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THE SOUTHERN SENTINEL Is published every Thursday Morning, IX COLUMBUS, GA. BY WILLIAM H. CHAMBERS, EDITOR AXD PROPRIETOR. To whom all communications must bedireetcd, post paid. OJicc on Randolph Street. Terms of Subscription. One copy twelve months, in advance, - s2 50 “ “ “ “ Not in advance, -3 oo “ “ Six “ “ “ 150 Whore the subscription is not paid during the year, 15 cents will be charged tor every month’s delay. No subscription will be received lor less than six months,and none discontinued until all arrearages are paid, except at the option of the proprietor. To Clubs. Five copies twelve months, - §lO 00 Ten “ “ “ 16 00 The money from Clubs must in all eases ac company the names, or the price ol a single subscription Will be charged. Rates of Advertising. One Square, first insertion, - - $1 00 “ “ Eaeh subsequent insertion, - 50 A liberal deduction on these terms will be made in favor <of those who advertise by the year. Advertisements not specified as to time, will be pub lished till forbid, and charged accordingly. Monthly Advertisements will be charged as new Ad vertisements at each insertion. Legal Advertisements. N. B. —Sales of Lands, by Administrators, Fx- Vymtors, or Guardians, are required by Jaw to be held on Mte first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10 Vii the forenoon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court Mouse in the county in which the land is situated. No tices of these sales must be given in a public gazette sixty days previous to the day ot sale. Hales of Ne<;rof.s must be made at a public auction ■on the first Tuesday of the month, between the usual hours of sale, at the place of public sales in the county where the Letters Testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship,may have been granted, first giving sixty fiAVS notice thereof in one ot the public gazettes ol this State, and at the door of the Court House-, where such sales are to be held. Notice for the sale of Personal property must lie given iit like manner forty days previous to the day of sale. Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an estate must be published forty pays. Notice that application will be made to the Court of < Irdinary for leave to sell Land, must be published for FOUR MONTHS. Notice for leave to sell Negroes must be published for four months, before any order absolute shall be made thereon by the Court. Citations for Letters of Administration, must be pub lished thirty days—for dismission from administration, monthly sjx .months —for dismission fiom Guardianship, FORTY DAYS. Rules for the foreclosure of a Mortgage must lie pub lished monthly for four months —tor e.-talilihing lost papers, for the full space of three months —lor eom pefiing titles from Executors or Administrators, where a Bond has been given by the deceased, the full si-ace ot three months. Publications will always be continued according to these legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered. SOUTHERN SENTINEL Job (Mice. HAVING received anew and extensive assortment of Jot. Material, we are prepared to execute at ibis office,all orders for JOB WORK, in a manner which can not be excelled in the State, on very liberal terms, and at the shortest notice. We feel confident of our ability to give entire satisfac tion ill every variety of Job Printing, including Books, Business Cards , Pamphlets, Bill Heads, Circulars, 111 (inks of every description, Hand Bills, Bills of Lading, Posters, f 4’r. dj-r. dj-r. In short, all descriptions of Printing which can be ex ecuted at any office in the country, will be turned out with elegance ami despatch. ‘ Marble Works, East side Broad St. near the Market House, COLUMBUS, GA. HAVEconstantlv on hand all kinds of Grave Stones Monuments, ‘Tombs and ‘Tablets, ot American, Italian and Irish Marble. Engraving and carving •done on stone in the best possible manner; and all kinds of Granite Work at the shortest notice. JOHN 11. MADDEN. P. S.—Plaister of Paris and Cement, always on hand for sale. . Columbus, March 7, 1850. 10 ft NORTH CAROLINA Hutual Life Insurance Company. LOCATED AT RALEIGH, N. C. rpilE Charter of this company gives important advan 1_ tages to the assured, over most other companies. The husband can insure liis own file tor the sole use and .benefit of his wile and children, free Iroin any other x lvims. Persons who insure for life participate in the profits which an- declared annually, and when the pre mium exceeds S3O, may pay one-hall in a note. Slaves are insured at two-thirds their value lor one or five years. Applications for Risks may be made to JOHN MUNN, Agent, Columbus, Ga. , £3*"’ Office at Greenwood &. Co.'s Warehouse. Nov. 15,1810. t! - County Surveyor. npHE undersigned informs his friends and the Planters 1. of Muscogee county, that he is prepared to make otficial surveys in Muscogee county. Letters addressed to Post Office,Columbus, will meet with prompt atten tion. WM. F. SERRELL, County Surveyor. Office over E. Barnard & Co.’s store, Broad st. Columbus, Jan. 31,1850. 5 lv NOTICE. rpiJF. firm nameof“M. 11. Dessau. Agent.” is changed, 1 from this date, to M. H. DESSAI . Columbus. Feb. 7, ISSO. 6 ts Williams, Flewellen & Williams, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, cot. U M BU S , G E OItG IA . May 23, 1850. 21 Williams & Howard, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. ROr.T. R. HOWARD. CHAS. J. WILLIAMS. April 4, 1850. 14 ts J. D. LENN AR I), * ATTORNEY AT LAW, TALBOTTON, GA. WILL attend to business in Talbot and the adjacent counties. All business entrusted to his care will meet with prompt attention. April 4, 1850. 14 ly KING & WlNnemore, Commission Merchants, .MOBILE, ALABAMA. Dee. 20,1840. [Mob. Trib.} 15 ts THIS PAPER IS MANUFACTURED BY THE Rock Island Factory, NEAR THIS CITY. Columbus, Feb. 23,1850. 