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THE SOUTHERN SEMT.MIL Is published every Thursday Morning, XX COLUMBUS, GA. LY WILLIAM H. CHAMEEE3, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. To \\ hem all communications must be directed, post paid Ojficc on Randolph Street. Terms of Subscription. One copy twelve months, in advance, - - $2 50 •• <• “ IS ot m advance, -3 on - 150 Where the subscription is not paid durine the vear, !5 cents will be charged for every month’s delay. subscription will be received for less than six month I ',and none discontinued until all arrearages are paid, except at the option of the proprietor. To Clubs. Five copies twelve months, - 810 00 Ten “ “ ... 16 00 tW The money from Clubs must in all cases ac company the names, or the price ot a single subscription will be charged. Rates of Advertising. One Square, tir-t insertion, - $1 00 “ “ Each subsequent insertion, - 50 A liberal deduction on tliese terms will be made in favor ot those who advertise by the year. Advertisements not specified as to time, will be pub lic! eJ t. ! far hid, and charged accordingly. Monthly Advertisements will be charged as new Ad verasemcut3 at each insertion. I.egal Advertisements. N. R—Sales of Lands, by Administrators, Ex ecutors, or Guardians, are required by law to be held on the first Tuesday in the. month, between the hoursof 10 in the forenoon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court House in the county in which the land is situated. No tices of tliC'C stiles mu'-t be given in a public gazette ;>la7y days previous to the day of sale. Sales of Negroes must be made at a public auction on the first Tuesday of the month, between the usual hours of ■ ale, at the place of public sales in the county whore the Letters Testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship, may have been granted, first giving sixty days notice thereof in one ot the public gazettes ot this State, and at the door of the Court House, where such tales are to be held. Notice for the sale of Personal property must be given tn like maimer forty days previous to the day of sale. Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an estate must be published forty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land, must be published for FOlTt MONTHS. Notice for leave to sell Negroes must be published lor four months, before any order absolute shall be made thereon by the Court. Citations for Letters of Administration, must bo pub lutlied thirty days—for dismission from administration, monthly six months —for dismission tiom Guardianship, forty days. Rui.es for the foreclosure of a Mortgage mud he pub lished monthly for four months —for establishing lost papers, for the full space of three months —lor com pelling titles from Executors or Administrators, where a Rond has been given by the deceased, the full space ot THREE MONTHS. Publication.! will always he continued according to these legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered. SOUTHERN SENTINEL Job Office. If AVING received anew and extensive assortment 1 of Job Material, we arc prepared to execute at tills office, all orders for JOB WORK,in atnannerwhich can not be excelled in the State, on very liberal terms, and at the shortest notice. We feel confident of our ability to give entire satisfac tion in every variety of Job Printing, including Hooks, Business Cards, Pamphlets, Bill Heads, Circulars, Blanks of every description, Hand Bills, Bills of Lading, Posters, dyu. • In short, all descriptions of Printing which can be ex ecuted at any office in the country, will be turned out with elegance and despatch. Marble Works, East side Broad St. near the Market House, COLUMBUS, GA. HAVE constantly on hand all kinds of Grave Stones Monuments, Tombs and Tablets , ot American’ Italian and Irish Marble. Engraving and caning done on stone in the best possible manner; and ail kinus of Granite Work j\ S. Plaistcr of Paris and Cement, always on hand for sale. - Columbus, March 7, 1850. 10 tt NORTH CAROLINA Kutual Life Insurance Company. LOCATED AT RALEIGH. N. C. HP HE Charter of this company gives important advan- I tttges to the assured, over most other companies. The husband can insure lus own life for the sole use and benefit of his wife and children, free from any other claims. Persons who insure for life participate in the profits which are declared annually, and when the pre mium exceeds ?30, may pay one-halt in a note. Slaves arc insured at two-thirds their value lor one or five years. Applications for Risks may be made to 1 JOHN MINN. Agent. Columbus, Ga. t C/’ Office at Greenwood A Co.’s Warehouse. Nov. 13,18-19. ___ “ TO RENT, rpJLL the first daj of January next. The old printing I office room ot the “Muscogee Democrat’ Apply at this ollice. “■ ~ County Surveyor. THIH undersigned informs his friends and the Planters JL of Muscogee county, that he is prepared to make offi dal surveys in Muscogee county. Letters addressed to Post Office, Columbus, will meet with prompt atten tion \YM. r ofc.KKr.L.L., County Surveyor. Office over E. Barnard A Co.'s store, Broad St. Columbus, Jan. 31,1850. 3 y M RS. BA R DWELT a ITTOULD inform the Ladies of Columbus and its \ V vicinity, that she has just returnedGrom New \ ork with a handsome stock ot MILLINERY . LACL C Vl'F.S.&c . and trusts the Ladies will give iur an early cull. She opened on VVednesday. , April 11, 1850. n _ TEAS! TEAS! DIRECT from the “Canton Tea Company,'’ just re ceived and & REDD, Feb. 7, 1850. 6 11 NOTICE. rpHE firm name of “M. H. DessauAgentF tschanged, 1 from tins date, to M- . UEtbAL. Columbus, Feb. 7, 1800. Williams, Flewellen & Williams, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. May 23, 1850. 21 J. JOHNSON, attorney at law, RANDOLPH STREET, COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. “1T T II.L practice in the Chattahoochee Circuit and \ \ the adjacent counties in Alabama. Columbus, Jure 13, 1850. ~ 4 A* j a Globe Hotel, BUENA VISTA, MARION CO., GA. BY J. WILLIAMS. March 14,1550. 