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Adjustment, come Jr orn irhat source it may ,
that is constitutional in its character, and that
docs fair and equal justice to the South, and
the entire Union.
Farther than this the* are net disposed to
go to save the Union. As to Mr. Clay’s Com
promise, but comparatively few have made
up their minds as to its effect. Not liking it
much, but disliking very much a portion ol
it, yet feeling that “ sufficient i’or the day is
the evii thereof,” they are disposed to wait
tfntff it is passed, and if passed, to see its ef
fect. And if, indeed, it be against 11s, and
less than the Missouri line, they are then ready
TO LOOK OCT FOB TIIEIIL OWN PROTECTION
and then “ woe be it unto those who: are against
them** These aae- my sentime-nte—and their
promulgation-- pfeasing whom they may, or
offending whom they may, I care not.
Respectfully, yours, &c., T.
SOUTHERN SENTINEL.
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA:
THURSDAY MORNING, AUG. 15, 1850.
Hons. W. C. Dawson, R. A. Toombs and M. J.
IVellborn have our thanks for Congressional
speeches and Public Documents.
The Sonthern Quarterly Review.
We wish to call the attention of our readers to tlie
work whose title stands at the head of tins article.
We do it not as a formality, or because we have any
individual interests in its success, but because we feel
that it is identified with the honor and prosperity of
the South. Wo do not intend to make an appeal to
the generosity or liberality of the public, for the rea
son that whoever patronizes the work will be more
than fourfold repaid for the expense he incurs ; but
we simply desire to impress upon Southern readers
the importance of appropriating whatever money they
spend iu this way to the encouragement of those
works which are published nt the South and breathe
a Southern spirit. There are many men at the
South who pay out for periodical literature three
rimes the amount of the subscription price of the
“Southern Quarterly Review,” and our object is to
induce them to devote a portion of that sum-to this
work. In point of literary merit it is not surpassed*
by any literary publication in America. It is pub
lished in Charleston, S. C., by Southern men with
Southern capital, and the articles are all written by
Southern men. ‘1 he following are some of the names
to be found on its large and steadily increasing list of
contributors: Hon. E. A. Ntsbet, of Ga., lion.
Beverly Tucker, of Va., Hon. A. B. Meek, of
Ala., Hon. Jab. H. Hammond, of S. Hon. J. R.
Poinsett, of 6. C., Hon. Henry 11. Jackson, of
Ha.. Prof. Geo. F. Holmes, of Va., Prof. F. Lie
ber, of S. C., Prof. J. B. Deßow, of La., Brantz
M.vyer, of Md., and many ethers whose names are
well known to the world of letters. The work is
strongly recommended by nearly all the Senators
and Representatives in Congress from the Southern
States as well wortlv the patronage of the reading
men of the South. We might enter at length into
the reasons why Southern men should support such
a work, showing not only its real benefits, and also
appealing to the pride of those who are tired of
Northern taunts of Southern literature, but we do
not think we need do more than call attention to its
merits. The publishers look alone to the South for
encouragement; without it the work must go down, a*
many of its predecessors have, but with it, it can be
come the established organ of domestic opinion—the
efcompion of our rights and’ character abroad—the
guide aud counsel to intellectual progress and proper
taste at home—the arena in which the better minds
of the country may always distinguish themselves,
and find the proper provocation to execution and per
formance—the wholesome authority to which we
nmy always turn for the correction and restraint of
crude and undigested speculation. These arc all ob
jects of the last necessity to a civilized people, who
have any thing to gain by enterprise, or any thing to
lose by remissness and indifference.
Statue of Calhoun. —It is now stated that the re
covery of the statue of Mr. Calhoun, by Powers,
from-the wreck of the ship Elizabeth , is almost hope
ices.
The Cabinet is now complete, and is composed
ns follows:
Webster, (Mass.) Secretary of State.
Corwin, (Ohio) “ . “ Treasury.
McKennon, (Penn.) “ “ Interior.
Conrad-, (La.) “ “ War.
Graham, (N. C.) “ “ Navy.
Crittenden, (Ky.) Attorney General.
Hall, (N. Y.) Post Master General.
North Carolina Election.