0 _tf_ WANTED. lAA AA/Y lbs. RAGS. Cash paid for clean cot lA'v'** ‘V'V’ ton or linen rags—3* cents per pound, when delivered in quantities of 100 pounds or more ; and 3 eents when delivered in small quantities. For old hemp, bugging, and piece# of rope, li cents, delivered f idler at Rock Island Factory or at their store in Co lumbus, in the South comer Room of Oglethorpe House. D. ADAMS, Secretary. Columbus, Feb. 28,1850. <j ts TO BENT, TILL the first day of January next. The old printing office room of the “Muscogee Democrat ” Apply at this office. 18 ts. M Globe Hotel, BUENA VISTA, MARtoN CO., GA. ’ BY J. WILLIAMS. March 14,18j0. 11 ts JUST RECEIVED, A LARGE lot ol Miscellaneous and School Books. Also a large and beautiful assortment of Stationery, fine Letter and Note Paper, Envelopes, &e. deGRAFFENRIED & ROBINSON. April 18. VOL. I. SPEECH OF HON. BEVERLY TUCKER, IN THE SOUTHERN CON VENTION. Mr. President: It gives me pleasure to remember that the first time I ventured to ob | trude myself on the notice of the Convention, l it was done4ti the hope of allaying excite i ment. lam happy to believe that my few re marks contributed to effect that object. I have now risen, sir, for the like purpose. In | deed, it is only thus that I can hope to deserve | the attention of the house. It is certainly not tor me, in whom time lias quenched the fire of youth and chilled the fervor of imagination, with my weak voice and lagging utterance, to pour forth those tempests of eloquence which shake the walls of this building, call down the plaudits of the galleries, and lead captive the hearts and minds of men. It can only be by “speaking forth the words of truth and soberness,” such as become my gray hairs, that I can hope to secure the respect of this body to anything that I may say. My colleague (Mr. Gholson) has asked whether any gentleman here present is pre pared to say that the Union should he dissolve ed in case the compromise hill be passed with amendments. 1 shall not deny the gentle man’s right to put such questions, insisting at the same time that it rests on tiie discretion and taste of every other gentleman to decide for himself whether he will answer or no.— Por my part, sir, I am ready to answer, and ! shall answer, fully and frankly; and yet I ap prehend that my answer will leave the gentle man just as wise as lie is now. lie is an i able lawyer, and would hardly put such an in terrogatory as that into a hill: “Would I be | the compromise hill, amended !” Certainly, sir. I should he more than content. I should he delighted. lint then 1 must hare the mending oj it. 1 know nothing that can not he mended but crushed egg shells and abused friendship. Give me the mending of that bill, and i will mend the breach in the constitution, and cement the Union, and res tore mutual friendship and confidence, and brotherly love among all the States of this great confederacy. Is this answer evasive because it tells nothing hut what every body knows? No, sir. The gentleman did not ask : whether I would go for disunion in case of ! the passage ot that bill without amendment. — He did not intend to ask this. The form in which he has presented his interrogatory, shows that he himself is not prepared to an swer that question, and lit- is too ungenerous to press it upon others. But Ido not shrink from it, though I can say no more than that 1 too am not prepared to answer it. I know nobody that is, sir, and it is precisely for that reason that we are here. That there is evil in the land—that we have been wronged—that dangers hang over us: all this every body knows. But the remedy for the evil—the re dress for the wrong—the security against the danger: these are the topics which we are sent here to consider and to discuss, so that having compared thoughts and obtained light from each other’s minds, we may shed that light on the minds of those who sent us. 1 was not sent here to represent any opinion of others, or to act on any foregone conclusion ot my own. In such a state of mind, 1 should have been unworthy to take ni} 7 place among the able,-experienced, candid and upright gen tlemen by whom I am surrounded. In one tiling only do I find myself hound. Y irginia has said authoritatively and almost unanimously, that she will resist the Wilmot proviso, “at all hazards, and to the last ex tremity,” and what Virginia says, I am ever ready to vindicate, and what Y irginia does, I, at all hazards and to the last extremity, will maintain. \ irginia never means less than she says ; and the crafty politicians with whom she had to do, have sought to evade the point of this declaration, by offering, instead of the Wilmot proviso, this California bill, which differs from it, as he who burns down his neighbor’s house that he may plunder, differs from the simple burglar. This assertion 1 shall not discuss now, I have already discussed it in a paper which is before the convention, and will be laid before Virginia. If the Governor of Vir ginia thinks as 1 do, he will summon a con vention of the State; and if that convention thinks so too, it will be for that body to decide on the mode and form of that resistance to which the state is pledged. That it will be “at every hazard and to the last extremity” uc one can doubt. II aving answered my colleague’s question, I beg leave to repeat, that, on the question actually before the convention, 1 intend to speak with all moderation. In proof of this I will say, sir, that had the language of the add r ess been precisely that of the proposed amendments, I should have voted for it. Had any one proposed to amend it, so as to make it read as it now reads, I should have endeav ored privately to dissuade him from bringing forward his amendments, and should have voted against them if necessary. As the mat ter stands I am entirely satisfied with the ad dress as it is; if I had had the ears of the gentlemen who has brought forward the amendments,-! should have endeavored to dis suade him from introducing them, and now that they are introduced, 1 shall quietly vote against them. I take to myself neither shame nor praise for this. Between the two things there is no essen tial difference, and I am decided mainly by the comity, which is due every committee. It is enough for me that the paper before us clear ly expresses our sentiments, and those of the convention, and vindicates them ably, and had I the vanity to believe that I could make it ten-fold more eloquent than it is, 1 would not move to cross a T or dot an I. But while J am thus zealous for courtesy and harmony, I am not sorry that this debate lias sprung,up. I am glad that the trammels of order haye been go -completely broken to pieces as to throw open every subject on which any gentleman mav wish to speak.