11 ts Williams & Howard, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. JtOBT. R. HOWARD. CHAS. J. WILLIAMS. April 4,1850. . 14 J. I>. LENNARD, ATTORNEY AT LAW, TALBOTTON, GA. WILL attend to business in Talbot and tlio adjacent counties. All business entrusted to his care will meet with prompt attention. ’ April 4,1850. _ 14 4 V KING & WINNEMORE, Commission Merchants, MOBILE, ALABAMA. Dee. 20, 1849. [Mob. Trib.] 15 ts THIS PAPER IS MANUFACTURED RY TIIL Rock Island Factory, NEAR THIS CITY. Columbur, Feb. 23,1950. 9 ts YOL. I. ADDRESS To the People of Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Flori da, Alabama, Tennessee, Kentucky, Lou isiana, Texas, Missouri, Mississippi, and Arkansas : Fellow Citizens: In obedience to the commands of those we represent, we have assembled together to confer with each other concerning your rela tion with the general Government and the non-slaveholding States of the Union, on the subject of the institution of Slavery. We deem it proper to lay before you as briefly as the subject will permit, the result of our de liberations and councils. In order that your condition may be un derstood, and the conclusions at which we have arrived be justly appreciated, it is neces sary briefly to refer to a few past transac tions. It is now sixteen years since the institution of Slavery in the South began to be agitated in Congress and assailed by our sister States. Up to that time, the people of the Northern States seem to have respected the rights re served to the Southern States by the Consti tution, and to have acted under the convic tion, that the subject of slavery being beyond the legislation of Congress, all agitation with respect to it on the part of Congress, was equally forbidden by the Constitution. But at this time, a portion of the people of the North began to assail, in Congress, the insti tution of slavery; and to accomplish their object of dragging it into the vortex of con gressional agitation, they claimed the tight of petitioning Congress upon all subjects what soever. Asa petition is only the fii-st step in legislation, it was clear that a right to petition a legislative body, must be limited by its pow ers of legislation. No one can have a l ight to ask of another to do that which he has no moral or legal right to do. Nor can any tri bunal have the power to receive and consider any matter beyond its jurisdiction. The claim therefore to present petitions to Con gress on the subject of slavery, was consid ered by the Southern Representatives gener ally, as an attempt indirectly, to assume juris diction over the subject itself, in all parts of the Union. • The object, without disguise, was the overthrow of slavery in the States; but our assailants framed the petitions pre sented, chiefly against Slavery in the District of Columbia and our Territories, and against what they call the internal Slave trade—that is, the transmission of slaves from one South ern State to another. Conscious of the fatal tendency of the agitation of Slavery in Con gress, to destroy the peace and stability of the Union, an effort was made, supported by a large portion of the Northern Representa tives, to suppress it bv a rule in the House of Representatives, which provided, that all pe titions on the subject of slavery, should be neither considered, printed, or referred. This rule was assailed by the people of the North ern States, as violating that clause of the Constitution which prohibits Congress from passing laws to prevent the people from peaceably assembling and petitioning for a re dress of - grievances. In December, 1844, this rule fell before the almost unanimous voice of the North; and thus the unlimited power of introducing and considering the sub ject of slavery in Congress, was asserted. In the meantime, the course of the Northern people showed clearly, that the agitation of slavery in Congress was only one of the means they relied on to overthrow this insti tution throughout the Union. Newspapers were set up amongst them, and lecturers were hired to go abroad to excite them against slavery in the Southern States. Organiza tions were formed to carry off slaves from the South, and to protect them by violence from recapture. Although the Constitution re quires that fugitive slaves, like fugitives from justice, should be rendered up by the States to which they may have fled, the legislatures of almost every Northern State, faithless to this treaty stipulation between the States, passed laws designed and calculated entirely to defeat this provision of the Constitution, without which the Union would have never existed, and by these laws virtually nullified the act of 1794, passed by Congress to aid its enforcement. Not content with the agi tation of slavery in political circles, the North ern people forced it also into the religious as sociations extending over the Union, and pro duced a separation of the Methodist and Bap tist churches. The result of all these vari ous methods of assailing slavery in the South ern Suites, was, that it became the grand tonic of interest and discussion in Congress and out of Congress, and one of the most im portant elements of politics in the l nion. Thus an institution, belonging to the South ern States exclusively, was wrested from their exclusive control; and instead of that protection which is the great object oi all governments, and which the Constitution ot the United States guarantees to all the States and their institutions, the Northern States, and Congress under their control, combined together, to assail and destroy slavery in the South. The Southern States did nothing to vindicate their rights and arrest this course ot things. The Mexican war broke out; and instead of that patriotic co-operation ol all sections of the Union, which would have ta ken place in the better days ot