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the southern sentinel Is published every Thursday Morning, IN COLUMBUS, GA. BY WILLIAM H. CHAMBERS, * IWHTOR AND I*ROI*KIKTOU. To whom all communications must be directed,post paid Office oil Randolph Street. . Terms of Subscription. One copy twelve months, in advance, - - 82 :'-0 | .< *< “ Not in advance, - •> j .. gix “ “ - ,y= where the subscription is not paid during the j rear, 15 <—nts will be charged for every'month’s <*elay. j No ►ubscription will fie received tor less than six | inontb, and none discontinued until all arrearages are paid, except at the option of the proprietor. To Clubs. Five copies twelve months, - * * oo ZW The money from Clubs must in all cases ac company the names, or the pnee of a single subscription will be charged. Rates of Advertising. One Square, first insertion, - - * ** .1 Faeh subsequent insert lop, - oO A liber-,! deduction on these terms will lie made in favor of those who advertise by the year. Adve t;-einents not specified as to time, will be pub lished Gfi foi ‘/.and charged accordingly. Monthly Advertisements will be charged as new Ad- j verti.-; .nents at each insertion. l egal Advertisements. N. B.—Sales of Lands, by Administrators, F.x ccutor.s, or Guardians,are required by law to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10 in the forenoon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court House in- the county in which the land is situated. No tices of these sales must be given in a public gazette sixty days previous to the day of sale. Sales of Negroes must lie made at a public auction on the first Tuesday of the month, between the usual hours of sa’e, at the place of public sales in the bounty when* the Letters Testamentary, ot Administration or Guardianship, may have been granted, first giving sixty days notice thereof in one ot the public gazettes ol llu> Hr itc, and at the door of the Court House, where such sales arc to b<* held. Notice for the sale of Personal property must he given in like manner forty days previous to the day of sale. Notice to the Debtors and Creditors ol an estate must be published forty days. ‘ Notice that application will be made to the Court ol Ordinary for leave to sell Land, must be published for FOUR MONTHS. Notice for leave to sell Negroks must tie published lor j our months, before any order absolute shall be made thereon by the Court. ... j Citations lor letters of Administration, must bo pub lished thirty days—for dismission from administration, monthly six months —for dismission fioin Guardianship, FORTY DAY'S. „ , . Rules for the foreclosure of a Mortgage must be pub lished MONTHLY lor FOUR MONTHS —for establishing lost papers, for the. full space of three months—ior com pelling titles from Executors or Administrators, where a Bond has teen given by the deceased, the full* space of three months. , Publications will always lie continued according to these legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered. SOUTHERN SENTINEL Job Office. HAVING received anew and extensive assortment of Job Material, we are prepared to execute at this c fl: e, all orders for JOB WORK, in a manner which ran not be excelled in the State, on very liberal terms, and at the shorn* t notice. We teel confident of our ability to give entire satislae- , turn in every variety of Job Printing, including Books, Business Cards, Pamphlets, Bill Heads, Circulars, Blanks of every description, Hand Bills, Bills of /aiding, Posters, cfj-c. djv. tfj-u. In short, all descriptions ol Printing which can be ex rented at any office in the country, will be turned out with elegance and despatch. Marble Works, East side Broad St. near the Market House, COLUMBUS, GA. IF AVC constantly on hand all kinds of Grave Stoves 1 Monuments, Tombs and Tablets, ot American. Italian and Irish Marble. Engraving and carving done on stone in the best possible manner ; and all kinds of Granite Work at the shortest nom*^ j> <s—Plaister of Paris and Cement, always on hand for sale. ... Columbus, March 7, 1850. _ 10 NORTH CAROLINA Mutual Life Insurance Company. LOCATED AT HALEIGII, N. C. rpilE Charter of this company gives important advan -1 tages to the assured, over most other companies. The husband can insure his own life for the sole use and benefit of his wife and children, free from any other claims. Persons who insure tor life participate in the profits which are declared annually, and when the pre mium exceeds S3O. may pay one-halt in a note. Slaves are insured at two-thirds their value tor one or five years. Applications for Risks may he maiU to Agent. Columbus, Ga. £ A” Office at Greenwood &. Co.’s Warehouse. Nov. 15,1849. 11 TO RENT, r pILL the First day of January next. The old printing .1 office room of the‘‘Muscogee Democrat Apply at this office. “• County Surveyor. r pilF. undersigned informs his friends and the Planters 1 of Muse ogee county, that lie is prepared to make e.ilieial surveys in Muscogee* county. Letters addressed to Post Office,Columbus, w ill meet with prompt atten tion, \VM. F. SERRELL, County Surveyor. Office over F,. Barnard & Co.’s store, Broad_st. Columbus, Jan. 31,1850. •’ ly MRS. BARDWELL, •\\TOULD inform the Ladies of Columbus and its > y vicinity, that she has just returned tmm New 5 ork with a ha idsomc stock <t MILLINKK\ , LACh CAPES* and trusts the Ladies will give her an early call. She opened on Wednesday. April 11,1850, 10 11 TEAS! TEAS! DIRECT from the ‘ Canton Tea Company,” just re ceived and lor sale by „ _ ELLIS, KENDRICK & REDD. Feb. 7, 1850. 6 U NOTICK. rpilE firm name of"M H. Dessau. Agent.” is changed, i from this date, to M. H. DESSAU. Columbus, Fob- 1850. ‘ _ Williams, Flewellen Si Williams, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, COLUMBUS, GEO 11G IA. May *23, 1850. 21 J. JOHNSON, .4 TTOENE Y A T LA H r , RANDOLPH STKF.KT, COIAMBUS, GEOROT A. ; • m TILL practice iti the Chattahoochee Circuit and \ \ the adjacent counties in Alabama. Columbus. June 13. 