— \N e all owe our best thoughts to each other on every topic which agitates the public mind.— It is for that, we are here, and every tiling that coucerns the Rights—the wrongs—the Remedies —the Resources, and the duties of the South—their duties to themselves—their ancestors —their children —and to God —all is before us. I beg the convention not to be alarmed at the thought that I propose to talk about all these various matters. No, sir, I have noth ing in view but to apply some sort of a se dative to that excitement of the public mind which lias, in some degree, manifested itself in this debate. Some gentlemen seem to speak under the influence of a vague and undefina ble apprehension of some great danger, the S!)c JSonfljcrn Sentinel. more appaling because unseen, tho’ not more real than the fiends with which superstition peoples the night. Another sees the danger and defies it— “ Stiffens the sinews—summons up the blood,” while every tone and every glance is that of one who exchanges looks and words of defi ance with a present enemy. Ido not pre tend to w ithhold my sympathy from either of these. Fear is contagious, and men not lia ble to superstition have become frightened while playing on the superstitious fears of oth ers. But he must he thrice a coward who does not catch infection from the brave man who “snuffs the battle from afar,” exulting by anticipation in the certaminis gaudia. But after all is said on both sides, and calm reflec tion resumes its functions, 1 see neither gob lin to fly from nor enemy to fight. On the contrary, sir, I find myself in a condition which enables me alike “to put away all wrath and doubting,” and to say to the one “there is nothing to fear”—to the other, “there will he no light.” W e have a pretty epigrammatic saving a bout men “who know their rights, and, know ing, dare maintain them,” hut I am afraid there are some who would rather not know their rights, than he obliged to defend them at all hazards to the last extremity. Nothing so blinds the mind, disables the faculties and per verts the judgment as fear, and what fear can he more appaling than that which threatens the security of the fire-side, in a country which no hostile foot has trod for seventy years. I acknowledge,’ sir, that if 1 saw a danger of this, I might have some misgivings; and perhaps decide that, instead of leaving such an inheritance to the little ones that must soon he left without a protector, I might make up my mind to sneak quietly to an ob scure grave and there hide my gray head and my dishonor together. But, sir, I have no such fear, and I do hut judge others by myself, when 1 say, that among all the topics which can present them selves for discussion here, there is none so important as this. If we w ish the free exer cise of our own reason, if we wish to act with effect on the reason of others, we must first divest our minds and theirs of fear. When you see a hoy flying from his shadow, and about to throw himself into the water, if you w ish *to stop him, don’t tell him of the depth ot the water. The one thing to be said to him and the only thing he w ill hear, is that the pursuer is not the devil, that it is no more than his own shadow. Make him sensible of this and he will presently be as much alive to the evil of being drowned as you can desire.— Just so, sir,if we can convince our people that the fierce philanthropy and malignant love of our northern brethren will never manifest themselves by carrying fire and sword through the borders of a Southern confederacy, they may bring themselves to see that the loss of a thousand millions of slave property —the des truction of all value in our lands for w ant of labor, (he necessity of destroying the negroes or of amalgamating with them, or of suc cumbing to them, or of fleeing the country and giving it up to them, are really very had things. It is too much to suppose that they may also begin to suspect that an eternal separation from those, whose pretended fa naticism and malignant rapacity would drive them to this extremity, would be any thing but an evil? Let us speak to them, then, not of their wrongs, for these they know, but of their remedies and their resources; not in the tone of dismay and despair, but with w ords of encouragement, in accents of hope full of joyful expectation. Let me not be met again, sir, with the still repeated cuckoo song, “the people are not prepared for this or that measure.” I know it, sir. The people are not prepared, and therefore we are here. They are not prepar ed to lie down patiently under their wrongs —they are not prepared to submit to further aggression, and unfortunately they are still unprepared to decide how the wrong is to he redressed, and the aggression repelled. .lust so, sir, the patient is not prepared to submit to the amputation of the gangrened limb, while the surgeons are still consulting in a hope that the operation may not be necessary. But still less is he prepared to die, and when put to choose between the loss of life, we know what choice he will