The returns from the old North State, leave no
douot of the election of Reid over Manly, the pre
sent incumbent. This is a triumph of 36 30. In the
convention which nominated Reid, strong ground
was taken in favor of the Missouri line, while the
delegates who nominated Manly declared their wil
lingness to accept the Clay Compromise. Reid’s
majority will probably be about 3000, and there will
be a majority for Southern rights of some eight or
ten on joint ballot in the Legislature.
California Admitted.
We received yesterday morning a Telegraphic
Dispatch from our attentive friends of the Macon
Telegraph , informing us that the Bill for the admis
sion of California as a State passed the Senate >m the
tilth inst. by a majority of 31 to l'S. Gs the exact
form in which it passed, or the circumstances, we
know nothing. It needs yet the ratification of the
House, and the approval of the President. Till it
has passed through these other stages of legislation,
we have no comments to make.
Ambition.
Our neighbor of the Enquirer intimate's pretty
strongly in the last number of that paper, that South
Carolina is tired of the Union because her big men
are too small to come up to the standard the great na
tion requires for the measurement of her high public
functionaries, and indeed lie is not altogether sure
that some of the aspiring men of Georgia do not feel
some little soreness from the same cause. We have
not been honored by these “big men” with an expo
sition of their views or intentions in the premises, and
cannot, therefore, author! itivelv endorse or eontrovei t
our neighbor’s opinions ; we have no objection, how
ever, to the speculations of the Enquirer, only
claiming the privilege, in turn, of testing, in the same
way, the intentions of some of the “big men” of his
own fold. There may be men at the South who are
selfish enough to desire a dissolution of the Union for
the attainment of their own ambitious ends, but for
every such man that the Einquirer will show us.
we will point him to ten who are willing to betray and
sell the South to Northern cupidity, for office : Men
whose god is power, and who, for the attainment of
it, woofd scruple to sacrifice friends, home, coun
try and all. Aye. there are plenty of them ; miser
able demagogues, soulless aspirants, contemptible
camp-followers, political mendicants, who will serve
the South as long as the South will pay for their ser
vice, but who would sap its very life-blood when they
ean get a consideration for doing so. Such men can
only hope for power in the Union, became there
they may purchase it with villainous treachery ; but
twee sever that connection by which the North is
able to give us officers, —once make promotion the re
ward of honest merit, and their “occupation's gone.” j
Aud yet these very men are weak enough to imag
ine that they blind the public by eulogies of the
Union. Great friends of the Union !
“Thoughts for the People.”
Under this head the Enquirer of Tuesday in
dulges in a very gloomy reverv. The ghost of tlie
murdered Union has crossed his way, and verily the
picture which the phantom has impressed upon our
’ neighbor’s imagination is a most distressing one.—
Well, admit that every word of tlie article in ques
tion is true, what of it ? Suppose dissolution to be
the horrible tiling- which- our neighbor's fancy has
painted it, what does it prove ? If it proves any thing
at a!!, it proves too much. Should Congress even
enact the Wilmot Proviso, or actually abolish slavery
in the District of Columbia, dissolution would he no
less dreadful as an alternative then, than it is now.—
Does the Enquirer mean to say that so intolerable
are the evils of dissolution that under no circum
stances could it be driven to its adoption ? In the
face of all this dire apparition would it dare resist the
Proviso outright ? But we think our neighbor is
mistaken. \\ e think there is no necessity for “wa
ding through oceans of blood to accomplish a separa
tion from our sister States ?” How will the war begin ?
V\ ho will commence it ? We have no personal re
| collection of the fact, but, if we mistake not, we have
heard that once on a time our neighbor thought that
! each State had the right to secede from this Union,
! and that each State must be the judge of the occasion
: for such secession. We think, too, that he was of the
opinion that even an onerous tax law would justify a
! State in the exercise of this right. Whether we are
correct or not in locating the former whereabouts of
the Enquirer on this question, we are very certain
that the position which wo have assigned to it is the
only one consistent with the genius of our confedera
cy or the safety of the Southern States. Suppose,
then, the Southern States, or not more than six of
them, should, in the exercise of this right, retire from
the Union upon the admission of California, who
would undertake to coerce them to return ? M ould
not the Northern States he great fools to endeavor to
whip us into a Union with them ? We think so, and
they think so. How, then, would the war be com
menced? Who would shed the first drop of that
ocean of blood of which our neighbor speaks?