1850. ■ Glob 6 Hotel) jp nl. BUENA VISTA, MARION CO., GA. ItV J. WILLIAMS. March 14,1830. 11 ,f Williams & Howard, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, COLI MBl'S, GEORGI A. POST. K. HOWARD. CHAS. J. WILLIAMS. April 4,1850. H 0 J. I>. LENNARD, ATTORNEY AT LAW, TALBOTTON, GA. WILL attend to business in Talbot and the adjacent counties. All business entrusted to Ins care will meet with prompt attention. April 4, 1650. J 1 ly KING & WINN E-MORE, Commission Merchants, MOBILE, ALABAMA. Doc. 20, 18-19. [Mob. Trib .] 15 tl THIS PAPER IS MANUFACTURED BY THE Rock Island Factory, NEAR THIS CITY. Columbus, Feb. 23, ISM). 9 tt VOL. I. Letter ol Hon. D. Wallace, ol S. G. To the People of the First Congressiona l Dis trict of South Carolina. Fellow-Citizens: I deem it mvduty, du ring the present important session, to give you all the information in my power, in tel erence to the great questions now at issue be fore Congress. And as 1 cannot, consistent ly with mv duty, leave my seat to do this iu person, 1 am constrained to address you through the press, as the only mode open to ! me. The abolition of slavery is not an idea ol American origin. It had its origin in the Eu ropean mind, and ils first inception was long before the end of the eighteenth century. — Win. Wiberforce, an enthusiast and fanatic : of England, was the founder oi a sect ol fanat* i ics whose utopian creed is predicated upon the idea of the perfectibility and equality of the human races. The fundamental article of the creed taught by Wiberforce, is univer sal emancipation. 11 is followers, according to an invariable principle ot the human mind, have extended their creed so tts to include in it a wide range of subjects, of which the foun der of the sects, perhaps, never dreamed in the wildest vagary of his fancy. This sect have constituted anew school of political and social philosophy. They claim to be guided by the pure religion of the Bible. They have inscribed upon their banner the motto of \ ol taire, the greatest infidel and blasphemer of | the world, who, after he had by bis writings, precipitated the French Revolution, iu which six millions of men were massacred or slaugh tered upon the battle fields of Europe, and which ended where it began, in despotism, built a temple and dedicated it to “Deo opti ma Miximo.” The sect founded by V. ilber fbree, have adopted this motto, and proclaim ed that their mission is sanctioned and com manded by the divine law. .Mahomet did the same thing while he was depopulating, Asia ■ with fire and sword. They seek to gather : together the human races, the Ethiopian, Cau- • casian, Mongolian, Malay, and Indian, into one universal political and social brotherhood, and to place them all on a perfect equality, without regard to color, language, social and mental condition, or primeval distribution over the face of the globe. Their creed includes j socialism; that is, that property shali be held in common, and that all the members ol a j community shall have equal right to till the | property owned by the individuals of the com munity, which includes agarianism. That there should be a community of wives, and that the marriage rite ought to be abolished. It includes the “right of labor,” which consti tutes a fundamental article in the constitution of the so called French Republic, which means that the supreme government of a State must find labor and employment for every inhabit ant, and pay a fair compensation for the same out of the public treasury; and if the govern ment fails to find employment, the applicant for labor must be paid the pi ice of labor whither he labors or not. Their creed includes the idea of universal equality according to the French notion as expressed in the motto, “liberty, fraternity, equality.” The proposition, is to establish this equality by a leveling system, which pulls l down every member of society to the condi ■ tion of the lowest, no matter how degraded the lowest may be, or what the color of his skin, or the condition of his morals, religion, !or intellectual development. The Protestant 1 Churches are included in this leveling system —they too must be pulled down and reorgan ized to suit the new order of things, lienee the creed of these fanatics involves the dis tinct proposition, that inasmuch as the black race at the South cannot be raised up to the level of the white race, the white race must i be pulled down to the level of the negro, and that all must stand together iu the same I political and social rank. And instead of the j negro being subject to the whiteman, the ne- ; gro by his right of suffrage at the ballot box, must make laws for the white man. The pro gress then which i , demanded, is notupwards, but downwards. At the North, this down wards tendency cannot go lower than the lowest white man ; at the South, it must go to the level of the lowest negro. It is upon j this idea that modern demagogueism at the North, rests its hopes of preferment. It is a great mistake to suppose that Abolition is the ! only evil which is involved in the controversy now going on. The disciples ofWilberforce spread all over Europe, adding new articles to their creed as j time rolled on. Thomas Clarkson was sent by Wilberforce from London to France as a ; Missionary to propagate the new faith there, j He arrived in Paris in the midst of the storm j and blood of the French Revolution. A fit i ting time and appropriate scene for such a mission. Robespiere, Danton, Marat, and all i the earl y chiefs of the Revolution, and the Ja cobin clubs, were Abolitionists. The disci ples of this school made their way into the British Parliament and. French Chamber of I Deputies—into the diets of Denmark, Swe den, Holland, Portugal, and the Spanish Cor tes, and after the Spanish Revolution, into the | legislative Councils of the South American Re ! publics, and into Mexico, and simultaneously into the