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SOUTHERN SENTINEL. COLUMBUS, GEORGIA: THURSDAY MORNING, AUG. 8, 1850. Acknowledgement. —We thank the Editor of: the Macon Telegraph , for his kind attention in for- ! warding us telegraphic intelligence. The Wynxton Schools. —We take gr-at plea urc in inviting public attention to the Wynnton Male and Female Academics. The former, under the superintendence of Mr. Wm. Y. Plane,waa opened last Thursday. Mr. Plane is a graduate of one of our own colleges, a gentleman of character, fine attain ments and considerable experience. The patrons of his school have been greatly pleased at his eminent success heretofore. The Female Academy is under the care of Mr. R. W. E. Munro, who from his long residence in our midst, and extended reputation, needs no other introduction to the public. We haz ard nothing in saying that Mr. Munro is not sur passed as a teacher, in Georgia, or any where else. Ilia school will commence about the first of October. lie Savannah Meeting—Chatham Erect 1 The friends of the Clay Compromise in Savannah, attempted to get up a meeting which should express their sentiments, and in accordance with the call published in the city papers, “a very large and res pectable number of the citizens assembled at the Ex change on Monday evening, the 29th ult., for the purpose of considering and giving expression to their opinions upon the important questions which now en gage the public attention.” So reads the published proceedings of the meeting. Clay compromise offi cers were appointed, and a Clay compromise commit tee was sent out, which shortly returned, of course, with a set of Clay Compromise Resolutions. No sooner were they read, however, than Dr. Scriven rose and offered to the meeting, as a substitute, the Resolutions which had been adopted at a previous meeting of the friends of 30-30, strongly ratifying the Nashville Convention platform. After some con siderable discussion, the question was called for, and. says the Secretary, “a division was ordered, when, without a count, the chair declared the substitute car ried, an overwhelming majority voting for the substi tute.” This was, indeed, a triumph, the more glori ous, bocause it was a triumph of the people , without a leader, and in spite of the leaders. The result of this meeting lias already been most fruitful of good to the cause of the South, and it is but the first mani festations of a spirit which will yet array on the side of southern rights, the entire masses of the people, despite the dictation of self-constituted leaders. Crawford Meeting.—The proceedings of thi meeting will attract attention. Jt was said to have been one of the largest meetings ever held in Rus sell county, and the resolutions, which it will be seen arc of the. right stamp, were passed with only three dissenting voices. If Russell is not sound, the day is not far distant when she will be. Declination of Mr. Bates.— Mr. Bates, the newly appointed Secretary of War, on account of private business, has declined the post, and rumor at Washington, makes Judge Sharkey, of Mississippi, his successor. !LC lion. Robert C. Winthrop, has been ap pointed Senator in the place of Mr. Webster, by the Governor and Council of Massachusetts. The Benton and Foote Difficulty. —The com mittee appointed to investigate the difficulty between these two worthies, reported on the 29th ult. After recapitulating the circumstances of the ease, the com mittee express the opinion that Benton’s intention was to make an assault on Foote, or that his man ner very reasonably excited such an apprehension. The Report concludes as follows: “Jn the present ease, under all the circumstances, the committee for bear to recommend any action to the Senate. Thev liope that the strong condemnation of the personali ties which led to threatened violence, their censure <>i the attempt, by a member, to avenge himself in the presence of the Senate, and of the practice of car rying arms in the Senate chamber, will be a suffi cient rebuke, and a warning not unheeded in future. Should this hope prove vain, and similar scenes of violence again occur, they cannot doubt that the Sen ate will enforce prompt, sUrn, and effectual punish ment.” CP The New York papers announce the arrival in that city, on the 30th ult., ol’ Gen. Garibaldi, the distinguished Italian patriot. I ire. An extensive conflagration occurred in Oswego, A. Y., on the 30tli ult., destroying property ! to the value of hall a million, and killing several per sons. Revived.—lt is said that the Compromise Bill, as originally reported by the committee of thirteen in the Senate, will be introduced into the House on Monday next. (IT We publish in another column the proceedings of the Senate, fully confirming the Telegraphic intel ligence received here several days since, of the defeat of the Clay Compromise. We congratulate the j Sooth on what we regard a signal triumph to her cawe. We rejoice, not because we have been vic torious, but because of the defeat of a measure, ■ which, in our opinion, was fraught with iucalculable evil to the South, and ultimate ruin to the Union, j The Compromise Bill could not have restored perma nent quiet to the country, even had it escaped the immediate opposition of the South. Northern exac tion, and Southern submission may quell the storm 1 1 the moment, but tne groat ques ions beta e n the North and South can never be settled in that way. The time would come when forbearance would cease to be a virtue, and then the dissolution which had been so long postponed, would be the inevitable con sequence of the sudden outbreak of long pent indig nation. Our grievances can only be permanently redressed by prompt and complete justice. The question on the lips of friends and foes to the defeated measure, is, What next ? We need not flatter ourselves with the hope that this result is at tributable to Southern strength or Northern generos ty. The storm god has but for a moment stilled the itompest; it is to be soon revived, and it may be, in a still fiercer blast. The questions which have be tore been blended in one general compromise, may now be taken up and passed separately. Even upon such a supposition, the South is nothing injured by the defeat of the general scheme of compromise. We are at a loss to perceive how the South is to suffer more by these wrongs singly inflicted, than she would by their wholesale imposition. If Congress j can pass, one by one, the different measures of the i omnibus bill, we are no worse off; and, on the other hand, if it cannot pass them all singly, we are so much bettered. But the South has triumphed in the defeat of that scheme, for the reason,"that there by the probability of harmony in Southern councils is greatly increased. Many men at the South, blinded by devotion to the Union, have fondly clung to the Clay Compromise as a general scheme of adjustment I for all our sectional difficulties. That great political doctor, whose words have always beet* revered as ora cles, had concocted a panacea for all the ills of the body politic, and many admirers of the man liad, by ! the magic of his name, been deluded into the support of his measure. That charm now is lost, and many a ; Southern man will revolt at tlu? admission of Califor nia, who was ready to take it as a part of the gener al compromise. If its defeat ensures us other good results, therefore, it is enough if the South is brought to rally under a sense of its common danger. But it is by no means certain that the odious sea- i tures of the bill can be forced over the head of South- ! era opposition in Congress. The bill for the im mediate admission of California may pass the Senate; if it does, it must triumph under the lead of a champ ion of insignificant power, compared with that of the leader who straggled in vain for the Compromise. California is Benton's thunder, and he does not in tend that it shall be stolen from him. Mr. Clay may v te for it, but he cannot work for it, and speak for it, so long as Mr. Benton presides over its destinies. 