make. So let the people of the South once see distinctly that they must choose between the Union, and all the rights and interests that the Union was intended to protect, and they will not hesitate to renounce it, even though a bloody war should be the consequence. Still there is e nough of terrible and fearful in the thought of such a war, to dispose them to shut their eyes to other and greater dangers. It is that they may be thus blinded, that their enemies tell them that a peaceful separation is impossible, and it is in the hope of restoring them to the use of their faculties that I undertake to show, and will proceed to show, that such an event cannot be anything but peaceful. It is Mr. Webster, who, of late, in his ora cular way, and in his deep cavernous tones, such as might issue from the cave of Troph onius, has put forth this raw head and bloody bones declaration, “that a peaceful severance of the Union is impossible.” I beseech you to consider what these words mean, as spoken by Mr. Webster. He has no right to speak for the South. We are not his clients. No part of that liberal fee which Massachusetts has paid to secure his advocacy of her pecu liar interests on the floor of the Senate was contributed by us. She is his country, his whole country and for her only has he a right to speak. But when have we said this, and who has said it for us? And if any amongst us should say so, what would it be but an ex pression of his fears? What motive, what means, what end could a Southern confedera cy have for making war upon the North ? Sir, no man among us dreams of such a thing—no Northern man apprehends it. What, then, mean these words of Mr. Webster? Are they any thing but words of menace? When we of the South do but cry out “don’t tread on us; we beseech you by the memories of the past and the hopes of the future, don’t tread on us,’ they call that menace. “Certainly it is me nace,” say they “for do you not mean to in timate, that ff we do tread on you, you will strike ? \ es: and as such we despise it. For have we not trod on you, and you did not strike? And are we not treading on you, and if you attempt to elude us by secession, we will trample you into the earth:” Sir, I did not do justice to the strength of Mr. Webster’s language when I called it the language of menace. It is much more. It is outrage; it COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, JULY 25, 1850. is the contemptuous spurn of one who scorns to strike a coward foe. But it is not Mr. Webster alone who has said this. Mr. Clay echoes it, and he is a Southern man. General Cass, too, echoes it, and is not he a Northern man with Southern principles? A marvellous coincidence of opinion, sir, among men who so rarely think alike! But is there not something yet more marvellous in the triple league of amity, be tween these men heretofore so hostile? An ominous conjunction, sin Clay, Webster and Cass—Caesar, Pompey and Crassus—Augus tus, Antony and Lepidus! Triumvirates all! Depend upon it, sir, this precise number three is not fortuitous. It is full of meaning, when two men of unprincipled ambition are con tending for supremacy ; when they have put down all other competitors, and nothing re mains hut a division of empire, or one great final struggle for supremacy,- it sometimes happens that all things are prepared for this division, or this final struggle. What, then, so convenient as to call in some kind person, some “light, unmeritable man, tit to he sent on errands,” to serve as a stake-holder until the others should be ready to play out their des perate game. So, too, in France, where it was yet doubtful whether the ultimate triumph would be to the constitutional theories of Sieves, or to the military despotism of Bona parte, they set up a temporary consulship. The idea of consuls was taken” from Rome, where there were two consuls. Now, we have two men ol rival parties, and something like equal consideration. What did they want with a third ? They wanted him as a stake-holder—or, as Tally rand then said, as a sort of wrapping-paper, between the two, to prevent collisions. Hence the} 7 took a man, never heard of before, or since, who came in he knew not how, and w ent out, no one else knows when. It is an old saving that “when rogues fall out, honest men come by their own.” But what arc we to say, sir, when men long hos tile to each other, men who, for years, have spoken all manner of evil against each other, are seen to coalesce ? What have these men in common ? They have, indeed, one com mon object—the Presidency ; and they may combine to put down every tiling which can not he made to rally to the support of some one ot the three: w hen this is done two will combine to run off the third. Lepidus will disappear, and then comes the battle of Acti um. Hence it is, sir, that this Southern par ty is to be nipped in the bud. Tho nucleus of such a party is to be broken up, and its mem bers driven back to their old positions of whiggery and democracy. Why is this, sir ? The reason is plain enough to those who will analyze the question. Will a Southern party follow Mr. Clay? No, sir. They have fol lowed him far enough. They followed him in the Missouri compromise, the root of all this present evil. They followed him in the tariff compromise of ’B3, which ended in the crushing tariff of’42. They can follow him no longer. Can they follow Mr. Webster, who says one thing to day, and takes it back to-mor row? Great credit „is claimed for Mr. Webster, because he made a speech some time ago, a part of which it was thought might be displeasing to some of his constitu ents. “Self-sacrificing, magnanimous Mr. Webster!” Such was the cry. Well, sir, did he sacrifice himself? Has he lost ground ? Should Southern Whigs take him as their can didate for the Presidency, will he lose one vote in New‘England? The self-sacrifice ot a man whose life lias