United States; and it is worthy of re mark, that Wilberforce was the propagandist of the idea w hich resulted in the ordinance of 1787, and the article in our Constitution for the abolition of the slave trade in 1808. The Abolition idea, with all its attendant train of heresies, was thus transplanted into the Amer j ican mind. The Abolition policy became ac i tive in England and America in the same j year, that is in the year 1787. England, unable to subdue America by her arms, re sorted to a far deeper and more dangerous pol icy- The standard of Abolition was raised, and the human mind excited by a gloomy superstition. When Rome fell, crushed un der the feet of the war steeds of Attila and Al arm, she too, raised the standard of this same gloomy superstition, and Europe was again made subject to the darkest despotism the world ever saw, foe the Popes held the mind us well as the body, in the chains of servile bond aSe - I The Southern States of this Union, by means of their great agricultural staples, now j control the commerce of the world, Eng land, on seeing that this must be so, resolved, if possible; to maintain her commercial su -1 pretnacy by the abolition of slavery in her i own colonies, as an act which in the judge ment ot her statesmen, would be inevitably followed by the abolition of slavery in the iU, States. The experiment thus made bv j controls the commerce of the world. The j error into which England lia* fallen, wa= j shown to her and to Europe, bv the letter (f lic Southern Sentinel. which Mr. Calhoun addressed to Mr. King, England is thus far an acknowledged failure. ; Her West India Colonies, in which slavery was abolished, are covered with ruin, wide spread disastrous and complete. The ne groes there instead of being improved by their condition, are brutalised, and are rapidly go ing back to the unmitigated barbarism of j their native land. England sees now, that the terrible experiment she made is a failure. J Commercial bankruptcy overspread her dom inions as the result of her West India policy, and its slavery still exists in the Southern States of the Union, the United States still our Minister to France, during the adminis tration of Mr. Tyler. Saon after that de spatch was published in London and Paris, ; Sir Robert Peel, then Prime Minister, an- j nounced to the British Parliament, his inten tion of moving for free trade. This too, was ;m effort to recover from the effects of the ab olition policy. The commercial policy of England was immediately changed from the ! restrictive system which had prevailed for cen turies, to that of free trade, and the British Empire thus took the lead out of the hands • ; of the United States in this enlightened poli- | cv. England would now gladly retrace her steps in reference to abolition. It is clear to the mind of her statesmen now, that they have transgressed .Nature’s law, and that the effects of this transgression lias recoiled, not upon America, but themselves. They see now the folly of supposing that the ne gro race will labor without being compelled, and that acts of Parliament can redeem the African from the sentence of the Divine Law, whose dictum is: “By the sweat, of thy brow j slialt thou earn thy bread.” But how is king- * land to retrace her steps ? The ruin she has [ caused is deep, wide-spread, and complete. I To reestablish slavery, would be a humiliat- j ing acknowledgement of her past folly. The I superstitious feelings which she has fostered ] in her midst, would be sufficient, perhaps, to ; | control any attempt her Parliament might j i make to recover the ground she lias lost. ; .. . i If slavery was abolished in the Southern i ! States of the Union, the trident of the sea j would again be placed in the hands of the com | manders of her merchant ships, and she would | again control the commerce of the world.— You of tlie South alone, of all the people, can prevent this. This power is in your hands, ;if you are only t rue to yourselves. This is the point to which all should turn their eyes. You possess advantages now—events are within your power, and which no people but you can control—which will make }’Ou the I mistress of the seas and of the world, by the peaceful arts of agriculture, manufactures, and i commerce. You cannot be controlled by the j art of war. The South contains nine millions of men, and cannot be subdued by aims. Ab j olition alone can arrest your progress, for the j African race can cultivate the lands upon the Atlantic border, so as to produce successfully ; the great staples upon which the manufac : tures and commerce of the civilized world de pend. England and the Northern States of this | Union see the great advantage of your posi tion, which the Creator has given you, and hence the war that is so unrelentingly wag ed against 3 T ou. Yon can brave it all, and triumph over it all, if yon will. The work is yours. You have the power to be mistress of the world; to control its commerce, its arts, and its manufactures; and to go on to a pros perity and renown unequalled by the nations j of the earth. The Abolition spirit has now been in ac tive operation seven years, in which time it | has made considerable progress. It looks i now to the Southern States of the Union, and seeks to achieve there in crowning victory, for in no other part of the world would aboli ! tion produce such mighty results of social or der, governments, civilization and commercial i supremacy. The disciples of Wilberforce crossed over ! into America, and brought with them their disorganizing ideas, and engrafted them upon the Northern portion of the American mind. And here, now this Abolition spirit pursues i its way with a step as steady as time; with an appetite as keen as death —insatiable as pestilence or the grave. A thousand presses are its willing and servile propagators. The secret has spread all over Europe and a large portion of America. A union between the two Continents, as