8h uldit struggle through the Senate, however, tliere is hope that a determined Southern minority may de feat it in the other end of the Capitol. But even should we be disappointed there, we are yet assured that California will never be a member of this Con federacy. When the President affixes his official signature to the bill admitting California into the ■ Union, he signs the death warrant of this Confederacy. The argument will then be exhausted ; the outrage : will be consummated, the legislative guarantees of Southern rights will have been trodden under foot, and Southern men must look to the South alone for protection. The friends of the Union need not de ceive themselves. This Union cannot survive the admission of California, and for one, we have no desire that it should. The Clayton Compromise and the Clay Ad justment. The question has been asked, how can any man who favored the Clayton Compromise, now oppose the plan of adjustment presented by the committee of thirteen ? We find no difficulty in giving a satisfac tory answer to this query ; but had itbeen reversed, and the question put to us, how can any man who opposed the Clayton Compromise, now favor the committee’s plan, we confess we should have been at a loss. We speak, of course, of Southern men, for wo can very readily understand how an abolition ist might with perfect consistency oppose the former and embrace the latter. The opposition of Southern men to the Clayton Compromise was predicated of the idea that the ant-slavery laws of Mexico were still in force in the territories acquired by the treaty of peace, and hence that that measure did not secure the righto of the South, because it did not repeal those laws. This was the ground upon which Mr. Stephens, who killed that bill in the House, vindica ted his course before his constituents, and this, in fact, was the only objection which we ever recollect to have heard to that measure from a Southern man. The Senate plan is equally obnoxious to this objec tion, and, of course, not more entiiled to the vote of Southern men. But, on the other hand, it is equally clear, that the South might have with propriety ac cepted the Clayton Compromise, and yet with perfect consistency spurn, as an outrage upon her righto, the scheme of adjustment presented by the committee. And, in the first place, there are very material differ ences between the two bills themselves, and, in the second place, equally material differences in the cir cumstances under which they are presented to us.— Among the important differences between the two bills, we notice, first, the fact, that in the Clayton Compro mise, California, Utah and New Mexico are p’aced upon the same territorial platform, the question of slavery being left in each to the decision of the peo ple when they come to be admitted as States, territo rial governments having been first provided in which the legislatures were bound to protect slave property equally with property of any other description. The Clay Compromise proposes to admit California as a State, in which the question of slavery is already decid ed against us, and to provide territorial governments for Utah and New Mexico. We presume it will not be questioned tin t there is an important difference be tween the two in this respect, and a difference, too, altogether against the South. In the next place, the plan of the committee proposes to take 120,000 square miles of territory now belonging to Texas, and to convert it into free soil, paying therefor to the State of Texas $15,000,000 of Southern money. The Clayton Compromise did no such thing. Thirdly, the Clay Compromise proposes to abolish the slave trade in the District of Columbia by making all slaves free who are brought there for purposes of trade. The Clayton Compromise Bill perpetrated no such insult to the South. These are the important features of difference between the two compromises, and, in our opinion, of themselves constitute a sufficient reason why a Southern man may have supported the one, and denounce the other. Looking again at the t i Terence in the circumstances under which they are presented, i we are equally sustained in this view of the question. Had territorial governments been formed for our Pacific possessions, without the Wilmot Proviso, in | 1547, as the Clayton Compromise proposed, there is scarcely a shadow of doubt that California at least ! would have been a slave State, for the reason that there is no country on the globe so finely adapted to slave labor, and the almost unanimous opinion enter tained at the South, at that time, was that there was no barrier there to its introduction in the way of | Mexican law or otherwise. Slave holders then would have poured in there by thousands and oon- trolled the legislation of the country. Now, however, the bugbear of existing Mexican laws, and the opin ion that slavery is dependent upon municipal law, would operate to the almost entire exclusion of slavery, even though territorial governments were provided without the Wilniot Proviso. What slave holder would be | willing to carry his slaves to California and subject his right to hold them to the adjudication of a court |in which his cause would be prejudged. In 1847 the people had no such fears. Messrs. Stephens and | Toombs were noted not only throughout Georgia, but throughout all the Southern States, for the sin gularity of their views on the question of the exist i enee of the anti-slavery laws of Mexico, and had the | Clayton Compromise Bill become a law, the people ; themselves would have established the question be -1 fore it ever could have been carried into courts. So powerfully does this cause operate to the prejudice , of the South, that were the Clayton Compromise Bill itself before the country to-day. we should oppose it, much as we favored it once. llow much less, then, can we give our assent to a measure winch differs from it so vastly, and so vitally against the South ? The South did not ask in 1847 that Congress should protect her rights in the territories, because she regarded the simple extension of the Constitution over that country, as sufficient protection. Indi vidually, we are not less satisfied now than we ever have been, that slavery requires no