The Muss Meeting at Macon.
Next Thursday is the day appointed for a rally of
Southern men at Macon, Ga. The object of that ral
ly is, not only to confer with each other upon the vi
tal issues before the country, hut to make a demon
stration in favor of Southern rights, which shall satis
fy our Northern countrymen that we are determined to
submit no longer to u rung. Perhaps the greatest obsta
cle heretofore in our way has been, that the North has
been permitted to rest in the conviction that her
measures of aggression met with no determined op
position at the South. Northern m-n in Congress
have hooted at the idea of actual resistance to any
thing, and their constituents have been deluded into
the idea that the peace of tlie country was in no wise
jeopardized by their outrages upon our rights. And,
to our mortification, the deception thus practiced upon
the masses at the North, has not been without the
semblance of truth. Southern presses have echoed the
declarations of Northern demagogues, and our own
papers have been quoted in Northern meetings as
confirmation of the assurances which their represen
tatives at Washington have given. Northern senti
ment is almost without a dissenting voice hostile to
the institution of slavery. They desire that it should
be restricted to its present limits ; nay more, they
desire that it should be extirpated wherever that can
legally be effected by Congress. But this is merely
a sentiment, a preference, which will be insisted on
! as long as it can be done with perfect impunity, and
; no farther. So far as the great masses of the people
at the North know, there is not the least danger to
the peace of this country involved in the demands
which they arc making through their representatives at
Yv ashingt-'i!. We wish to undeceive them. They
must be undeceived, if not nmv by popular demon
strations, it will be when it is fatally too late, by the
thunders of civil war. Why permit this fatal delu
■ sion to spell-bind the public mind at the North, until
I it has urged on to aggressions irreparable save by dis
i solution ? Why postpone the remedy until the only
I hope is in dismemberment ? If Southern men have
made up their minds to become the slaves of North
! ern masters, it is indeed folly to be exciting their con
! tempt by our puny remonstrances; but if the blood
! of freemen yet courses through our veins, in the
I name of liberty, and in the name of that Union which
! you profess to hold dear, let us assert our determina
tion to have our rights before it is too late. Let
| Southern men go up by thousands to the meeting in
Macon, and let them there proclaim, in terms so plain
that Northern Demagoguism cannot belie our mean
ing, that wc will be the equals, or no longer the fellow
citizens of the people of the North.
It is fashionable in some quarters to denounce such
movements as treasonable, and those engaged in them
as traitors. Well, be it so. Those immortal heroes
who met in Philadelphia in 1776 and resolved upon
liberty or death, Were traitors too, and those other
illustrious heroes of the revolutionary struggle, who
skulked behind Ring George’s crown and hung upon
the skirts of royalty, were the patriots of that day.
If it be treason to denounce as unworthy our alle
giance a government which legislates alone for our
ruin, then write our names on the roll ol’ traitors, and
1 doom us to the traitor’r fate. No, men of the South,
you are not to be deceived by hard names, or deterred
by empty threats. The question with yon is one of
honor or shame, liberty or bondage, life or death,
and no high-sounding eulogies of the Union, or petty
anathemas of federal parasites, ean deter you from
demanding your rights.
The Texas Boundary Question.
A despatch was received in this place several days
ago announcing that the Texas question was settled ,
and the intelligence was heralded abroad, in blazing
capitals, as glorious news. This would depend, we
should think, somewhat upon the character of the
settlement. We ean imagine a mode taiul we must
confess it is just that which we fear has been adopted)
in which the difficulty might be settled without being
very glorious news for the South. If it should turn
out that Texas has surrendered or sold a considerable
share of her territory to the Union, although wc
should not raise a question as to her right to do so.
we should think it was any thing but glorious news
for us, and certainly not very creditable to that State.
Texas tnay have the legal right to dispose of all her
territory to the Union, or to convert it all into free
soil, and yet to do so would argne a want of good
faith to the other slave States which wc have not been
prepared for. We assimilate it to tho question of
gradual emancipation raised last year in Kentucky.—
That State would have the right, if she saw fit, to ad
opt such a system, and yet to have done so would
have been exceedingly unfaithful to her obligations to
her sister States of the South. The case of Texas is, in
deed, still stronger. The territory which she sells is ex
clusively her own property, but all the Southern States
have an interest in it.