the Republic, to bring it to a just and honorable conclusion, in the very first appropriation bill to carry it on, the North endeavored to thrust the sub ject of slaverv. Throughout the war, they kept up the agitation ; thus clearly manifest ing their determination that the General Gov ernment in none of its operations, internal or external, shall be exempted from the introduc tion of this dangerous subject. The war closed with honor, and an immense territory was added to the United States. Their pre vious threats were realized, and the non slaveholding States immediately claimed the right to exclude the people of the Southern States from all the territory acquired, and to appropriate it to themselves. If this preten sion arose from a mere lust of power, it would be hard to bear the superiority and mastery it implies. It would degrade the Southern States from being the equals of the Northern States, to a position of colonial in ferioritv. But when your exclusion is not j trom a mere lust of power, but is only a fur | ther step in the progress of things, aiming at j the abolition of slavery in the States, by the i extension and multiplication of non-slavehold i ing States m the Union, the pretension is seen !to be as alarming as it is insulting. The Southern States, in their Legislatures, set j forth with great unanimity the rights in our ! territories belonging to them in common with ®J )t Smtytxn .Sentinel the Northern States, and declared their deter mination to maintain them; and finding in the Northern States no disposition to abate their demands, the Convention in which we are assembled, has been brought together to | take counsel as to the course the Southern ! States should pursue, for the maintenance of i their rights, liberty and honor. Such is a brief, but imperfect statement of past transactions; and they force upon us the ‘.question, in what condition do they place the ; Southern States? And first, what is their j condition in Congress ? The time was when your Representatives in Congress, were nei ther offered, nor would they endure reproach in your behalf. But for many years past, they have heard you in Congress habitually reviled by the most opprobrious epithets on account of the , institution of slavery. If their spirits are yet unbroken, they must be chilled by a sense of humiliation at the insults they daily receive as your representatives. Aou are arraigned as criminals. Slavery is dragged into every debate, and Congress has become little else, than a grand instrument in the hands of abo litionists to degrade and ruin the South. In stead of peace and protection, aggression and insult on the South characterize its proceed ings and councils. And what is your condi ■ tion, with respect to vour sister States? YV :iere is that respect and comity, which (due from all nations toward each other) is more especially* due from States bound to gether in a confederacy, and which was once displayed in all their intercourse. Instead of i respect and sympathy—denunciation and hostility, on account of your institution of slavery, have for past years characterized the communications addressed to you by the Northern States. And what is your condi tion in the Union? The non-slaveholding States stand combined, not only to wrest from you your common property, but to place upon your front, the brand of inferiori ty. You are not to extend, on account of I your institutions, but they are to increase and multiply, that the shame and sin of slavery, may by their philanthropic agency, be extin guished from amongst you. But the worst feature of your condition is, that it is progres- j sire. As low and humiliating as it now may j : be, it is destined, if not arrested, to “a lower i deep.” Every efl’ecl is a cause, and the spir- I it of fanaticism brooks no delay in the pro gress it creates. 1 f you were to yield every j thing the North now requires—abolish slave : ry in the District of Columbia—submit to be legislated pirates lor conveying slaves from j one State to another—let trial by jury and the writ of Habeas Corpus, wrest from you in the Northern States every fugitive slave— give up all your territories to swell Northern arrogance and predominance—would things stop there ? These are all means aiming at one great end—the abolition of slavery in the States. Surrendering one of these means you will but inflame the power by which an- | other will be exacted—and when all are con quered, will the evil be arrested ? In fifty years, twenty new non-slaveholding States may be added to the Union, whilst some which are now slaveholding, may become non-slave holding States. There then, will be no need as now, openly to put aside the constitution to reach their object. If they will deign to do it, the non-slaveholding States will then have the power by two thirds in Congress and then three fourths of the States, to amend the constitution, and then have its express ! sanction to consumate their policy. Your condition is progressive. If from the past transactions we have nar rated, we learn our condition in the Union— \ they teach us also that our past policy of non-action and submission to aggression can ! not bring us peace and safety. When the doors of Congress were thrown open to agi tation on the subject of slavery, if the South ern States had moved with energy to avert a state of things unconstitutional itself, and surely tending to bring the slave-holing and ! non-slaveholding State in collision—altho’ . late, it might not have been too late to stop | subsequent encroachments upon our rights. But the Southern States were passive: and j their forbearance has had the effect of inspir ing the Northern people with the belief, eith ! ther that we value a union with them more | than we value the institution of slavery or that we dare not move from a conscious ina bility to protect ourselves. You have ungen -1 erously stood still, whilst your supporters and i the defenders of