been a sacrifice of every thing else to self !! not to the gratifi cation of one passion only, hut of all! Does lie worship at the shrine of ambition only ? What altar of the deities raised up by the evil passions of the ancients is not reeking with the blood of his victims ? Is it Plutus ? Is it Bacchus ? Is it Y T enus ? We do not, indeed, find him in the temple of Mars: and that for the all-sufficient reason, that he who would find acceptance there, must go prepared, if need be, to make a sacrifice of himself, and this Mr. Webster, ever true to himself, will never do. Shall we put up with Gen. Cass ? Shall we look for the defence of our lights to one whose ideas of right and wrong are so con fused, that lie prates about natural rights ac quired by the perpetration of wrong, a shal low pedant who, affecting to lecture on inter national law, and the philosophy of govern ment, would place the lives and property of conquerors at the mercy of a conquered pro vince; who can see no distinction between a chance assemblage of unconnected individu als and a people; who imagines that a nation can exist where there is no family; who at tributes to a multitude of adventurers sover eignty over a country, in which not one of them has a home ; who recognizes their right to shut out all others from a vast region in which not one of them owns a foot of soil; and who would place the final destiny of a country, which is to be the home of millions, in the hands of a handful of marauders; whose only aim is to tear open the bowels of the land, seize upon its hidden treasures, and, like the eagle returning to his a:ry, laden with his prey, to bear away their plunder to the distant lands where lie their families and their hopes. Sir, I have never much admired General Cass. I have never looked upon him as muck better than a clap-trap charlatan. But he never could have been so silly as to believe himself, while talking all this nonsense. Why did he say it ? Was it not to fool vs —to bamboozle vs —to throw his pinch of dust into the eyes of those among us who look to him for light, while the rest are led blindfold by Clay and Webster? This is General Cass’s allotted function in the triumvirate. If old party lines can be re established among us, —if, instead of banding together in defence of the South, we can be set to wrangling with each other about party names—if the Southern Democracy, thus re organized, will take up General Cass for its candidate, the Northern Democracy will sup port him too, and then ! Yes, then he may at last be President, and somebody else may be Vice President, and seven more some bodies may be Cabinet ministers, and a dozen more foreign ministers, to say nothing of rich collectorships, fat consulships, and a hundred other good things, all of which are bespoke in advance. But look only at those offices i which are set apart for those who set up for being party leaders, and whom we, poor fools, follow and call great. Remember, sir, there are three sets of them, all duly registered, each in his order on the several rosters of Claj’, Webster and Cass, and then wonder, if you can, that among all these great men i , there is not one to say a word for the wrong ed, insulted, down-trodden South! But Gen. Cass cannot be elected, sir. The South cannot elect him, and the North will not. No, sir. Let the present agitation be allayed; let the South bow the neck to the Northern yoke, and General Cass will be laid upon the shelf forever. Like Lepidus, his name will vanish from the page of history; and the leaders among us, who have enlisted under his banner for the campaign, will again, when it is too late, be clamorous as ever for the rights of the Southland try to negotiate terms for us, but most especially for them selves, in bargaining away the support of the South for Clay or Webster. The highest bidder of the two will have them. But am I not afraid to speak thus lightly of the great ones of the earth ? Am t not ashamed to speak evil of dignities? Dignity, sir l Show me true dignity. Tell me w here to find the enlightened mind, the elevated sen timent, the great purpose, the pure, brave, unselfish heart, and 1 will make a pilgrimage to worship before it. Yes, sir, when I bow before that shrine, I shall feel that iny eye is directed toward God himself, reaching be yond the mere mental manifestation of the Godhead, with which he sometimes blesses the earth. Such an one was vouchsafed to us in Washington, and to him, to that safe and healthy condition of the human mind in which it yields itself up to the influence of true greatness, w 7 e owe all our institutions, all that has made us great and happy. lie took no part, indeed, in the discussions of the conven tion over which he presided. But he was there, standing between every man and the highest object of ambition, himself inaccessi ble to selfish motives, and inapproachable by all who were not. The highest post of hon or and of power was confessedly for him. The rest were to be in his gift, and in his pre sence ambition had to restrain its aspirations, and self-love to forbear its schemes, and all had to work together as if one common aim, and that the public good had been the aim of all. But every good has its concomitant evil, and the blessings of God himself are cuises to those who abuse them. Man ceased to look from the creature up to the Creator, whose vicegerent he was. Man-worship be came the established religion of the country; not the sentiment which always bows the knee of man in the presence of one who bears the impress of the Divinity, but a su perstitious eagerness to find on some no bet ter than themselves something to be mistaken for that divine seal. From that day to this, sir, we have never been easy without some divinity of flesh and blood; some Bull Apis, not distinguishable by common usage from any other calf, about whom the Priests and Hieropists