illustrated by the World’s Convention in London, is established. Near ly half a million of emigrants from Europe ; land annually upon our shores, and swell the hosts which throng into a great Abolition I'old; and a motion has been made during the present session of Congress to give to each | emigrant, upon bis arrival, a quarter section of land. Our public domain, purchased by the blood and treasure of our people, to which the South has contributed far more than an equal share, is to be partitioned out to feed the Hame that lias been kindled to consume ; you. A great struggle is now going on to force the people of the South to adopt the creed of the universal equality of the human races, and to carry the idea into practical ef fect by placing the three million of African negroes at the South upon a footing of so- I cial and practical equality with the white man; and this is sought to be done, too, when ; all must see, that if it be done, an extermina ting war between the two races must follow, as in St. Domingo, which war must continue j —unless foreign aid should interpose—until one of the races is exterminated. It now devolves upon you to arrest this storm that is gathering for your overthrow. All see the advantage of your position—the greatness, as people, which awaits you, and hence the combined effort to stop your pro gress. i The States of this Union are distinct, and ought to be in fact, as they are in theory, independent sovereignties. Each of these States where slavery now exists is unwilling to abolish it. It is therefore demanded by the Abolitionists that the General Govern ment shall assume jurisdiction over the ques tion of slavery, that this impediment may be removed. Upon this question the North have consolidated against the South, one section against the other, the most dangerous mode of consolidation that can possibly be affected. The Congress has been flooded for the last twenty vears with Abolitionists, demanding that supreme jurisdiction over slavery shall be assumed, and the majority, thus united, concede to the general government plenary, powers over the question. Congress has granted the prayer of the petitioners, and as sumed jurisdiction over the question in a va riety of forms, and to a perilous extent, and COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, JUNE 20, 1850. the Southern States now occupy a position, as far as this Government is concerned, but lit. tie more favorable than that in which the British Colonies stood in relation to the Brit ish Parliament. All the Northern States, con stituting a large majority of the people of these , States, have united to abolish slavery, the on- : Iv question upon which they ever could unite. Abolition has ceased to be a party question in Congress. The same thing occurred, up- i on the same subject, in the British Parliament. Wilberforce exerted all his influence to ac * complish this union of parties. He urged the necessity of it upon the Abolition question himself, in the House of Commons, and Lord Greenville in the House of Peers. The ef forts succeeded. It was solemnly agreed that abolition should not be a party question, and the agreement was called “the truce of God.” llow striking the parallel now pre -1 seated by the present position of parties in Congress. !. The Abolition party in America have now got undisputed control of the general govern ment, atid American Parliament has assumed • jurisdiction over the question of slavery.— One object and design of the scheme, that the North shall give laws to the South, and that these laws shall be framed upon the idea of the universal equality of the human races; of which the North are now the propagandists in America. This creed must be practically enforced by the military power of the Union, if necessary, that the white man may be pull ed down to the level of the lowest negro.— Seward, of New York, presented a petition in the Senate a few days ago, praying Con gress to pass a law to have all the negroes in I he South, between the ages of eighteen and ; fortv-five-years, enrolled in the militia. j What do you think of black drill Sergeants, | Majors, Colonels, &c ? A negro lawyer is ; now practicing law in Boston, and another j acting as a justice of the Peace. The Euro i pcan idea of “liberty, fraternity, and equality,” iis still progressing. Where will it end l By the late treaty with Mexico, a vast a | mount of territory was acquired by the Unit !ed States. The General Government, which jis now, to all practical purposes, an aboli tion government, assumes jurisdiction over the question of slavery within the limits of this-territory, and the abolition party have re solved that slavery shall be excluded from it all. The South, by the authoritative acts of their Legislatures, have entered their solemn protest against this unjust and dis crimination between different sections of the Union, which, by indirection, is a war upon : the most sacred rights of the South, and in volves the existence of her social and politi cal institutions. The agitation of the dues tions involved in the gretit controvercy has produced much excitement in the public mind, threatening the dissolution of the Union. In the midst of this excitement, both in and out of Congress, a resolution was introduced into the Senate, referring the whole matter to a Select Committee of Thirteen, to report a plan for the settlement of the question. Os this committee, Mr. Clay, of Kentucky, was made Chairman, and lie has reported to the Senate liis plan of settlement. And what is the plan by which this great question is to be settled, and peace and harmony restored to the Confederacy ? I will proceed to show. The propositions are: First, to admit Cal ifornia into the Union with the boundaries she has thought proper to adopt. Second, to provide Territorial Governments for Utah and New Mexico, without the Wilmot Pro viso. Third, to purchase of the State of Tex as a portion of her