municipal law for its establishment, and that the anti-slavery laws of Mexico are not in force ; but a contrary opinion is en tertained by others, and those, too, whom the people look to for authority, and the effect of the prevalence of this opinion is to exclude slavery as completely as the Proviso would do it. Such being the case, have we not the right to require that Congress should quiet those apprehensions by removing whatever cause may exist in those territories, to our equal par tieipation in them ? In view’ of these facts, any set tlement of this question which does not expressly re- I cognise the rights of the Southern people to go there with their slave property, is practically worthless. North Carolina Election. An election for Governor and members of the Legislature of this State, took place on Thursday last. We are indebted to the editor of the Green borough Telegraph for an extra, dated the 3d inst. from which we gather the following results tor Governor: In Wayne,Reid, (Dem.) 1093; Manly, (Whig) 264. In Hanover, Reid, (Dem.) 1021 ; Manly, (Whig) 275. 3 In Johnston, Reid, (Dem.) 894; Manly, (Whig) 641. In Wake, the whole Democratic ticket elected. In Green, Reid’s majority is 25. In Pitt, a Democratic gain is reported. In Lenoir, a larger vote was given than was ever cast before, in which it stated Reid, (Dem.) will have 223 majority. In Craven, it is said, Manly, (Whig.) will gain largely upon his last vote. Progress of Free Soil Sentiment. The Hon. R. M. T. Hunter, in his recent able speech in the U. S. Senate, depicts, in a striking light, the advances which have been made by the abolition sentiment during the last thirty years. A most for cible illustration of this truth is furnished in the his tory of the Missouri Compromise. In 1821, when the peace of the country was not less seriously threat ened by this slavery agitation, than it is now, the Missouri compromise was tendered to the South, and became a law over the heads of Southern Repre sentatives. It was acquiesced in, however, by the South, as an extreme concession for the sake of the Union. To-day, the South offers to settle our differ ences on the principle of the concessions then made, and those who advocate it are denounced as ultras. — The North was then ready to hang ns if we did not accept the Missouri Compromise ; now it is ready to hang us if we demand it. To-day we are denounced for not accepting Clay’s Compromise, which deprives us of still greater rights, and if we aeeept it, in ten years we shall be equally denounced if we insist even upon its feeble guarantees. But the history even of tliissession of Congress, is not without proof on this point. At an early day of the session, Mr. Clay introduced in the Senate, a series of resolutions, which were intended as a basis of com promise for our troubles. Those resolutions met with almost universal denunciation at the South, and even the warmest admirers of that Senator dared not utter one word in approval of them. Mr. Clay himself was unhesitatingly denounced as a traitor to the South, and his former mouth-pieces did not venture even a vindication of him. Well, what were those resolu tions ? One was to abolish the slave trade in the Dis trict of Columbia, and prohibiting a deposite of slaves therein for purposes of sale. Another was to admit California with suitable boundaries. Another Was to form territorial governments for Utah and New Mexico, and another was to enact a law for the more effectual recovery of fugitive slaves. Later in the session the committee of thirteen introduced a com promise, which is now known as the Clay Compro mise, and, as we shall see, very properly so called.— This compromise embraces several features, which are, Ist, the abolition of the slave trade in the Dis trict, prohibiting a deposite of slaves therein for pur poses of sale, and also prohibiting their deposite therefor transportation; 2d, to admit California with her present boundaries ; 3d, to provide territo rial governments for Utah and New Mexico, and 4th, to provide more effectually for the recovery of fugi ira slaves. How has this compromise been received at the South ? We venture the assertion, that not one of the papers in this State which now cordially em braces this bill, (perhaps the Augusta Chronicle & Sentinel excepted) said one word in commendation of it, in the first issue after it was known what that compromise was. It met with the unqualified exe cration of some, and the favor of not one, public jour nal in Georgia. Now, on the contrary, we find at least four influential presses in this State, boldly ad vocating its adoption. Let it be remembered that this compromise differs but little from Mr. Clay’s res olutions, and every one of those differences is against the South, and that while no one in this latitude en dorsed the latter, many are clamorously in favor of the former, and some idea may be formed of the fear ful progress which abolition sentiment is making even at the South. But we may come nearer home. In 1544 the Methodist Church in this place absolutely dismissed its pastor, confessedly one of the ablest men belong ing to their connexion, because he manifested an un due sympathy with the Northern branch of that Church in the controversy which was then pending. To-day, Mr. Curry, might Sunday after Sunday ut ter such sentiments, and the only damage he would do, would be to divide his congregation. He certain ly would have a flock large enough to retain him here. We have adverted to these things, not from any improper motive, but simply as an illustration of what we conceive to be an alarming advance of Northern sentiment in our midst. The Girard and Mobile Rail Road. Maj. Hardaway, the President of this road, has returned home after several months absence upon the line.. The report he makes is cheering to the friends of the enterprise, and, we think, promises a speedy completion of the road. Ilis cash subscrip tion, and subscription in work, is nearly sufficient to complete the grading and superstructure of the whole line. A bill has already passed the Senate, giving to the company, the alternate sections of public lands through which the road iuns. This bill is now be fore the House, and an officer of the road, now in Washington, writes that he entertains no doubt of its passage through that body. It is estimated that this will secure to the enterprise about $1,200,000. Be sides this, the President of the company has assu rances that he will be able to get a cash subscription in New Orleans sufficient to iron the whole road.