pretended to discover the true marks of divinity. The genius of Jefferson, the virtue of Madison, the strong will of Jackson, served the times pretty well. Some few indeed have been found to set up a claim on behalf of every successive President, but they made few converts. The Priests of the Ttmple had some hopes from the advent of a second military chieftain. But they soon dis covered their mistake, and the poor old man is left to the epitaph which Tacitus propheti cally wrote for him near two thousand years ago, “Consensu omnium dignus imperio nisi imperassit.” But superstition must have its idols, sir. Egyptians must have their calf. Americans must have their human god—and as the spi rit of party runs too high to permit us to agree in any thing, we have quite a Pantheon of gods; so that what we call politics has come to a sort of religious controversy between their respective votaries. For my part, sir, I confess myself, as I have said, a little prone to this sort of wor ship, but it has been my misfortune through life to have met with no God in human shape. Mr. Clay does, indeed, look something more like it than the rest. He has genius, elo quence, a high and gallant bearing, and a prevailing influence over all that approach him; but I look in vain for wisdom, states manship and disinterestedness. In place of these I find management, artifice and leger demain—sometimes overreaching himself. Never falling but to rise, he never rises but to fall; always making the sacrifice of the South _ the stepping stone of his elevation— always, in his reverses catching at the South in his fall and pulling her down. The author of the Missouri compromise, and of the pres ent scheme for robbing the South of all it pro fessed to secure, the avowed enemy and open denouncer of J. Q. Adams as a traitor and a liar, and the worker of the wires which plac ed him on the throne; the author of the Ta riff’ compromise of ’33, to the faithful observ ance of which he personally pledged himself in my hearing, and the author of the tariff of ’42, in open violation of that pledge, I see nothing in Mr. Clay but a sort of Jupiter Scapii, before whom I can never bring my self to bend the knee. But Mr. Webster! The master mind of the age! He whom his admiring country men have already distinguished as “the God like Man !” Sir, the most devout pagan that ever bowed before a shrine, would not recog nize the Godhead in the statue of Jupiter To ri aus himself, if seen lying in a kennel—plais tered over with the mire of profligacy and de bauchery. There let him lie. 1 will say no more of General Cass. I have said too much of all these men. But when I see them, who agree in nothing else, conspiring to cheat, oppress and trample on the South; when, in their fiercest strifes, I see them “hacking each other’s daggers in the sides” of the constitution, I am tempted to forget my self-respect, and scourge in hand descend to the office of public executioner. But I have a higher and a worthier object. There are few of those whose minds I desire to influence, on whom the name of one or the other of thesemen is not a spell of great power. To them I say “your gods are no Gods.” Turn from them to the only living and true God, the God of the righteous and oppressed, and put your trust in him. Do you want leaders ? Seek for them in the true spirit, and you will find them. Seek for men j distinguished by virtue as well as talent, men worthy to minister between God and you in the great concerns of duty as well as right. He will not leave himself without a witness, and even now “there walketh among you one ; whom you know not, the latehets of whose shoes these men are not worth}’ to unloose.” Who is he ? I know him not. But let your actions show you worthy of such a leader; let your determined resistance | to wrong, and devotion to the right, demand j him, and he will appear. When our fathers first resolved to resist the stamp act, Wash ington was a surveyor, Patrick Henry an ob scure county court lawyer, Greene was at his forge, and even now, in the depths of your forests, are other such men, wanting nothing but a righteous cause, and brave men reso lute to support it, to secure independence and freedom to you, and immediate honor to themselves. I very much regret, sir, the time I have de voted to these men. You will remember that I undertook to show that, should the South be driven to secession, there is no reason to apprehend that such a step would lead to war. To prepare your minds for what I have to say on this point, it was necessary to put out of my way the authority of those who have concurred in declaring a peaceful separation to be impossible. It is only with this view that 1 have spoken of them; I know them on ly as enemies to mv COUNTRY, and I would warn my countrymen against them. And now, sir, let us look at the dangers which are to attend disunion. Let us sup pose a case, and consider the influence which will be brought to bear on those on whom the peace of this continent will depend. Let us suppose but five States—the States of Flori da, Georgia, South Carolina, Alabama, and Mississippi, to withdraw from the Union, and form a Southern Confederacy. Their policy would be clearly pacific. What would be the policy of the rest of the world ? Would the manufacturing States wish to rush into a war, which, while it lasted, would shut them out from the best market in the world ? Would the shipping and commercial States wish to rush into a war which would throw the carriage of our rich and bulky productions into the hands of Europe, until our own com mercial marine should have become adequate to our wants ? I say nothing of the fatal consequences which would attend the loss of a supply of cotton to the spindles and looms of New England, because, although war should prevail, the laws of trade will be sure to carry the needed supply to the place of de