territory, containing a geographical area of 79,000,000 of acres, for the sum of millions of dollars, the blank to be filled, so as to read fifteen millions of dollars. Fourth, the slave trade to be abol ished in the District of Columbia. Fifth, that the law of 1798, for the extradition of fugi tives, to be amended so as to give the runa way negro light of trial by jury at the resi dence of his master, to decide the question of his freedom. Now, the first iniquity which presents itself to the mind is, what does this plan of settlement concede to the just de mands of the South 2 The South will be as tonished. perhaps, to hear the only answer that can be truly given. It not only concedes nothing to the South, but it goes far beyond any step ever before made in concession to (he North. It concedes more than the North ever have at any time before demanded. It proposes to abolish slavery over a large tract of territory where slavery now actually exists. It admits California into the Union with the Wilmot Proviso in her Constitution, and therefore abolishes slavery in California, for there are slaves there now. It provides Ter ritorial Governments for Utah and New Mex ico without the Wilmot Proviso. But why ? Is this a concession to the South 2 Every leading statesman ofthe North, and Mr. Clay", and those who act with him in the South, de clare that slavery is already excluded from these territories by the law abolishing slavery in Mexico. Mr. Clay says in his report that these territories must soon come into the Un ion as free States, and that slavery will be ex cluded from them. Indeed all the inhab itants of the territorial district have been giv en to understand distinctly that they need not apply for admission into the Union, unless they do exclude slavery. According, there fore, to Mr. Clay’s own construction of his plan of adjustment, slavery will be excluded from all our Mexican conquests, and he urges this as a reason why his plan should be adopted. If this be done, does it matter to us how ? Is it not more manly, more mag nanimous, more becoming the dignity and character of a great people, for their Govern ment to act openly, rather than to accomplish its measures by fraud and knavery ? So far, therefore, nothing is conceded to the South. We are not defeated in a manly, bold and open conflict, but cheated out of our rights on every point in controversy. Next in order is the purchase from Texas, a slave State, of 79,000,000 of acres. If this territory be purchased, it will thereby be ta ken out ofthe compact of annexation, and placed under the jurisdiction of the abolition Government of the United States, and who can doubt for a moment that slavery will be abolished in it, and that it will be forced into at least three free States, and brought into the Union, for they can get into the Union no other way. This is one design ofthe scheme. That is, to take the Texian territory, abolish slavery in it, and dupe the South by making them contribute their share out of the public I treasury to pay for it. Mr. Clay holds to ; the doctrine that, if it be purchased, slavery will be excluded by Mexican laws. This proposed purchase, is in other respects, the most dangerous proposition which this ! Government has made in reference to slavery. J If this purchase be made, the precedent will be made also, that the Treasury of the Unit ed States may be subsidized to abolish slave- ; ry wherever it exists, or to bribe a State to | give up the institution, as was done in the ; ‘case of Portugal and Spain, bv the abolition- j ists of England. It is an effort to enlarge the jurisdiction of Congress over the question of slavery. The British Parliament exercis ed the same jurisdiction, and emancipated ! the slaves in the British Colonies at the cost of an hundred million of dollars, wrung from j the hard earnings of a down trodden race of j white people at home. This is a step of the j American Parliament in the same direction. It is among possible things, that the South in j twenty or thirty years to eome, will be taxed i to the amount of untold millions, to emanci- i pate her own slaves; for let it be born in j mind that the leveling system, of which 1 have spoken, recognisesno constitutional restraints. ! The will of the majority is the law. The ab olitionists have long since ceased to reason, j and he who supposes they can be restrained i by conscientious scruples or notions of jus tice, knows nothing of the delusions into which fanaticism plunges the human mind. I What is deemed an extra measure now, will be so co nimon in ten years more as to cease attract attention. There is another feature of this proposition which I will now bring to your notice. When Texas was admitted into the Union, she owed a national debt of about ten millions of dol lars. She reserved her unappropriated lands to pay this debt. The bill proposing to pur chase these lands of Texas provides that the purchas money shall lie applied to the pay ment of this same debt. This proposition, which is in fact a gross insult to Texas, as it clearly implies that she cannot be trusted with the fund, to dispose of it as t her nation al faith shall demand, has in it another secret object. The evidence of the national debt of Tex as is in bonds. These bondsare held by many persons other than the citizens of Texas.