted to Hon. 11. W. Hilliard for a oopy of the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury. The growing crop. —Our exchanges cont in ue to represent the prospect of the cotton crop as extreemly gloomy. The Western papers particularly are filled with accounts of the most unpromising aspect. The N. Orleans Price Cur rent of the 9th says: The accounts from the interior respecting the growing crop continue to be very unfavorable, and we can safely reiterate the substance ofpre vious remarks, to the effect that, what with the extensive overflows (which still continue) the late spring, and the subsequent unseasonable cold weather, the prospects are thus far even less flattering than at the same period last year. A correspondent of the Mobile Tribune writes under date of June Ist: We know that as a general thing throughout the State, the plant is not three inches in height. Letters received yesterday from Lowndes coun ty states that planters in that county are plowing up their fields and replanting even at this late day. One of our most respectable and influen tial citizens returned yesterday from his planta tion in Pickens county, can scarcely discern that the cotton has sprouted. Another large planter from Augusta county, is willing to bet that there will be no blooms in his fields until first July* The Mississippian of June 7th says: Since publishing our last statement of the crops of Mississippi, we have received letters from about fifteen additional counties. We are sorry to say that we have never in our life known a more gloomy prospect. We shall not make 250,000 bales in the State—the number ought to be 700,000 bales at least. The same paper in speaking of the prospect in Louisana says: The news from the river parishes brings us the painful intelligence that the crop is wholly cut off by overflow. In Madison parish, there is not over one thousand acres above water, and in Tensas, propably not 600 acres. Several Louisana planters are employing their force in raising crops in our and adjoining counties ; be ing as the common saying is “ drowned out'’ at home. The Huntsville Democrat of the 24th ult., in speaking of the prospects of the crop in North Alabama says: There is a general apprehension among the farmers in this section of the country, as to the prospects of the present cotton crops. There have been such frequent and heavy rains, that the crops in the low lands have been flooded and destroyed in some instances, and those on high land have been greatly injured. Cold nights and winds have greatly increased the injury.— Some planters express the opinion that they have not half a stand, and we have heard of none who expects to make a full crop. Avery intelligent gentleman writing to the Memphis Eagle from East Tennessae says: •‘The stands of Cotton are very bad above here (Moore’s X Hoads.) Many have planted their cotton fields in corn. [tankee correspondence.] Boston, June 3, 1850. The Anniversaries—The Garrison Convention — The Boston Trainbands—The Havana Troupe, 4' c - — Lopez — The Weather — Business — The Mummy—Webster and Mann—The Census — Mr. T B. Lawrence and his lady. Our several religious and other anniversaries are come and gone. Great was the company of the prea chers and the gathering together of the philanthro pists. For the time of their stay, the citizens, male end female, run about from one place of congregation to another—like the Athenians of the time of Paul, all on the qui vice for “some new thingand the gay summer fashions felt the influence of the revivals, and ventilated themselves considerably in our chief thoroughfares. All the societies were pretty well at tended, but the anti-slavery convention seemed the best attended of any. For very good and valid rea sons, the people found it as good as any play to go there. The meetings of the Garrisonites here did not exactly exhibit all the turbulence of those at New lork; but they were very attractive nevertheless, in the extraordinary declamation and general features of them. The chief themes of denunciation were Dan iel W ebster and the churches. On these, all the speakers, male and female, rung changes infitite and reiterated. Garrison brought forward a series of res olutions, devoted almost entirely to the evil renown of the pacific Senator for Massachusetts. Jackson, Par ker, Pillsbury, Mrs. Foster, Abby Folsom, and all spiritedly upheld the old fame of the Abolition Con vention. Their attacks on the various churches, for not coining out like desperadoes on the slavery ques tion, deepened and sharpened into language concern ing the B.ble, the Testament, and the God understood in both, which was as like blasphemy as any thing the French Encyclopaedists evtr said or could say. There have been many vehement and obnoxious societies before now, and they liave been hissed and hated; but there was never one which did not divide public opinion—which had not some popular countenance, one way or the other. But this anti-slavery society of Massachusetts seems to stand alone, without a breath of the aura popularis to waft it on. It is the Ishmaelite of all societies ; its hands are against every man, and every man’s hand against it. Hisses, up roar and laughter, are the food it seems destined to feed on; a windy diet, on which it cannot prosper. It is a curious thing to see how anti-slavery Masaehu setts holds in contempt her anti-slavery society ! At this last convention, all the hissed, but one poor creature, a black woman, named Isabel Truth, whom they brought forward to detail tl*c cruel circumstances of her slavery. Isabel ram bled