mand. This, indeed, must be of a circuitous route, and at enormous expense. But on this I lay no stress. It would indeed prevent the Yankee from hoping to compete with the En glish manufacturer in markets open to both, while war would shut him out from this the chief and best market. “And how long would such a war last ?” asks Mr. Webster with a scornful scowl. “How long would it be before the fleets and armies of the North would sweep the coasts, and blockade the ports, and overrun and des olate the territory of the South, and turn the knives of the slaves against their masters’ throats ?” How long ? Sir, such a war will never be waged until Massachusetts shall have lost her senses, and be prepared to rush on self-destruction. Whence but from the Southern States comes the cotton that keeps in activity the spindles and looms of the North ? Sir, the North would not dare to prosecute war with such activity, as-even to diminish the supply. Obtaining it, as she must do, from neutral ports, the North could only get what was left after supplying the de maud of other countries, and any essential diminution would leave her nothing. But a war of desolation! Why, sir, such a war would re-act upon the North like the burst ing of a cannon in a crowded ship, working ten times more mischief there than on the en emy. Do gentlemen consider the nature of great manufacturing establishments kept in operation by what they call free labor : the labor of those whose daily bread is the psr chase of daily toil, and who,, left without em ployment for a week, must starve, or beg, or rob. The mind of man has not conceived the wretchedness which the failure of one cotton crop would produce. Universal bank ruptcy —universal ruin—the prostration of the wealthy, and the uprising of the suffer ing mass violently snatching from their beg gared employers a portion of the scanty rem nant of former abundance, to satisfy the wants of nature. Sir, when the overwhelm ing force of France threatened to invade and subjugate Holland, the Dutch cut their dykes and let in the Ocean—the enemy withdrew, and all thought of again invading the soil of a people capable of defending their liberty by such sacrifices was abandoned forever. Here w r as a self-inflicted suffering which did but warn the enemy, without wounding him. But what if the people of the Southern States, goaded by insult and wrong, should deter mine on a much less sacrifice. What if, w'ith one accord, they should agree to make no cotton for a single season, except for their I own factories, and apply all their labor to laying up a store of grain for another year ? j Tho South could bear it, sir. It would in commode many. It w ould enrich some. It w'ould ruin nobody here. And wdiat would he the effect elsewhere ? The mind of man cannot calculate it The imagination of man cannot conceive it. Horresco referens . An earthquake shaking the continent from the Potomac to the Lakes, swallowing up the British Isles, and overturning all that Revolu tion has left standing in France and Germa ny, would be hardly more destructive. Sir, : the pillars of the w orld would be shaken : and here stands the South grasping them in her strong arm. Here she stands, like old j blind Sampson, to make sport for these Phi listines who mock her degradation. Will she not make her praj r er to God, and bow her self in her might, not, like him, to die with the Philistines, hut to overwhelm them and stand unhurt amid the ruins l No, she will not. But this is always in her power ; and this she will do, if ever her loathing detesta tion and scorn of her oppressors equals in acrimony and malignity their fierce philan thropy and insiduous friendship. Something like this would be the conse quence to the North of any war with the South. Worse, if possible, than this, would he the consequence of a war of dissolution and emancipation. In that case the mischief would not he confined to the North. It would overspread the civilized world in ag gravated horror. In New England we can calculate it. The seven hundred millions of which the South has been robbed by the un equal operation of the federal government, has been realized, as they call it. It has been built into ships and factories; it has been paid out for barren lands at high prices only jus tified by these establishments; it has been built into palaces where inerchantprinces and manufacturers dwell in marble halls. There are no other objects of investment, and the boasted heaped up wealth of New England is just that—no more. Now take away the cotton and commerce of the South, and what do you sec ? The ships lie rotting at the wharves; the factories tumble into ruins ; and skulking in corners of their marble pala ces, the merchant princes, like those of Ven ice, live meagerly on contributions levied on the curiosity of travellers. As to the labor ing classes, the far M ost is open to them. What violence and rapine they may practice fdi’ a while under the teachings of Commun ism, Fourierism, Agrarianism, and other isms of the family of Abolititionism, it is not pos sible to say. But they will soon see that Communism is of little worth where there is nothing to divide, and that what they call the rights of labour cannot be enforced against those who have nothing to pay.