— They have been brought up perhaps by ad venturous speculators, at great sacrifice be low their par value. The proposition to pay the money for these lands would, under any circumstances involve a design of bribery and corruption. To propose to pay it directly to those bond holders at the public treasury, is a direct attempt to bribe every Texas bond holderin the United States to the support of the whole scheme of adjustment, as a unit. Who are these bond holders? Are any of the high functionaries of Government stockhold ers in these bonds ? Who will answer this grave inquiry ? How many agents of these bond holders are lobby members, and who i throng the purilous of the capitol, ready to grasp the promised spoils? Tons of silver i and gold are at stake upon the issue made upon • Mr. Clay’s writ in partitition of the public | treasury. All of a sudden, the productions ! of a numerous list of our letter writers crowd ; the pages of the “Union,” who discourse elo quently about the proposed plan of capitula tion, and the South are in effect gravely told, that inasmuch as defeat is certain, they had better accept Mr. Clay’s plan of settlement, as it is framed to enable the South to surrender with the best possible grace. They in effect admit that it is an undisguised capitulation, but Mr. Clay, who is now the great Free Soil leader, magnanimously concedes to us the honor of marching from the field with our swords drawn, our drums beating, and our colors flying. ToMassena, the Marshal of France, a sim ilar concession was made at the siege of Ge noa. When his soldiers marched out of the j city, they were covered with rags and ver min. They looked like spectres of men, to such a deplorable condition were they reduc ed to famine and pestilence. They staggar ed under the weight of the arms, they had so nobly used, in defence of their country’s hon or. They deserve a better fate. But were I to accept in your name, the terms of capitu lation now offered by Mr. Clay, I should, in my judgement, deserve a worse fate. There is a government Jesuitism here as stringent as ever prevailed among the Jesuits and Jacobins of France in the days of the French Revolution. Every man from the j South who is true to his section, is put under the ban : and a host of vernal letter writers who swarm about the Capitol, are set upon him to write him down. The attempt at un mitigated bribery, involved in Mr. CLAv’splan of settlement, has increased this list of letter writers. The evil to which 1 refer is thus much increased in magnitude. A Southern man who stands boldly up for Southern rights, no matter how great his talents—how emin ent his services and his public virtue —will never again till the high offices of this Gov ernment. The price of Federal honors is treason to he South. The rewards of ambition and political proflgacs, exceed those of hon estly and public virtue. This will from hence forth be an established government creed. A great national party is now being organiz ed upon this idea. It will be composed of the aspirants for Federal honors, both North and South. It will be held togeter by the cohe sion of public plunder; and slavery must be given up rather than defeat the objects of this party organization. Its creed will include the proposition, that the Government must be sustained, right or wrong. The South has j her full quota of votaries in this party, slavery ! to the contrary notwithstanding. Hie emo luments and honors of Federal office will not j be given up to save the institution of slavery, ! or to prevent the honors which must inevita- ! bly follow in the bloody track of emancipa- | pation. It is this new organization which has ; caused the Southern column here to fall back, I in the retreat, since the commencement of! the present session. ! The next position is to abolish the slave trade ; in the District of Columbia. This is another concession to the Abolitionists. It is one of j the favorite measures of Joshua R. Giddixgs. ‘ The abolition of the slave trade between the j States, and emancipation in the district of; Columbia, come next in regular course of events, for this government is in the hands of the abolition party, and will take jurisdiction 1 over these questions in their order. Tlius it is clear that all concessions are to the Aboli tionists. And lam persuaded that there will be no more concessions to the South until in ■ fluences, not yet restored to, are brought to j bear upon the question. The next proposition is to amend the law of 1703, for the extradiction of fugitives. The owners of a raunaway negro is to be requir- j ed to enter bond at the North, when his slave is arrested, guaranteeing to the negro ithe ! right ot trial by jury at home, at the place | from which he fled, that an issue may be made 1 up between the negro and his master, and sub mitted toa jury to decide the question of fact, : whether he. is bond or free. The slave is to | be permitted to go to law with his master in ! the District Courts of the United States. The ! negro and his master at the South are to be come plaintiff and defendant before the Courts iof the Country. What is this but granting to I the slaves important civil rights, and arming him with the power of the Federal Courts | against his master, in vexatious suits, involv ing heavy costs ? Who are to pay the ex penses of litigation on the negro's side of the case ? A more insulting proposition has nev er been submitted to the citizens of my State. Does not this proposition confer upon the slaves of the South the rights of citizenship. Samvel Hoar, the Massachusetts Envoy to South Carolina during the administration of Gov. Hammond, asked no more than this, j and he was instantly expelled from the State. | Apart from all these propositions the North- | I ern part of the proposed law cannot be en- j : forced. Mob law, as heretofore, will prevent , it. Law never has been, and never will be eu j forced, that are overruled by a public opinion j stronger than the law. To make extradic | tion laws of any avail to the owners of slaves, | public opinion at the North must first be J changed. Who will be responsible for this change? Abolition cannot be restrained in its reck- i ; less career by resolves written upon parch ! ment. When the history of these times shall | be written, this fact will have a prominent * place upon its page. Who has submitted this report as a con cession to the South, and which is the basis upon which is to be organized the great na tional part of office seakers and office holders, j and whose special benefit this government is I