the Constitution in the north i ern States, in their efforts to protect you from the agitations of slavery in Congress, have been politically annihilated or have turned ; foes. Y r on have tamely acquiesced—until, to hate and persecute the South, has become ‘ a high passport to honor and power in the Union. You have unwisely stood still, whilst year after year the volume of anti-slavery pol icy aud sympathy has swollen into unanimity throughout all the non-slaveholding States, and the sections of the Union now are in stern collision. You have waited, until the Con i stitution of the United States is in danger of I : being abolished—or of becoming what the j ; majority in Congress think proper to make it. ; That great principle on which” our system of ; free government rests —of so dividing the pow ers of Government —that to a common Gov ; eminent, only those powers should be grant ed, which must affect all the people compos ing it, equally in their operation—whilst all : powers over all interests local or sectional, I should be reserved to local or sectional gov ernments—is in danger of being uprooted from their Constitution. Local and sectional interests absorb the time and business of Congress, and thus, a sectional despotism, to taHy irresponsible to the people of the South | —constituted of the Representatives in Con gress from the non-slaveholding States—ig j norant of our feelings, condition and institu j tions—resigns at Washington. These are the : fruits of y#ur past. forbearance and submis | sion. If we look into the nature of things, such results will not seem to be cither new or strange. There is but one condition, in which one people can be safe under the dominion of another people; and that is when their inter ests are entirely identical. Then, the domin ant, cannot oppress the subject people, with- j out oppressing'themselves. The identity of interest between them, is the security for right | government. But as this identity can scarce ly ever exist between any two people, histo ry bears but one testimony as to the-fate of a subject people, They have always been compelled to minister to the prosperity and aggrandizement of their masters. If this has always been the case under the ordinary dif ference, of interests and feelings which exist COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, JUNE 27, 1850. between States, how much more certainly must the experience of history be realized, be tween the people of the Northern and South ern States. Here is a difference of climate and productions throughout a territory stretch ing along the whole belt of the temperate zone, affecting the pursuits and characters of the people inhabiting it. But the great dif ference—the one great difference—the great est which can exist among the people, is the institution of Slavery. This alone sets apart the Southern States as a peculiar people— with whom independence as to their internal policy, is the condition of the existence. They must rule themselves, or perish. Every col ony in the world where African slavery ex isted, with one exception, has been destroyed; and if this has been the case under the old and affete governments of Europe, will it not prevail under the deminion of the restless peo ple of the Northern States? They do not practically recognise the inferiority of the Af rican to the Caucasian races. They do not realize, because the circumstances of their condition do not compel them to realize, the impossibility of an amalgamatiion between the races. Exempt from the institution of slavery, it is not surprising that their sympa thies should be against us, whilst the dogma on which they profess to build their system of Free government— the absolute rule is the majority — leaves no barrier to their power in the affairs of the General Government, and leads them to is consolidation. Religion too, false or real—fires their enthusiasm against an institution, which many of its professors believe to be inconsistent with its principles and precepts. To expect forbearance from such a people, under such circumstances, to wards the institution of slavery, is manifestly vain. If they have been false to the compact made with us in the constitution, and have allowed passion and prejudice to master rea son, they have only exemplified that frailty and fallibility of our nature, which has pro duced the necessity of all governments, and which, if unchecked, ever produces wrong. The institution of slavery having once enter ed the popular mind of the non-slaveholding States, for action and contol, the rest is in evitable. If unrestrained by us, they will go on, until African slavery will be swept from the broad and fertile South. The nature of things therefore, independent of experience, teaches us that there can be no safety in sub mission. To submit to evils, however great, whilst they are endurable, is the disposition of every people—especiall y of an agricultural People living apart, and having no association in their pursuits. But the responsibility of pre serving a free government rests with all its members, whatever may be their pursuits, and not alone with those who have the power or the will to destroy it. A minority, by sub mission, may as much betray the constitution, as a majority by aggression. The constitu tion does not protect a majority; for they have all the powers of the government in their hands and can protect themselves. The lim itation ofa constitution are designed to pro tect the minority—those who have no power, against those who have it. Hence, the great motive and duty of self-protection is peculiar to a minority, independent of that faith to the constitution which they owe in common with the majority. They must protect themselves, and protect the conititution: and if they fail in this double duty, they are at least as cul pable as those who, in aggression upon their rights, overthrow the constitution. And the public opinion of the world