- They will be off’ to the West, sir, there to found a ne\V Ohio on the Banks of Wisconsin and Minnes ota. And Boston—? Look at Venice, sir. The history of Boston is so far the history of Venice. Venice enriched herself by the oppression and plunder of her subject provin ces. Boston has done the same. Venice concentrated her ill-gotten wealth on the marshes of the Adriatic. Boston has heaped up hers upon a barren rock. The poisoned chalice has been commended to the lips of V enice, and she has in turn become the vic tim of mis-govemment, while the trade of the world has found other channels—and be hold she is a w ilderness of marble in a waste of waters. Even such would be the mischiefs which Boston w-ould pull down upon herself, by the suicidal step of waning against the South. NO. 30. But look across the Atlantic, and suppose the madness and malignity of the North to hurry them into a desolating war against the cotton growing States. Other countries have more various resources than New England, and might have something to fall back on. England, for example, insular as she is, lias land. But England has a superabundant pop ulation, and there are there not less than three millions of laborers whose very existence de pends on cotton. They have no western country to fly to, and w hile the land of Eng land is sufficient to feed them all, they will not starve whether there be work for them to do or no. There is something there for com munism todivide—something of Fourierism to experiment on. Let but the loom stand still for one month, and there will not be one stone left standing on another of the whole politi cal and social fabric of England. The statesmen of England know this, sir, and this it is that governs the foreign policy of England, and determines her to oppose her veto to any war that might disturb her com merce, and, through that, her manufactures, on w hich her very existence depends. The play of the shuttle is the pulse of life to her. Let it once stop and it beats no more. Nor is this confined to her. The same cause operates on every powerful nation of Wes tern Europe, and hence that long, unnatural peace, which, no more than thirty years, has covered Europe as with a death pall, and pro duced and prepared more suffering and more causes of mischief than half a century of war had ever done. But the evil is upon them, and they dare not shake it off. However the ■ angry spirit of rival nations may chafe at the restraint; however the plethora of redundant population may call for the letting of blood, the immense fixed capital invested in manu facturing establishments, and the multitudi nous population whose bread depends upon them, compel the w’orld to peace. It is in deed but a peace of suppressed hostility, bf stilled envy, of insidious rivalry, and its con sequences make us feel the full force of the woe denounced against those w ho cry “peace, peace! when there is no peace.” But there is no escape from it. In the cant of the day, “the spirit of the age demands it—the spirit of the age is essentially pacific.” What then, sir, would all Europe say to any attempt on the part of the Northern States, or of every power upon earth, to lift a hand against the cotton growing region, and inter rupt the production of that article. The power of wealth would oppose it—the cry of famine w r ould forbid it—the universal naked ness of mankind would forbid it—the united voice of all the civilized wmrld would com mand the peace. The Southern States of this Union are confessedly the only cotton growing country in the w'orld, and slave la bor the only means by which it can be pro duced. Whatever may be their spite against us, and however they may cant about slave ry, they will he careful to do nothing to in terfere W'ith the production of cotton. Had Orpheus been the only man in the world, sir, the nymphs, however enraged, would never have killed him. m All this time I have spoken as if our dear sister Massachusetts, and the rest of that sis terhood, w'ere to have the matter their own way. I have taken no notice of the fact, that although North Carolina and Virginia, Ten nessee and Kentucky, might not be at once prepared to join the Southern confederacy, they would feel that their interests were identified with it, and refuse to join in a cru sade against the defenders of their rights.— They would have a voice in the question of peace or w r ar. They might, indeed, be out voted, but would a vote retain them, and would the North press a measure w’hich would he sure to force them into the Southern confederacy ? The exemplary patience of Virginia is a p roof that she fondly recollects, that to her, more than to any other State, this Union ow r es its existence. She will he the last to dissolve it violently, because she will he the last to forget the proud and pn doai ing recollections of the past, and to lift her hand against those she has so long cher ished as brothers. But let lief he told she must fight somebody, and she will not be long in deciding whom she will fight. Tell her to regard and treat as enemies the Southern States, peopled mainly by herself—to imbrue her hands in the blood of her own children, and her answer is ready, in the words of Har ry Percy: “Not speak of Mortimer! Forbid my tongue to speak of Mortimer! Yes, I will speak ofhim: and may my soul Want mercy if I do not join with him !” Sir, Virginia did not approve the attitude assumed by South Carolina in 1833. What then ? Mas she prepared to lift a hand against her ? On the contrary she remem bers now with pride, that her Governor then declared, that before one foot should cross the Potomac on a hostile errand against South Carolina, he w’ould lay his bones on its shores. That w'as old John Floyd, sir, a man “who never promised, but he meant to pay;” and, thank God, there stands now an other John Floyd in his father’s place, to re peat and make good his father’s words. But the few remaining Southern States to be driven to the necessity of choos ing their enemy. Suppose, as w ould be the case, that no warlike attempt should be made —how long would those States be content to remain under the grinding misgovern men t which taxes them for the benefit of their mas ters in the North, while witnessing the pros perity of their Southern brethren living uuder a revenue tariff and enjoying the blessings of free trade ? With a modest, economical government, such as a mere central agency for independent States ought to be, a moder ate revenue would suffice, and nothing would