The Cafiibrnia Question.
The Omnibus Bill had scarcely been cold in the
Senate when the war was renewed, and in a form
that promises hotter work than any we have yet seen. |
The South has now to fight the seporate admission
of California, and if we do not mistake the spirit with
which the respective combatants have entered the
field, the fight is not likely to be one of words merely.
The question is now to be met fairly and squarely,
not so complicated with other questions as to divest it
of all individuality, but singly and alone, the proposi
tion to admit California as a State, is now before
Congress, and it must be determined. The im
mense results which hang upon the settlement of this
question give it an importance which has never at
tached to any other issue since the establishment of
this government. The magnitude of those results
may well invest with solemnity its progress through
the different Mages of legislation, but it cannot make
men faher in their determined demand for justice.—
The question for us to consider is, sliall California
with her present boundaries be admitted ? If. from
a proper regard for our own honor, our rights, our
existence, we determine that it shall not, then to us
it matters not whether the calm sunshine of peace, or
the fierce tempest of war, be the consequence of our
opposition. Well, what say the men of the South?
The North is even now endeavoring to consummate
tho outrage, and it is time that the South should
have answered the question, what are we to do if
California is admitted ? Shall we submit to it ? To
do so would be ruin and disgrace. \ iewed in one
! light alone, the South cannot safely surrender in this
matter. It is known that with the exception of one
or two recreant representatives in Congress from the
South, there is not one Southern voice which is not
raised in opposition to the separate admission of Cali- !
fbrnia. There are many men at the South who i
think that the question is one addressed alone to the
discretion of Congress, and who think, therefore, that
a settlement of it either way, would not so far out
rage the constitutional rights of the South as to jus- 1
tify a resort to revolutionary redress, but there is
scarcely a man at the South who does not look upon it
as an unfair and unjust disregard of the claims of the
South to an equal participation in the common pro
perty of the Union. If, therefore, the North, in the
face of this opposition and remonstrance, should insist
upon the immediate admission of California, even
though she had the right to do so, it would, to say
the least of it, argue an indifference to, or a contempt
for, the wishes of the South, utterly inconsistent with j
that feeling of harmony and mutual concession which
ean only be the cement of a voluntary Union like !
this. It reasonably excites the apprehension of South- 1
| ern men that this is but a premonition of what we
are to expect when the North shall get able to in
; ffict still greater outrages upon them. It totally destroys
that sense of security which can alone give stability
to a government like ours. And will not this almost
innate disposition of tlie North to disregard aud
trample upon the feelings of the South, gather strength
and encouragement for still more extravagant de
mands in the future, if it be seen that the South is
ready tamely to submit to what she regards as wrong,
rather than demand her rights. Are we then to
j submit ? We hope not. For the sake of “our for
tunes, our lives and our sacred honor,” we hope not.
The admission of California, viewed alone with refer
enee to its natural consequences, presents a future
, well calculated to excite the apprehension of the
: South, but when estimated as it should be, as but one
of a series of measures concocted for our final ruin,
!it becomes a question of life and death with us. Men
1 tell us that they will be ready to resist “to the last
| extremity and at all hazards” any palpable aggres
sion on the part of the North, but that they are not \
prepared for determined opposition to a measure J
which so remotely and indirectly infringes our rightß.
There are those again who feel that the admission of
California seriously threatens the interest of the
South, but will not oppose it because they think that
Congress has the right to admit her. Both these
positions are unsafe. It is not always wise to post
i pone tlie fight until we have been driven to the last
defence; nor do we understand that we are quietly
to submit to every thing that a majority of Congress
may claim constitutional authority for doing. The
question for us to consider is, what are to be the con
sequences to the South if California is to be admitted
on her present application ? The North is to be
made stronger and the Soutli weaker, thus adding
power to a majority which has alreadynevinced its
disposition to degrade us. And what is to he the
condition of the South when a Congress hostile to
her interests is constituted the ultimate arbiter of her
rights with the power to enforce it's own mad dictates? i
1 Should it even be restrained by a sense of in- j
: terest from interfering farther in our domestic rela- 1
lions. there are a thousand different modes in which ■
I,’ # _ 1
: it may legislate to our injury. With that discretion ‘
which even Southern men have conceded to the na- j
: tionaTlegislature in the adjustment of our revenue ;
laws the South may be bankrupted. The millions i
, raised by onerous taxes on Southern capital and labor, |
1 may be, in the exercise of the same unlimited disore- j
tion, appropriated to schemes of Northern aggrandize- j
’ ment. We need not, however, undertake to detail i
the manner of our ruin. Wherever there has been J
the will, there has always been the way. Let South- j
ern men reflect on these things. It will bo well for !
them to look to the future, and by its revelations let
them answer the question, shall we admit California ? !