is in conformity with these views. The oppressor is hated— but the unresistingly oppressed is despised. More respect follows the tyrant, than the slave who submits to his power. The south ern States, therefore, although a majority, are not exempt from the responsibliity of pre serving the constitution, and, in preserving it, to protect themselves. In what way will they preserve the consti tution and protect themselves ? Asa general rule, it is undoubtedly true, that when, in a government like ours a con stitution is violated by a majority, who alone can violated it in matters of legislation, it can not be restored to its integrity through the ordinary means of the government; for these means, being under the control of the majori ty, are not available to the minority. It is for this reason, that frequent elections of our ru lers take place in our system of free govern ment, in order that the people, by their direct intervention, may change the majority. But this resource cannot avail us in the violations of the constitution, which now press and har ass the South. By changing their represen tatives, how can the people of South-affect the majority in C Dngress aud restore the consti tution? Their Representatives are true; and have done all that men can do, to preserve the constitution from the aggressions of the ma jority. Removing them, and putting other Representatives in Congress, could have no effect in restoring the constitution. It has been broken by the representatives of the peo ple of the northern States, who sustain them in their violations of the constitution. It is clear that the ballot-box in the South is pow erless for its protection. And the same caus es which induced the violations of the consti tution by the northern majority, prevents its restoration to its integrity. Throughout the northern States, there has been no indication of any change in their policy. On the con trary, the majority against the South is great er in the present Congress than in the last, following the usual course of every success ive election for years past. Nor have we seen in the action of the States, with few ex ceptions, any proof of a returning sense of justice to us, or of reverence for the constitu tion. Several of them, lest false inferences might be drawn as to their position, have ta ken care lately to reiterate in the most offen sive forms their former declarations against our rights; and when a great Sepator, re presenting one of them, anxious for the per petuation of the Union, has ventured to ad vocate something of justice to the South, he has been rebuked by the Legislature of the State he represents, and virtually denounced for his fidelity to the constitution. This re source then, under the ordinary operations of the constitution, is of no avail. And how is it with the present Congress,the only other source ofredress in the usual administration of the con stitution ? For six months it has been in ses sion, and during this whole period of time slavery has been the absorbing topic of dis cussion and agitation. Yet nothing has been done to heal the discontents which so justly exists in the South, or restore a bleeding con stitution. All we have received has been bit ter dencunciaticnis of our institutions by many members of Congress, and threats to coerce us into submission. Although nothing has been done, a report has been made in the Senate by a committee of thirteen members, which is now pending in that body; and as the measures it proposes have been passed up on the South as worthy of her acceptance, we deem it proper to lay before you a brief consideration of the matters it contains. This Report embraces four distinct meas ures —Ist the admission of California as a State, with the exclusion of slavery in her constitution. 2d. Territorial Governments to | be erected over the territories of Utah and New Mexico, with nearly one half of Texas : to be added to the latter. 3d. The prohibi | tion of the slave trade in the District of Co lumbia ; and 4th., provisions for the recapture i of fugitive slaves in the non-slaveholding States. To understand whether these meas ures are consistent with our rights and wor thy of our acceptance, each of them must be ; considered separately. The South is excluded by the bill from the whole of that part of Californir lying on the Pacific, including one hundred and fifty thou sand square miles of territory; and in this is done bv the legislation of Concress, the mode in which it is done, is of no importance. Cal ifornia belongs to the United States, and all action by the individuals in that territory, whether from the United States or from the rest of the world, approaching the soil to themselves or erecting a government over it, is of no validity. They constitute a people in no proper sense of the term ; but are citi zens of the States or countries from which they have come, and to which they still owe their allegiance. When therefore Congress attempts to carry out and confirm the acts of these individuals, erecting California into a a state and excluding slavery therefrom, it is the same thing as if Congress had originally passed a law to this effect, without the inter vention of these individuals. The exclusion of slavery from California is done by the act of Congress, and by no other authority. The constitution of California becomes the act of Congress, and the Wilmot Proviso it contains, is the Wilmot Pro viso passed and enforced by the legislation of Congress. Here then, is that exclusion from this territory by the act of Congress, which almost every southern State in the Un ion has declared she would not submit to, plainly and practically enforced by this bill. A free people cannot be satisfied with the mode in which they are deprived of their rights. A sovereign State will disdain to en quire in what manner she is stripped of her property, and degraded from an equality with her sister states. It is enough, that