a good deal and was evidently carefully prepared for the occasion, with a large amount of the usual stereotyped phraseology of scripture. Altogether, the convention was miserably unpopular. I should have mentioned that the press of Boston was under the fierce ban of the plxilanthropists, as well as Web ster, the Bible and so forth. I did not read a single report of the Garrison business that was not deprecia tory, sarcastic, or done into caricature. A reporter for a New York paper, when offered copies of some resolutions, refused them, saying he did not come there for the resolutions, but the jokes ! If the 533-- •ng, ‘ blessed are ye when all men speak ill of you,” &c., be taken as a premise, then it must be concluded that our anti-slavery convention is in a perfectly boat ified condition. I hope, in a fervent overflow of char ity, that it may never be less qualified to enjoy it. At this moment the feeling that public op'nion is agairr them in a most unqualified manner, is maddening th< se furious philanthropists beyond even their wont. They ti e in the predicament of fishes who are them selves about to be stranded on the receding of the tide, and they make a desperate floundering and foam, accordingly. As lam on this theme, I may as well inform you, that Mrß. Abby Folsom, as garrulous and sincere an abolitionist as any of them, was cheeked in her harrangue the other night by the chairman and others, who despotically thought she was wandering from the point 5 and, as she cried aloud and spared not, in consequence of the interruption, they pulled her out by the petticoat and took her to the police sta tion. She never made a better battle, but two or three stout men overpowered her, and kept her pris oner for an hour or so. She denounces Jackson and endall Phillips, as a pair of shocking tyrants, and thinks she would not meet with worse treatment among the terrible men of tbe South. Our trainbands have been airing their uniforms during the past week ; all good men and true, and capable of making the finest war material in the world. To be sure, one who has seen the march and ordered line of a British regiment, is apt to disparage the loose, extemporaneous look of our repulican landwehr; the difference is striking, but it is in fa vor of the latter. The English soldier is a machine— portion of a huge machinery ; the American soldier is a man, and of course, carries with him, even in a regi ment, some of that independence which is the nerve of his arm and the breath of his nostrils. There is more true glory in the associations which gather around die half drilled and somewhat inexact citizen soldiery of Massachusetts or Carolina, than belongs t<r the finest regiments in the service of Great Britain,- far more. So, get along there! Step to the drum, gentlemen ! and, fifer, sound that fife ! And so “Stepping in music and thunder sweet, Which the drum tends before them alone street,’ the several companies bend their way to the Com- 1 mon, where there is an imposing parade and review, after which, the train-bands diverge to their different localities, covered with the peaceful laurels of the day ! The Havana Troupe have closed their engagement here. On the whole, they have not, musically speak ing, left so favorable an impression as that made by Maretzek’s company. Steffanoni’s refusal to king the mad part, in “Lucy of Lantmermoor,” offended us a good deal, and her assurance, conveyed in “a card,” that nothing but absolute impossibility to go through the part, could induce her to disappoint you ” did not mend the motter. A night or two after, there was no performance at the Howard Atheneum, hy consequence of the illness of Signor Salvi. The fact > s —ft word in your ear—people acquainted with the festivities of the Revere House, wink and speak very much in allegory, when they wish to clear up the matter. “There was David, for instance—he fixed a sling and gave it to Golioh—a strong man with a weak head—and Goliah got slewed with it ” —and so they talk, with the most facetieus obscurity in the world. But the Havana company closed well. They gave a parting concert, the proceeds of which they handed over for the poor of this city. Max Maretzek and Signora Bertucea are mrrried, and rusticating at Clifton, Staten Island. They will open the season at the Aster House in October— dreadless of Willis and the Home Journal—redonbt edly hostile to Max and his company. Mad. Biscae cianti was recently in Cincinnati, where Ralph Waldo Emerson has been latterly lecturing. Miss Cushman and Miss Davenport are playing at Philadelphia. Mrs. Frances Kemble is to give readings from Shakca poare, in Reading, Pa. The failure of the Cuban expedition has taken aback all the friends of liberty and liberation here, and we are very much disposed to believe that Lopez is a r.tsh, feeble and incompetent leader of any such en terprise as that which was lately directed against Cu ba. He has made the cause of the people of that is land a by-word—like the Irish insurrection of 1848, and their redemption is now further off than ever. This is the coldest season in this place that we have known for very many years. Within the last fort night fires and top-coats have been very generally in use. The chill of the weather seems to be upon our monetary affairs. Workers in stocks stand with their hands in their breeches pockets and whistle, as sea men are said to do, for a breeze. A plentiful lack of confidence has been lately realized, by the abuses and losses which have occurred in the railway business. The natural results of enterprises too hastily underta