— Flattering as these prospects are, it is not the inten tion of the board of directors to commit the stock- holders to the enterprise, until all means of success have been so certainly commanded as to place a fail ure out of the question. In other words, the first step will not be taken until the way is clearly open for taking the last. Under such auspices, no similar enterprise in the country, ever held out greater in ducements to capitalists. Unlike almost any other rail road which has ever been built in the Union, this will be conducted entirely upon the cash prin ciple, and it is intended that when the road is com pleted, it will not owe a dollar. Its first profits will be distributed in the shape of dividends among the stockholders. As to the size of those dividends, wc have not now the time to speculate. Certainly, how- ! ever, estimated by all the ordinary rules of calcula tion, they must exceed those of any other road in the ! South. Mr. Clay’s Bill Ignored. So, it appears that Mr. Clay's bill to give every body every thing has been dished. The Senate have thrown it out, voted it no bill, and determined that for the “five bleeding wounds of the country” it was no infallible plaster. Poor Mr. Clay ! Poor Compro mise ! Poor Weeding wounds, all five of them 1 The telegraph states that New Mexico, and Texas, and California, were all stricken out of the bill, leav ing nothing in it but Utah, the land of the Salt Lake, inhabited by Mormons and certain very wretched and rascally tribes of Indians-—people that live mainly on poke roots and snails, with now and then a very lean rabbit. The magnificent scheme which was to swathe in Mr. Clay’s imperial mantle the whole re gion from the new boundary of dismembered Tex as to the Pacific Ocean, dwindles down at last to a pitiful territorial bill for settling the small affairs of the aforsaid Mormons and Indians. What a falling off! Now what was the secret of the fate of Mr. Clay’s bill ? It was a cheat, a charlatan’s device for hiding the diseases of the body politic momentarily, and claiming the reward of curing them. So accustom ed are our politicians to this small statesmanship of expedients, that they have come to look upon spe ciousness as a substitute for virtue in public measures, and they expect people to revere even a transparent veil to such an extent as to take no notice of the fraud that glares through it. The two leading advocates of the compromise could face each other in the Senate and maintain directly opposite opinions of its force and effect without feeling that an apology was needed for playing off such a game of equivocation on a peo ple who demanded the honest settlement of a dan gerous controversy. We do not soy that this contro versy can be settled in the Union at all. We doubt if it can be. But if it can be closed by no measure conceived in honesty, and bearing on its front its own plain meaning, how idle is it to suppose it can be controlled by paltry tricks and evasions—by a meas ure wbieh Mr. Foote says means that the South may carry their slaves into all the territories, and Mr. Clay says leaves them no right to settle a foot of the whole. M e rejoice, then, in the defeat of Mr. Clay’s bill, because it was a cheat—a deliberate attempt to palm off a false coin for a genuine—a proposition to fill the vawning chasm between the North and South, by spreading a paper blanket over it. Such childish ex pedients are not suited to the gravity of the times. The South demands justice—substantial justice. She will seek for it in the Union first, and if she find it not, and can no longer find it there, she will seek it elsewhere. And it is to a people thus roused to the necessities of their position, thus forced to demand the substance of right, that Mr. Clay and Mr. Foote display the specious shadow and call upon them to ad- | mire its glossy surface, that “goodly outside,” that is the chosen aspect of falsehood and treachery. But we must not suppose that the defeat of Mr. Clay’s bill brings repose to the dissensions of the country, or settles any question in favor of the South. It is merely a negative decision. It merely disposes j of one of the schemes for stripping the South of all share in the territories. There are others in reserve, which will be speedily brought forward and perse veringly urged. The bill for the admission of Cali fornia by itself will next be broached, and, by way of securing its success, Mr. Douglass has given notice of a proposition to abolish the rules of the Senate, so far as they protect the minority in the right of full dis cussion. The admission of California alone Mr. Clay threateningly prophesied would be the consequence of the defeat of his bill. He will do bis utmost now to secure the fulfilment of bis own prophesy. But there are others to be consulted, and whether on the bill itself, or on the preliminary fraud of abrogating the right of discussion, they will not weary in defend ing the Constitution of the Confederacy from dese cration, and the vital rights of their constituents from the assaults of their enemies. We believe that the admission of California will meet with a resistance too strong and determined to overcome, and that the true representatives of the South, backed by the great tide of public opinion, will take a position from which they can be neither lured by snares, nor driv en by force.— Charleston Mercury. The Ladies are with us. Against the countermand of the fair authoress, we publish below, copious extracts from a manu script which had been sent to us by a lady of this city. We are pleased to see, that while our fellow men are not unmindful of their obliga tions to their country, in these exciting times their wives and daughters have not been inat tentive to the contest which is going on. We have no fears while the ladies are with us. They are always right, and victory is sure to crown the cause which is blessed with woman’s smiles: QUERIES TO BE ANSWERED BY EITHER TARTY. Query Is/. —Did the Missouri Compromise mean that the North made a demand upon the South not to carry slaves north of 36 30, and that she consented to relinquish her right to all territory north of that line without any equiva lent whatever, or any gaurantee that her rights and institutions should be preserved south of it; and that, at a time, too, when we are told that the Southern party was the strongest in Con gress? If these were the terms of the Com promise, a most infamous transaction it was. Or did the original Compromise stop at the western boundary of Missi uri, aid was it left for Mr. Polk to extend this line from Missouri to the ocean, across slave territory, as in Oregon and Texas, and thus relinquish the rights of the South to enter with her property any Territory of the Union whatever, without an equivalent; and without a guarantee that her institutions should be protected south of that line ? and this, too, at a time when we had a Southern President, and are told the South was the stronger party in Congress. Or does the Missouri Compro mise mean a compact between the North and South, by which the South agreed not to form slave States north of 36 30, provided the North would agree to admit slave States south of that line ? This last has some what the appearance of Compromise. Query 2d. —lf a slave holder has a right to enter territory common to both sections, belong ing as much to one as the other, with his slaves, have the majority of any convention, meeting for the purpose of forming a constitution for a new State, a constitutional right, to deprive him of his slaves, by setting them free ? Or do they possess the power to make him leave territory and land where he possessed the right to settle ? Query 3 d. —lf majorities have the right to send