the out rage is done. The mode is of little conse quence. There is therefore in the mode of extending the Wilmot Proviso over the terri tory of California presented by the bill, noth ing to mitigate the indignation of the south ern States, or to battle their determination to redress the wrong, if afflicted. They are ex cluded from the whole Territory of Califor nia, a Territory extensive enough to contain four large States. If the Constitution proposed by California contained nothing about slavery, would the North allow her to enter the Union l Such were the territorial bills proposed for Califor nia at the last Congress, but they rejected them, because the South was not excluded from this territory, in express terms. The inhabitants of this territory, have been left without any civil government, solely because the South would not consent to be legislated out of them with her institutions; and now this object is accomplished by the Constitu tion presented by California, these conserva tives—these advocates of law and order—are eager to admit her, without right or precedent, into the Union. We are aware of the incon veniencies the inhabitants of California may have suffered for want of a civil government established by Congress; and therefore, are prepared to yield much on account of the cir cumstances in which they have been plac ed. The next measure *is in perfect keeping with the first feature of “the report.” It takes from Texas, territory sufficient for two large States, and adds them to New Mexico. — What the bill contains with respect to slave ry will be of little consequence; for it is de signed that next winter New Mexico thus constituted, shall follow the example of Cali fornia, and to be admitted as a State wdth a Constitution excluing slavery from its limits —for without such exclusion she cannot hope to be admitted by the non-slaveholding States into the Union. The effect will he that ter ritory, over which slavery notv exists, equal to two states, will be wrested from the South, and will be given up to non-slaveholding States. The pretext is, that there is some doubt as to the boundaries of Texas. Texas by her laws, when she was admitted into the Union, had but one boundary towards the West, and that boundary was the Rio Grande. Congress in the resolutions admitting her in to the Union recognized this boundary, by laying down a line of limitation between the slaveholding and non-slaveholding States— (being the Missouri Compromise line of 36 deg. 30 min. parallel of North latitude) — through that very part of her territory, her right to which is now questioned. Her boun dary of the Rio Grande to its source along gave her this country; and was thus recog nised and ratified by the resolutions of annex ation. To vindicate this boundary for Tex as, a member of the Union, the Mexican war took place; and in the treaty of Guadaloupe Hidalgo, it w T as finally vindicated and settled, by a clause in treaty, designating the Rio Grande as the bohndarv between Mexico and the .United States. Thus by the laws of Texas, by the legislation of Congress, and by a solemn treaty of the United States, the Rio Grande is the western boundary of Texas.— Y et the pretension is set up, that her territo ry does not extend to within three hundred miles of the Missouri Compromise line, where Congress in receiving her into the Union, de termined that her territory should be divided between the slaveholding and non-slavehold ing States. Texas is the only State in the Union which has the solemn guarantee of the Government of the United States in eve ry possible form to her boundaries. et this is the Government which disputes them ; and under the pretext that they are very doubtful, proposes to take from her nearly one half of her territory. It is by virtue of such preten sions, that by the bill two States are to be ta ken from the southern and given to the north ern States; and this wrong is aggravated ; by compeUing us to pay for it, through the Treasury of the United States. It is undoubtedly proper, that Texasshould be quieted by a law ot Congress, plainly ac knowledging them. If after her boundaries are settled, she General Goversftieut, to carrv out the purposes of the constitution, or in good faith to fulfill all the obligations, the annexation of Texas to the Union requires, should think proper to purchase any territo ry from Texas, the arrangement may be un objectionable. But any arrangement con cerning her territories, which leaves a shade ofdoubtastotheright of the people of the south to enter any portion of the territory, which according to the terms of annexation are now free to them, neither Texas nor the General Govern met have any right to make. The terms of annexation constitute the compact of Union, between Texas and the other States ot the confederacy—and this compact secures irrevocably to the people ot the slaveholding States (he right ot entering with their proper ty all her territory lying south of tit) deg 30 min. north latitude—whilst from all her terri tory lying north of that line, they are exclu ded. The bill in the Senate makes no pro vision for carrying out these terms of the com pact, but leaves in doubt the right of the southern people, throughout all the territory proposed to be purchased ; whilst many who support the bill declare that in effect it excludes entirely the people of the Southern States from all the territory purchased, The least evil therefore the bill can bring to the people ol the Southern States on entering it, will be contention, harassment and litigation. But you will have a very inadequate con ception of the importance of the territory ta ken by the bill, it you confine your views to Texas. If you will look at the map of the United States, you will perceive the territory proposed to be surrendered by Texas lies throughout its whole extent along the wes tern frontier of the Indian territory. This is now a slaveholding country ; and must be considered as a part of the South. Place along their whole western boundary two non slaveholding States, and how long will the Indians be able to maintain the institution of slavery ? It the agency of Congress is not used, to abolish directly slavery in the Indian territory, this end can be easily accomplished by the very means now in operation against slavery in the southern States, which the In dian will have but little power to resist. The effect will be, that the Indian territory, large enough for two more States, will be controlled by the non-slaveholding States. Thus by these two points in the report, the South will lose four large States in California—two in Texas and two in the Indian territory. Nor is this all. The non-slaveholding State will be brought to the western boundary of Missou ri and Arkansas, along their whole extent, and will bound Texas on her whole northern and western frontier. Thus the southern States will be hemmed in by the non-slaveholding States on their whole western border—a pol icy which they have declared essential to the end of abolishing slavery in the southern States. What can compensate the South, for such enormous wrong and spoliation ? But this is not the end of your concessions by this report. We must not only yield to the interests, but the prejudices of the north ern people. Slavery existed in the District of Columbia when Congress accepted the cession of the territory composing it from the State of Maryland and Virginia. No one can suppose that Maryland and Virginia slave holding States now, could have designed to give Congress any power over the institution of slavery in this territory. Independently of the wrong to the people of the District, to emancipate their slaves, it would be an intol erable evil to have a District between them, where the emancipation prevails by the au thority of Congress. Congress, in the bill reported as a part of the so-called comprom ise, now begins the work of emancipation by declaring that if any slave is brought into the District for sale, he shall be “liberated and free.” If a slave is liberated because he is brought into the District, the next step, to lib erate him because he is in the District, is not difficult. The power to emancipate the slaves in the District of Columbia is thus claimed and exercised by Congress. Many of the ablest men of the South have denied that Con gress possesses, any such power, whilst all agreed, until lately, that for Congress to in terfere with this institution, whilst slavery ex isted in Maryland and Virginia, would be a gross breach of faith towards those States, and an outrage upon the whole South. How long will that facility which yields to the pre judice against the buying and selling of slaves be able to resist the greater prejudice which exists against the holding of slaves at all in the District of Columbia ? For all these sacrifices to the interests and prejudices of the people of the north the south is extended the last measure of the comprom ise—the fugitive slave bill as they propose to amend it. To understand the extent of the concession of the South receives on this point, we must look to the rights the consti tution confers. The framers of the Constitution were per fectly aware that the general government could have hut little power to secure to them their fugitive slaves in the non-slaveholding States. The whole internal police of a State must be under the control of the State, and by this chiefly could slaves be recaptured.— The Constitution therefore, not relying on the legislation of Congress alone, requires that a fugitive slave, escaping into a non slaveholding State, shall be “delivered upon claim of the party” to whom he belongs. Fu gitive slaves are put on the footing of fugitive criminals, and are to be delivered up by the State authorities. If these authorities do not enforce the requirements of the Constitution, and aid in the recapture and recovery of fu gitive slaves, Congress can do but little to enforce them. The bill providing for the co operation of the few officers of the I nited States Government in a Sttite, is practically quiet insufficient to accomplish its aim. V\ hat can they do in such a State as Pennsylvania, to recover fugitive slaves ? Yet if Congress does all that it can do by legislation, to en force the Constitution, it only does its duty to the south. There can be no concession or favor to the south, in giving her only what she has a right to have under the Constitu tion—unless, indeed, the Constitution for her has no existence. The bill then, is, in the first place, quite inadequate to restore to us oUr fugitive slaves, and in the second place, gives the south nothing but what she is enti tled to. If this was all, there would be noth ing in the bill which we should concede anything to the North But it is not all.— tender the pretext of*bc'.to ,v irg on us a ben efit, it perpetrates a usurptkm on the reserved rights of the States. It provides that a slave may arreign his master, by the authority of laws made by Congress, before the courts of the States and of the •Uilited States, to try his right to his freedom. If Congress can legislate at all between the master and slave in a State, where can its power be stayed ? It can abolish slavery in the States. *' r hus a power is assumed in the bill, which virtualty extends the jurisdiction of Congress over slavery in the States. And this is a benefit ;to the Boufh! Under a guise of a benefit, the bill is useless as a remedy—and worse than useless hi its usurpations. Such are the various measures which constitute tliis com promise. We do not believe that many of those in the Sooth, who at an early day, expressed a willingness to support it, had well considered its import, or ever contemplated supporting it witouf material amendments. We fully appreciate, and duly honor the motives of those who would restore tranquility to the j country, nor