ken or too inefficiently carried out, seem to be at work just now. The stock market is undergoing a reac tion, and people must wait for the turn of the next tide. In the meantime, the people of New York are as busy as bees, driving a rattling trade in all sorts of stocks. But there are some philosophic speculators here who pluck the flower of safety from this nettle. They think the people of the Empire State are going too fast, and that they run the risk which always at tends too vehement a course of proceeding. Money is tolerably easy with us, at from 7 to 10 per cent on good six months paper. The mint has commenced paying out coin for their receipts, and the depositors of gold will have money for their dust, as soon as it shall have been assayed. This will put a million and a half or so of money in circulation, and clear up the general monetary atmosphere. Mr. Gliddon’s Mummy, Miss. Anck — ph —will be undressed in the course of this day, (Monday.) I shall drop in to see this delicate piece of business, and, in my next, you shall hear—what you shall hear. Os course you have seen the Hon. Daniel Webster’s reply to the letter of his Newbury Port friends, com plimenting him upon his efforts to heal the divisions that unluckily exist between the North and the South. Tile Hon. Senator shows that the right of a jury trial in- the case of a runaway slave, arrested in the North, was never contemplated by the maktrs of the consti tution, and treats the Hon. Horace Mann to a con temptuous and flooring paragraph, as he gets along. The lion. Horace, they say, is about preparing a re joinder, and so the political ball is kept moving. The people of the United States are about to be cat echised at their own doors ; in other words, the cen sus of the Republic is to be taken immediately—the business of it commenced yesterday, (Ist June.) It is intended that a vast amount of statistical informa tion shall be gathered on this occasion—as regards population, profession', occupation, color, places of birth, marriages, deaths, the deaf, dumb, blind, insane, land improved and unimproved, value of each farm and all its appurtenances, stock, and so forth ; num ber of schools, churches, libraries, periodicals, crimi nals, wages and cost of all kinds of labor; the exact state, in fact, of everything forming a part of our so cial civilization, of whatsoever character or denomina tion. The differences between Mr. T. B. Lawrence, son of our minister at London, and his wife, have been lately making a noise at Louisville, where they were discussed before the lion. W. F. Bullock and a jury. In the course of tbe investigation, it was shown that! Mrs. Lawrence left Boston in company with her fath er, with the consent of Mr. Lawrence, who promised to go to Louisviile to meet her, after a time, and that his advertisement, refusing to be responsible for his wife’s expenses, was the next thing liis wife and her family beard from him. It was complained, on the part of Mrs. Lawrence, that her husband did not allow her sufficient pin-money—which seems to show that she always had an idea of regulating her expenses in dependently of his advice. Isl was also stated that Mr. T. B. Lawrence was well advised, before he mar- ried, that Mrs. L’s. own family considered the climate of Boston too severe for her health. All this proves clearly enough that such a marriage could not hare been otherwise than a miserable one. In this, as in every other matter in the world, a great deal may bo said on both sides, and it is accordingly said. In cer tain of our coteries here, the whole matter pro and con, is argued with heat, volubility and shrillness. But the Louisville jury have decided that Mr. Law rence badly treated the lady, and that his advertise ment had slandered her. The gentleman did not! move in the matter, at all. YANKEE DOODLE, [correspondence of the southern sentinel ] San Francisco, California, April 22, 1850. Dear Sentinel —My last was addressed to you pre vious to leaving Panama. I there informed you that I should leave on the steamship “Tennessee,” in com pany with a Columbus and Russell county delegation. Previous to our leaving Panama, I witnessed an a eute between the Americans and: Grenadian soldiers, which was so characteristic of Anglo Saxon blood, that I will briefly allude to it. Some drunken sailors had been guilty of an offence against an English house, and the city guard (consisting of thick liped, buck ne groes, with a red cotton epaulet and striped breeches,) were called to arrest them. The sailors retreated oat the wall for their boats, but were overtaken in, th,e water, & like the tiger at bay, showed fight. To all as sembled, (and there was a large crowd,) the enter tainment became very rich, considering the play and the smallness of the entrance fee. I witnessed one sailor, with his knife and fist hold at bay and finally pat to route six of the Grenadian sons of valor. The tail ors were at length captured and like prisoners of war, were surrounded with much pomp and parade. At the sight of Americans in the custody of negroes, the Anglo Saxon blood boiled, and as they entered the gate of the city, a shower of rocks greeted them from all sides. The natives, a fresh supply of soldiers and the already war honored veterans united and made war on the Americans generally. Tho scene then became deeply thrilling, and the mighty God Mars, let fly his thunderbolts in the shape of brickbats, “dornics,” and poles, until the Waterloo retreat of the uegro fusileers, gave the victory to sailors and their allies. Such scenes aro very frequent, and I