Southen men and their property out of the Territory, when changing it into a State, or have the right to deprive them of their inalienable right of property, by freeing their slaves, do they not also, as reasonably possess the power to de prive them of their lands, their cattle, their liber ty I Are minorities always to submit? Is there no power in the Constitution to protect them? Query 4lh. —What kind of legislation is that in Territory or State, which will give free access to any wandering vagabond from any part of the known world, with any kind of property, from a menagerie of wild beasts to plague-in fected goods, and yet deprives the citizens of fifteen Southern States from dwelling there with their property ? The only people in the world, prohibited by law, from carrying property to and fro, in a confederacy which professes to be one of union and brothers. Query sth. —ls it not a most absurd spectacle to see fifteen Southern States voluntarily de- ; priving their citizens of the privilege of entering any territory in the Union, when they have a right to do so, and in doing so, interfere with the j rights of no one, only offending the tender con | sciences of a set of Northern fanatics? Query 6th. —ls it not mortifying to see a South ern man vote for the admission of anew State into the Union, the principal feature in whose Constitution is the unconstitutional declaration, that what is considered as property in fifteen States, shall not be property there, and shall not be protected by law, at the same time that not an inhabitant of the new State had any inherent right to settle on the territory—and did so cn'y by the permission of the old States, the same fifteen, being half of the consenting party ? Query Ith. —Must the South sit quietly and see her territories, which were bequeathed by her ancestors, or won by her sword, devoured by the locusts of emigration, and her lands taken possession of by the swarms from European hives, and the abolitionists of the North, who, as a return for the privilege of settling them, turn about and pass laws prohibiting the citizens of fifteen States from carrying their property there ? [FOR THE SENTINEL.] Female Education in Georgia. Surely if any people ever had cause to be proud of their native land, or tics to bind them to its soil, Georgians have that cause and those ties. In all that can make man what he ought to be, or that can in vest his home with attractions, Georgians may not fear a comparison with any State of the Union.— Whether we look to her exhaustless resources of wealth, the salubrity of her climate, or to the charac ter of her population, she is equally worthy of the pride of her people. We propose now, however, to speak of her praises in a different sphere. We allude to what she is doing in the way of educating her daughters. The first female college in the United States, and we believe the first in the world , was established in Georgia. She has now seven chartered female in stitutions within her limits, and we propose, if you will give us a corner in your paper, Mr. Editor, to call the attention of your readers to the respective claims of each one of them. We will commence with a notice of the “Episcopal Female Institute ,” at Montpelier, in Monroe County. Speaking of this school, the Rev. Mr. White, in his work on the “Sta tistics of Georgia,” 6ays: “It is located in Monroe county, about seventeen miles from Macon, fourteen from Forsyth, and six from the Macon and Western Rail Road. Its advantages are not surpassed by those of any school in the United States. Until the property was purchased by Mr. G. B. Lamar, (to whose liberality the Episcopal Church is chiefly indebt ed for this invaluable seminary) it was a favorite resort for invalids, who were attracted by its medical springs, healthful climate and delightful temperature. Its na tural beauties, which are rarely equalled, have been improved with the finest taste. The visitor needs only to see its extensive lawn, majestic groves, shady walks, beautiful gardens and spacious buildings to be in love with the spot. In addition to this, it is the permanent residence the Bishop of the Diocese, a gentleman long distinguished for devoted piety and extensive literary attjfinments. His large and well selected librarv affords sn inexhaustible source of en tertainment and knowle<W* to the pupil. The course of instruction is thorov complete, embracing every item that can contribute to fit a lady for the first station in society. Its teachers are persons of high character slid first rate abilities. They have been procured at great expense in Europe and Amer ica. It may be truly said that in this school true re ligion, useful learning and polished refinement are inseparably united.” This is a glowing repre sentation, but no one who is acquainted with the loveliness of the location, the character of the dis tinguished divine at its head, and the excellence of the board of instruction, would pronounce it in the Hast overdrawn. From the last printed circular of the institution, we gather the following additional facts. The school is situated in the midst of a farm of eight hundred acres, the property of the Institute, thus affording grounds for the amusement and exer cise o” the pupils free from all intrusion and annoy ance. The buildings afford accommodations for eighty six pupils, and contain ample school rooms, mu sical and drawing rooms, philosophical and chemical lecture rooms, with suitable apparatus, exhibition rooms,, and green house, &c. The board of instruc tion cons'sti of eleven efficient teachers in the various departments, carefully selected from this country and Europe. The whole is under the supervision of the Right Reverend Stephen Ei.liott, Jr. Bishop of the Diocese of Georgia, than whom the State does not contain a man more celebrated for devoted piety and extensive literary attainments. The course of study embraces all such English branches as arc usually taught in the highest female seminaries in the United States, together with French, Italian, and Latin if de sired, music, drawing, painting and embroidery. The full course of instruction embraces four years, and the cost per annum, embracing board, tuition and in struction in every branch, is §250 per annum. We have here stated nothing but facts, nor has half been said that might be mentioned in recom mendation of tl. s nstitutior. We shall trouble your readers with no reflections of our own, not only be cause none are necessary, but because we might weary you and them, if we limited this communica tion alone by our own disposition to dwell upon the delightul picture. Your community has already been adorned with some of the lovely proofs of the ■ usefulness of this school. There are now several young ladies from your midst who are there prepar ing themselves for the duties of future life. ELIA. [COMMUNICATED.] To the Editor of the Southern Sentinel : There is a solemn admonition in the awful sudden n ss of the summons by which our late President, and many other leading statesmen of this and other lands, have been called off from the stage on which they played their parts, to another and more enduring w >rld. If the soldier who has to coif ont death on the battkfield, or the sailor who lives in perpetual con flict with the mighty elements, are removed at a stroke, though we mourn for them, yet we feel no surprise at the suddenness of their fate. It is in their case no more than must be expected in the ordinary course of events; we naturally suppose their minds are ever familiar with the thought of death, fully pre pared for encountering its dread reality. Not so with the statesman. To his mind—unless his private and personal mind be religiously attuned—no thought is more unfamiliar than the thought of death. As a statesman, lie lives in plans and projects for the ; future regulations if this present world ; in it all his interests are concentrated; in it he seeks to realize his dreams of power and greatness; to it he devotes all his energies, his waking thoughts and his night watches. As if this world was to endure forever, he calculates and legislates for distant ages, in the effort to gain stability and duration to the world of man.