from henceforth to perform its functions ? ! Who has drawn up these articles of Southern ! capitulation and surrender? Henry Clay, who on the late occasion, wrote and publish ed a plan for the prospective emancipation of the negroes of Kentucky. Who wrote a a letter to a Free Soil Convention in the State \ of Ohio, declaring that he was unalterably I opposed to the extension of slavery into ter- S ritory now free and who exclaimed, in his I place in the Senate, since the commencement of the present session. “God forbid, that I should ever give my vote for the extension of slavery.” And more still, who said yesterday in the Senate, that it is idle for the South to suppose that she can maintain her equality in the Union. Mr. Clay is not the man to lead the South out of the sea of trouble which sur | rounds us. Uis the policy of the abolition ! party to present only weak issues to the South I upon which they cannot unite for resistance. | They are playing this game with consumate | ability, and they are now aided by Southern S men of the great office seeking national par ity. Their policy is that of the skillful gen | eral. They intended to take first, all the out posts on the frontiers-.of the enemy’s country. J Exclude slavery from all the territorial dis tricts, and then to draw their parallels closer around us. As soon as they see the spirit of resistance rising, efforts are cautiously made to lull the rising storm. The feelings at the South are thus let down, and the fire of re sistance put out. This is the most fatal pol icy that can be pursued towards us. The system of Republican Government and man | ners formed at the close of the Revolutionary [ struggle, is going rapidly into decay. Cor- ruption stalks abroad at noon day with un blushing boldness. Men are ready to sell the freedom of their country for titles, equipage and distinctions. The millions of public mon ey that pour into the coffers of the Govern ment now, is scattered broadcast over the Union, to buy men to the support of its meas ures. This is not new with the Governments of the world. Kings and Emperors do the same thing, and we will in the end see the j evil and fallacy of supposing our government agents are honester than those of other conn- ‘ tries. When Henry Brougham took his : seat in the . British House of Commons, the ] throne of England’s King soon trembled un der the blows he struck for the rights of Brit ish subjects. But British gold soon hushed his voice! Henry Brougham was convert ed into Lord Brougham by the King’s pat j ent. Garters and crosses decorated his per j son, and the great seal of the Kingdom and i ten thousand pounds a year, silenced forev !or the magic voice of the people’s great | champion and advocate. The same policy is pursued here now with a firm and steady step. England and France, at no period of the j reign of their King’s, ever played this game j with more ability, or with greater disregard I to the rights of the people, than the govern- ! ment here is playing it now. An ample mini- ] her of Southern men fall into the vortext of j ambition thus opened. If the people of the i South would save themselves from ignominy : and ruin, they should look to this in time. j The abolition of slavery’ has at all times i been demanded by a people living at a re- J I mote distance from the place which slavery j existed. The power which abolished slavery | in the remote Isles of Europe, Asia, and A : merica, held its Court three thousand miles ! off'. That is our condition now. The Aboli | tion party of the North live at a remote dis- ; tance from us, and carry on their schemes i ! without being amenable to our laws. They j 1 guardedly keep beyond our jurisdiction, so ! | that the penalties of our statues, framed to : i protect the rights of our people, cannot be | j enforced against the criminal disturbers of our j peace. The powerful engine of the press as- ‘ : sails us at a thousand assailable points. The : general Government, which I repeat, is now’ , I under the unrestricted control of the Aboli- j ; tionists, is turned against us by the fanatical : functionaries of the North, and this engine j too, the most powerful of all, pours in its fire upon us, and we cannot return it. We are thus defenceless, as far as this ’ Government is concerned, from the mode of i warfare w r aged aginst us. ; Our ranks are continually tinned by deser | tion in a struggle in which the odds against | !us grow greater and greater every day. E- j ven the right of petition, tnat we are apt to | regard as sacred, but as now claimed by the j North, and exercised without restraint, in- j volves the monstrous absurdity of a people j living fifteen hundred miles off, petitioning ; Congress to relieve another people from an evil which they do not feel, and the very exis- | tence of which they deny. The facts I have presented are facts of hio j torv. They do not rest upon me, therefore, for their authority. Can any sane man, who will give due weight to the consideration* here presented, for a moment suppose that this abolition spirit will stop of its own aecord All Europe and America are aware of the im mense adventages of your institutions and posi tion, and that, if permitted to go on in the march of greatness, you will hold in your hands the commercial trident of the seas, and control the commerce of the world. You are, there fore, to be held back here. Your greatness, the fertility of your soil, your industrial pur suits, your agricultural, mineral, and manu facturing abilities and resources are not yet half developed—they are but in their infancy, and you are but in the infancy of your great ness. In the Southern section of the Union, constitutional liberty itself is destined to find its last retreat—last resting place upon this Continent. You have, within your own bor ders, a self sustaining power that makes your own will the law of your own future destiny, and that of your children forages yet to