shall we impugn m any form i those who have assisted to frame or who have ! yielded a support to the measures. Why the non-slaveholding States do not support these measures, we are unable to understand, un less it be, that a haughty fanaticism, hi . Hated with success, disdains accomplishing its objects by indirection. If these measures, however, were really a compromise in which the South had equal gains with the North, it would be of doubtful expediency for the south to propose it-. Three times in Congress, dur ing this controversy, the South has proposed the Missouri compromise, which has been three times rejected by the North. Twice she has proposed a compromise by which she consented to leave it to the courts of the Unit ed States to determine her rights. Instead of | requiring sternly their recognition by Con-> | gress, fifteen sovereign States have consented j to be carried into the courts of the country, I and there to submit their sovereign rights in 1 a territory belonging to them, to their final ! arbitrament. Their humiliation did not win I the respect or confidence of the North and the proposition was twice rejected, j ‘The South, in our opinion, might accept | one other compromise, not because it is co- I extensive with our rights, but because it has | been twice sanctioned by those who have j gone before us. If the North offers the Mis ! souri Compromise, to extend to the Pacific Ocean, the South cannot reject it, provided,* distinct recognition of onr right to enter the territory south of 35 deg. 30 min. north lati tude, is expressed in the compromise. We j should take this line, as a partition line be j tween the two sections of the Union; and be | side this, nothing hut what the Constitution ; bestows. Although the Northern States would acquire by this compromise, three fourths of our vacant territory, they will have renounced the insufferable pretension of re ! stricting and preventing the extension of the South, whilst thev should extend indefinite ly. Having thus, fellow citizens, laid before you a statement of your condition—your rights— and the remedy which, under present, circum j stances, you should accept, we leave you for j a brief space of time. It is proper to state to you, that while we are unanimous in ap proving the resolutions accompanying this address, the Delegates to this Convention aio not entirely unanimous in approving all the arguments contained in it, particularly euch as relate to the compromise bill pending in the United States Senate, though none are in favor of that bill, unless it be amend ed in conformity with our resolutions, or in such manner as shall substantially secure to the South the right asserted in them. Until Congress adjourns, we cannot know what it will d0,,0r will fail to do. We must there fore meet again after its adjournment, to con sider the final condition in which it will leave you. We recommend to you, and extort you to send Delegates from every count}’ and dis trict in the Southern States to meet us-when we again assemble. It is no ordinary occa sion which has assembled us together. The Constitution, and the Union it created, bo long dear to your hearts, are to be preserved, and your liberties and your institutions main tain?d. Fidelity. —Never forsake a friend. When enemies gather round—when sickness falls on the heart—when the world is dark and chper : less—it is the time to try true friendship.— The heart that has been touched with the true gold will redouble its efforts when the friend is sad and iu trouble. Adversity tries real friendship.* They who turn from the i scene of distress, betray their hypocrisy, and ! prdve that interest only moves them. If you | have a friend who loves you—who has stu ! died your interest and happiness—be sure to i sustain him in adversity. Let him feel that : his former kindness is appreciated and that ! his love was not throwm away. Real fidelity may be rare, but it exists in the heart. Who has not seen and felt its pow er? They only deny its w orth and power who have never loved a friend, or labored to make a friend happy. The good and kind, the affectionate and virtuous, sec and feel the heavenly prin i ciple. They would sacrifice wealth and hon | or to promote the happiness of others, and in I return they receive the reward of their lovo I by sympathizing hearts and countless favors, 1 when they have been brought low by disease | and adversity. Abhor in Betting. —Two gentlemen, at a tavern, having summoned up the waiter, the ! poor fellow had scarcely entered, when he fell dowui in a fit of apoplexy. “He’s dead!” ex claimed one. “He’ll come to’” replied the other. “Dead, for five hundred!” “Done!” retorted the second. The noise of the fall, and confusion which followed, brought up the landlord, who called out to fetch a doc tor. “No! no! we must have no interference; there’s a bet depending!” “But, sir, I shall lose a valuable servant!” “Never mind! you can put him down in the bill!” A man once come to see his friends, and a little boy inquired of him, “What's the name j of y our next door neighbor?” “Mr. ,” was the reply. “Well, is he a bruit?” “Why no,” said the visitor, “why do you ask such a question?” “Because,” said the child, ‘Ma said you were next door to a brute.” An Indian complained to a rumseller that the price of liquor was too high. The latter in justification said tliat it cost as much to keep a hogshead of brandy as to keep a cow. The Indian replied, “May be he drink as much water, but he no eat so much hay.” ‘There are some men too selfish to deny themselves, even to give pleasure to their chil dren. Such a man was old David F . One day he sat dow r n to roast a turkey, w’hieh he attacked vigorously, without leaving a morsel to his family. When he was picking the last bone, the hungry children began to cry for it; upon which he threw it at them exclaiming in the tone of a martyr: “Go, take it! and let your poor father starve!” NO. 26.