— He forgets that he himself is but a man, and mortal. May it not be, then, that the striking suddenness with which statesman after statesman has been cut down in the very midst of his career, lately, and within the memory of those now living, is an antidote mercifully provided against the worldly forgetfulness of things eternal, which the constant occupation of the mind with political measures, transactions and conflicts, is apt to engender ; that the sharp admoni tion conveyed by these startling exhibitions of the uncertainty of life, and the vanity of all sublunary things, is meant to counteract the inevitable tendency of the political mind to burrow in the visible, and to ! lose sight of the paramount importance of the unseen j world; that the sudden transfer of one and another :of those with whom, or against whom, they have I toiled and struggled with all the intensity of a mind | undiverted, and a will unmoved, is graciously intend ’ ed to remind the survivors that there are other scenes, and other realms, to which they too will be called off sooner or later, and forcibly brings to the mind the words of our Saviour, “Be ye also ready it may not be for years to come, or it may be to-morrow, scenes and realms in which far other and lngher interests are pending than those on which their thoughts are all intent. May we not go farther and say that this providential discipline of mind, if suffered to take effect upon those for whom it is in tended, will not fail to produce a salutary influence upon the very character of their statesmanship.— There is too much in the political science, the political aims and maxims of the present age, especially, that savors of the mere earth, and the animal, man, the production and distribution of food and raiment, of the necessaries and the luxuries of life; the creation and accommodation of that hollow abstraction, which, un der the name of wealth, marks man with fallacious visions of happiness. Most unreal is the purpose to w'hich modern statesmanship is too exclusively direct ed ; the very cultivation of the immaterial part of man, so far as it is contemplated by modem states manship, is made subservient to man's animal exist ence. Instruction touching matters of this earth, and the concerns of this earthly life, is the staple of the education which politicians would provide; and if a place is kept open for rligion in their educational schemes, it is rather from a consideration of the ef fect which religion has in restraining the passions, and securing the order and well being of society, than from a regard for its ulterior purposes, or from a desire to secure an eternal gain to immortal souls ; rather from a deference for public opinion, which in sists on religion as a necessary part of education, than from reverence for Him from whom religion flows, and to whom it points. All this downward, earthward tendency of the views of modern statesmen, seems to call for a cor rective ; something seems needed to remind them not only that the education of the young, ought to be a preparation for more than their brief span of life in this world, but that all human existence here below is but a schooling, and a discipline by which man is to be fitted for another and an eternal state of being ; to teach them that there are fixed principles of human conduct laid down by Him who is the Supreme Ruler of all human affairs, which are not to be suspended by the fickle demands of the multitude, and the tran sient shifts of expediency ; definite and unchange able truths, revealed by Him who is truth, which are not to be set aside by the vague and ever changing opinions of man, and for the hollow argument of mu | tual compromise ; to teach them that above all hu- I man authority, and power—above nations, and princes, there is One who requires to be honored in all that is done by men on earth ; One who will not give I his honor to another—the King of Kings and Lord of j Lords. If these, and other like wholesome and j much needed lessons, be collected by surviving states men, from the sudden and melancholy events which have lately occurred in this country and England, it may be said not irreverently nor inappropriately of those lamented statesmen on whom the tomb has just closed, and removed abruptly from the scene of their labors and ambition, that they being dead, yet speak. [new YORK correspondence.] New York, July 30, 1850. Dog-days—Visit to Rockland Lake—Celebration of the President's Obsequies—The Free Acade my—Further Particulars of the Wreck of the Elizabeth—Long Island Wreckers—Arrivals Expected—Sir Henry Lytton Bulwer—Atlantic and Passengers —New Issues of the Press , <j-e., sc. “Oh 1 for a lodge in some vast wilderness! Some boundless contiguity of shade!” I erv with perspiring pores, the sun prostrating our energies w T ith his fiery beams, and the mercury at 92 deg. Syrius is in the ascendant —tl.e dog days have come. He who says we can’t get up hot weather sometimes in New I ork, slanders us basely. For a week past wc have been suffering intensely. Unable any longer to resist the temptation of fleeing from my brick-walled prison, on Friday last I took my fishing tackle, and made for Rockland Lake. This beautiful sheet of water is situated about thirty miles from the city, nearly on the top of a high bluff which overlooks the Hudson. It is about four miles in circumference, and surrounded by scenery of the most picturesque character; its greatest at traction, however, is the abundance of fish which it contains, of ;11 fresh water varieties. It is a favorite resort for the followers of old Isaac Walton, who are rarely disappointed in getting a good mess. It is from this Lake that our city is principally supplied with ice. The western shore is lined with ice hous es, of a size and capacity almost incredible. The fill ing of these in winter employs a great many hands, and is an operation well worth seeing. In good sea sons they lay up all they can, and I am informed that some of the houses have remained unopened for three or four years together, and that without their contents being