come. It is for you to say whether abolition shall go on to its accomplishment, or not. If you uo not arrest it, who will? The people of the South alone have the moral courage to arrest it The question is with them, and upon them rests the responsibility of the decision. The constitution of the United States is, to all practical purposes, a dead letter. The majority have repealed it, and it is among the things of the past. Another truth is clear. You will never have peaee, security, or repose, while this Central Government entertains jurisdiction over the question of slavery. This truth will be a part of the history of future times. If the South be true to themselves, they havo ! nothing to fear, but everything to hope. But I am profoundly impressed with the convic tion, that the South have nothing to hopo for from this Government. I have no reliable means of information up on which to found an opinion whether Mr. Clay’s plan of surrender will become a law or net. Any opinion I could give would be on ly conjecture. There is a probability I could | give would be only conjecture. There is a I probability that the Abolitionists may divide upon the question. Their difference of opin ion only applies to the mode by which their j plans are to be carried out, some of them pre | ierring Gen. Taylor’s plan to Mr. Clay’s. The | fate of the last certainly depends upon the extent of this difference of opinion, which 1 have no means of ascertaining. Hopes are entertained, however, that Mr. Clay’s plan will be defeated. If this be done, the test questisn will be upon the admission of Cali fornia. I think the South ought to make the admission of California the test question, whether in or out of Mr. Clay’s plan of ad justment. 1 have now expressed my views freely and candidly, and without reserve. Any other course would be alike unworthy of you as well as myself. It is my duty to lay before you every material fact involving your right* and interests here, and I have done this as far as my limits will permit. In conclusion I have only to remark that timid counsels will ruin any people. When the rights of a State are at stake, it is the part of wisdom to carry out with firmness and energy, a determined will and purpose to de fend them to the last. To act otherwise is to invite insult and aggression. Believing as I do, that this doctrine is not only right in it self, but that you also approve and sanction it, I shall, as far as I may be able, make it the rule ofmy conduct here, and wherever my duty calls me. He who yields, whilst there remains a single right to defend, is at all times unworthy of your trust and confidence, and more especially so in times like the present. The most animating occasions of human life are calls to danger and hardship, not invita tions to safety and ease; and fortitude and courage cannot find a more appropriate field of action than to lead a forlorn hope in the cause of hope and justice. My mind is undisturbed, therefore by des ponding fears. There is nothing so lull of peril as submission to insult and wrong. I am fellow-citizens, with very great respect, NO. 25. Your obedient servant, DANIEL WALLACE. Memory. What an inestimable blessing has been be stowed upon us by our all wise Creator in giving us minds endowed with this faculty of memory! O! of how many pleasures should we be deprived, w ere it not for the power w e possess of retaining and recalling the past. — How sweet it is to look back to the days of i chi(dhood, days of innocent and pleasant j passtime, and recall each scene hallowed by the name of Home. And with that name I comes a thousand tender rememberances, re collections of beloved parents, and affection ate brothers and sisters. And can the gen tle reproof, the kind admonition, be forgotten? I think not. Years may roll away, changes, many and great, may take place, yet theso will not be forgotten. Long years have passed since I saw the re mains of a beloved father consigned to the narrow tomb, yet the instructions received from the lips of that revered parent, and that eye which spoke a language to me, that words | could not speak, these will be remembered till | this heart has ceased its pulsation. Not only 1 the loved ones that made up that family cir cle but every spot connected with my child- I hood’s home, is near to my heart. O, Memo ! ry, thanks to thee that I am still |>ermitted to recall to mind the gladsome hours of youth, w hen all was bright and fair to my inexperi enced eye; and 1 dreamed not of caro or change, but hoped, yea, expected, it w ould : always last. Let us for a moment fancy our ! solves deprived of this faculty ot the mind. — | No ray of the past w'ould then send its cheer ; mg beam to brighten the feature ; alt would he dark and uncertain. O, then, let us prise I this invaulable gift, remembering it was given I for our use, and not abuse; aud may we so I live, that when we view the catalogue of tho i past, we may have no occasion bolt Irom 1 memory’s page the record ol misdeed, of wick ed thoughts, or idle words. —Boston Cultivator. *_ A Boston paper says that by the breaking off of the bead of the letter h, a very tempting advertisement to invest in certain Railroad stock was entitled “Purchase of Railway Snares.” i Can’t get a Chance to Fire. —“Mike, why don’t you fire at those ducks, boy—don’t you see you have got the whole flock before your gun f” “I know I have, but when I get good aim at one, two or three others will swim right betwixt it and me.” “Joe,” said a Joppa dame to her hopeful 1 son, who followed the piscatory profession, ; “do, dear, fix up a little; you look very slov : enly. O, what an awful thing it would be, if j you should get drowned looking so!” “These Califony fellers talk about going round the horn!” soliloquized fekeesicks, the other night, on the canal bridge—“ Ketch mo going round the horn, I never went round a horn in my life! Venever I find one in my wav I allcrs drinks it up—l docs ”