sensibly diminished. They are now, however, almost entirely emptied, the weather last winter having been so mild, that with the exception of two days, no ice formed of sufficient thickness to be laid up. The obsequies in honor of our late President took ! place, as announced, on Tuesday, the 23d inst. The procession, notwithstanding the numbers absent from the city, was the longest, President Harrison's, per haps, excepted, that I have ever seen in New York. It was over five miles in length, and was an object of interest to thousa .ds who were congregated in the streets hrough which it passed. The funeral car was beautifully got up. David Graham, Esq., our celebrated criminal lawyer, delivered the eulogy, which was eloquent and feeling. Several years ago our city decided, by a popular vote, to endow an institution for the free education of boys in the higher branches, the pupils to be received only from the public schools. The first literary anni : versary of this Free Academy, was celebrated on the 25th inst. A large audience were gathered, who seemed well satisfied with the proceedings. This in ■ stitution is s'tuated in t'le upper pa t of the city ; it is a fine building capable of containing a thousand pupils. Owing to the shameful want of preparation in the public schools, only a very limited number have as yet been able to pass the examination requir ed before entering the Academy. More than half of the candidates are not unfrequcntly rejected. This has awakened the mind of the community to the fact, that the instructions received in our public schools ire almost a nullity, and sttong efforts are now being made to raise their standard of scholar ship. We trust that these may prove effectual. I wrote you last week of the wreck of the “Eliz abeth,” during the la’e disastrous storm which visited us, and the loss therein of Margaret Fuller. A num ber ot the fr ends of this lady have visited the scene of the wreck for the purpose of saving, if possible, her m;:n r cripts. Til's they have succeeded in do ing, though it is feared that a portion of them have been so injured by tl e water as to be illegible. Pow er's statue of Cu.h mn wis on board this same vessel, and has not yet been recovered, although Mr. Kel logg, the artist, and several agents of the under writers have been making every possible effort to find it. The contents of the vessel which survived the wreck, have been most villainously appropriated by the Long Island land pirates, who have publicly offered parts of her cargo for sale in Patehogue. It is high time that severe measures were taken against these heartless robbers, who thus live on the plunder of the unfortunate. I ugh Maxwell, our energetic ! Collector, has visited the ground in person for the | purpose ot bringing to justice those concerned in this ! worst species of robbe y. Our citizens, partieu’arly the foreign portion of I them, are on the qui ii e, for the arrival of two dis tinguished strangers to whom the hospitalities of the ! city are to be rendered—Gen. Garibaldi, and Gen. Paez. It was announced last week that the former had reached quarantine, but Dame Rumor proved herself, on this as on former occasions, quite unwor thy of trust. There seems to be a tendency in Amer ican character, to get up displays, a procession-loving, sight-seeing, novelty-hankering element, which leads us to make lions of all strangers who visit our shores, while sometimes to our chagrin we find, as in the fa ble, that asses are occasionally found in lions’ skins. Sir Henry Lytton Bulwer, the English minister, arrived in this city on Saturday last; the climate of Washington does not agree with his health, and he intends during the remainder of the summer, trying the effect of the salubrious breezes of Staten Island, lie has hired a beautiful cottage on the island. A hard struggle is now going on between the Cu nard and Collins lines of Atlantic steamers, as to which is capable of mating the quickest trips. John ! Bull cannot bear to see Brother Jonathan take prece- I dence of him in this respect, as he has in so many ! others, and the Cunards are doing their utmost. Thus far, however, our Collins line has the advan tage. The Atlantic saikd on Saturday with 120 pas sengers, among them Rev. Dr. Bethune, Rev. Dr. Potts, Geo. W. Kendall, of the New Orleans Picayune, A. C. Bullitt, late of the Republic, and M. De Lisle, French minister to Mexico. The Harpers have pubihed a beautiful edition of Dr. Beattie s “Life and Letters of Thomas Camp- bell.” Beattie’s position, as executor of the poet, has afforded him ample facilities for the compilation of these volumes, which are possessed of much interest. The same firm have issued the fourth volume of Mil man’s edition of Gibbon's “Decline and Fall of tlie Roman Empire.” This is uniform with Hume’s History already issued, and is to be followed by Ma caulay’s England in the same style. These works are beautiful library editions, and being put at the low price of fifty cents a volume, are within every one’s reach. From Stringer & Tow nsend, we have Rey nold’s new work, “The Seamstress,” which is one of a series entitled the slaves of England. The last number of the “Gallery of Illustrious Americans,” a series containing portraits and sketches of our most distinguished countrymen, was devoted to Audubon ; the next will contain a likeness and biography 1 of President Fillmore. Miss Cooper, a daughter of our great American novelist, has made her literary debut in a work entitled “Rural Hours,” originally pub lished in London, and republished here by Putnam. It consists mainly of reflections and observations on Nature. Putnam has also issued Dr. Ungewitter’s “Europe, past and present,” a comprehensive Manu al of European Geography and History. Also, ‘‘Sleep Psychologically considered with reference to Sensation and Memory,” by Dr. Foster, of Auburn. Putnam publishes some good books, but his tremen dous prices kept them out of general circulation. Yours, &e., P. Q. The Day we Celebrate. —May its mornings continue to be ushered in with peals of joy by unborn millions. How unborn millions can shout, we dont know —we should think they could shout better after they were born than before.— Boston Post. [YANKEE CORRESrONDENCE.] Boston, July 28, 1850. Senatorial Appointments—Obsequies of Gen. Tay lor—A Hanging Case — Another—Census of Massachusetts — Trans-atlantic Communication — Countess Ossoli—Jenny Lind , dpc. Mr. Webster being now Secretary of State, it Las become the duty of Gov. Briggs to appoint a suc cessor for the remainder of the Senatorial term. The Governor, by and with the consent of the council, has decided on making the appointment, and the Hon. Edward Everett has been generally spoken of as the man who will probably be chosen. A precept has been issued for the election of a member to fill the vacancy left by the death of the Hon. D.P. King, representative for the second district. We arc preparing to celebrate the obsequies of the late President with much pomp and solemnity. The ceremonies will take place on the 15th of August, when all the societies of the community—Military, masonic, literary, benevolent, scientific, &c., will combine to do honor to the memory of the departed veteran. It is expected to be a very imposing affair. Last Friday a man named Pearson was hanged at the gaol of Cambridge, for the murder of his wife and two children, at Wilmington, last year. It was a deliberate atrocity. He lived in Boston at the time, and went down by railroad, on purpose to destroy them — or at least, the woman—who, with her children, was obliged to live apart from him, and who lived in a somewhat isolated house. Havingreached Wilming ton, he stole to the house, knocked at the door, was let in by his wife, shook hands with her, sat down to supper with her and the children, and in a little time they went to bed together. After a sleep or doze of a couple of hours, he got up and took the knife he had brought from this city, and assailed his sleeping wife ; after a struggle he overcame and slew her ; he then cut the throats of the two terrified little girls ! lie afterwards kindled a light, dressed himself, and ar ranged the dead woman on the floor, her head on a pillow, the knife in her hand, and on the table near her a laudnum bottle, and a letter which he had ad dressed to her, but had never sent to her, to the ef fect that he would marry again and have nothing more to say to her. All these things were intend* and to give people the idea that the mother in a fit of dc spair caused by this intelligence, had killed her chil dren first and then herself! The evidence was close and deadly against him, and he was found guilty.— For some months after his conviction, he affected an insane demeanor, and denied all knowledge of the mu ‘der of his wife. The philanthropists made great efforts to save his life, but ineffectually. As the day for his execution drew near, he dropped his crazy dis guise, and the Rev. Mr. Taylor at last induced him to confess the murder and the manner of it. The motive of it the wretch mystified to the last. Webster seems resigned to his fate. It was thought, and it may yet be so, that he would take a dose of some poison from his waistcoat pocket and dismiss himself quietly in his cell, the day before the fatal 30th of August. But people say he does not intend such a thing, because he himself said he was too much of a Christian to do so. A curious use people make of Christianity ! He is allowed a knife and fork, and glassware at dinner. The Professor, however, knows: there are better and more comfoi table means of ma king the quietus than a clumsy dinner knife. A friend of himself and his family could be prevailed on to bring him the needful thing in a little space—ay, in his mouth, like a tobacco quid. lam not sure that Professor Webster will die my means of a rope, and publicly. He will not, at all events, speak in such a pious and edifying manner as Pearson did. The Pro fessor has not professed any particular form of re ligion, and does not have many of Pearson’s ideas of the other world. A professor of Chemistry’ general ly thinks differently from a waiter of a hotel. Mr. Littlefield, the janitor of the Medical College, whose evidence chiefly condemned Webster, and whom Webster tried to have hanged for the murder instead of himself, came to see the prisoner the other day.— There was an appearauce of great cordiality between them, and they exchanged forgiveness ; but the Pro fessor added that he really knew nothing about tl.e sledge hammer , which Littlefield testified he h. and brought into his laboratory the day before he killed Parkman, and concerning which he said nothing in his confession. The interview strikes me as Having been an indelicate, hypocritical affair. There could have been no real kind feeling between the two men. The census of our State has been completed, and its population shown to be 973,715 —239,457 more than in 1840. The apportionment gives our Senate forty members, and the number of representatives will be 299. The citizens of Portland, in Maine, have petitioned their legislature to ascertain the most practicable route for a railroad from Bangor in the direction of S£ John, New Brunswick, to some good harbor in Nova Scotia, most suitable for a terminus to a trans-atlantic line of steamers. From Cape Canso, in N. S., to Galway, in Ireland, tlie distance is said to be 2000 miles—6oo miles less than the distance to Boston.— The projectors of the petition state that a speed of seventeen miles an hour is possible ; and they, there fore, estimate that news can thus cross the ocean from Europe to America in the space of five days —that is about half the time it now takes in transit. There is no doubt some such plan must be shortly adopted for bringing the European and American people and their bus nessas closely as possible toget! • cr. Poor Nova Scotia and poor Ireland would be raised into some importance and benefitted by such a thing. How the great geographical laws of nature overbear and counteract the laws of human policy.— When the necessity of the times shall have made Galway a trans-atlantic port, commerce will flow backward and forward through that island, which will then be raised into importance. England may repress the hopes and energies of Ireland, but Ameri ca will electrify them and raise them, and pour her own powerful spirit through the unhappy popula'ior. Jonathan leans out, as it were, into the sea, to take Paddy's hand across it. He will take John Bull's hand, too, but Paddy's first ; and he will in time teach these two quarrelsome insulars that they must behave to one another like brothers. There is hope for poor Ireland yet. It is not for nothing that she has Her back turned to Britain, her face to the We t f The commercial civilization of our age, which has its most energetic inspiration on this continent, shall* yet include the shores and resources of one of tlie most beautiful and fertile islands of the world, so long and so basely impoverished. Yes; Ireland will be liberated from America, after all! The loss on Fire Island of the ship Elizabeth of Phil adelphia, from Leghorn toNew York, was a sad affair. Margaret Fuller, of New York, an authoress of note,, and correspondent of the “Tribune,” was lost along” with her husband, the Count Ossoli and their little son, two years old. What hopes, and affection, sncß mutual pride, went down with this interesting family, almost in sight of that beloved shore which the moth er longed so earnestly to see again ! The statue of Calhoun, by Powers, sunk with the ship. Efforts are being made to recover it. Jenny Lind is to sing in Liverpool for three nights before sailing to this country, on the 21st of August, in the Atlantic. She is to get SSOOO for the three nights. The weather here is cool and pleasant. YANKEE DOODLE. Editorial Decencv. — The Cincinnati Commer cial, in replying to a cotemporary, uses the following courteous language : “You are a cotcard, a liar , a scoundrel —and if you have a spark of personal courage, you will not take that quietly.” Such language eould only be given or taken “ qui etly,” in the land of “ everlastin’ sass.” There, epi thets have no specific meaning, and blackguardism is employed as a legitimate weapon of warfare.— Sav. Nettie