The Dependence of the South.
Northern fanatics believe, and Northern dema- i
gogues affect to believe, that the South can not exist \
out of the Union, and this is the ground of all their
incredulity as to Southern declarations about dissolv
| ing the Union. The South, say they, is dependent
upon the North, and will therefore submit to all sorts
of wrongs before she can be driven out of the Union.
They read in Southern newspapers that a dissolution
is the worst of all evils to the South, and in their ig
norance of the fact that this is only the estimate of
the weak-headed or faint-hearted portion of our peo
ple, they press on with renewed zeal in their de
mands, comforted with tho reflection, that ho extor
tion on their part, ean drive the South to 1 resistance.
No man with sense enough to go to a Connecticut
Legislature believes any sweh stuff. The more intel
ligent part of the Northern public know and feel
that Southern dependence its a miserable lmmbug,
and their inflnential commercial journals are every
day endeavoring to- relieve their readers of this fatal
priest-bora delusion. The article which wc extract
from the JV. Y. Journal of Commerce is a speci
men of the reasoning of those who think on this sub
ject at the North. In what is the South dependent ?
Is it that - she ean not feed herself ? Incredible as it
may seem to those who have been accustomed to
look to the North-western States as the great provis
ion market of America the Southern States actually
produce more corn and wheat and cattle and hogs, in
proportion to their population, than the Northern -
States. In the Patent Office Report for 1848, we
find that in 1840 there were thirty-eight bushels of
grain (wheat and corn) for every person, produced
at the South, and eighteen bushels at the North.
There were, the same year, one hundred and four
neat cattle, and two hundred and twenty-six hogs for
every hundred persons at the Soutli, while at the
North there were only seventy-six neat cattle, and
one hundred and one hogs for every hundred per
sons. The Southern States supply themselves and
the North w ith rice, and export several millions of
dollars worth besides. The production of sugar in
the South amounts to two hundred millions of pounds,
enough to supply every white and blaek person with
sixteen or seventeen pounds, and leaves
millions of pounds to spare. Nearly all the tobacco
in the Union is produced in the Southern States. In
none of the articles of necessary consumption for food,
and in very few of the luxuries of life, ean the South
be said to be dependent upon any other quarter of the |
globe. Is she dependent upon the North for clothing ?
So far from it, we elotlie the world. Is it meant, then. |
that the individual or collective wealth of the South \
is at all dependent upon union with the North ? We
think it would puzzle the political economist to an
swer what branch of industry at the South derives
one cent’s advantage from our connection with the
North. Not the agricultural interest certainly. The
entire revenue system of this country is one of fraud
opon the agricultural interests of the South. It is a
fact, susceptible of demonstration, that since the es
tablishment of this Union to this time, the South has
[Kikl nearly 356 millions of dollars more than her
proper share towards the support of this government,
and we may by an argument amounting almost to j
demonstration, show that almost this entire amount
has been taken from the pockets of the cotton plant
er. The manufacturing interest of the South is not
less certainty injured by its connection with that in
terest at the North. The shipping interest has pro
portionably suffered more by the Union tlian any oth
er. So much for some of the individual interests of
the South. What would be the sources of her reve
nue if she were separated from the North ? The
cotton, tobacco and rice of the Southern States
control the commerce of the world. They furnish
the principal articles of our export trade, and return
in the shage of imports upon which is imposed tlie
burden of the revenues of this government. Were
the South and North separated, this trade would be
increased by just as much as the Northern consump
tion now amounts to, and at the moderate tariff of
ten per cent, would furnish us a revenue of $20,000,-
000. Or is it meant that the South would die for want
of the patronage which it now receives from the gov
ernment? Let 11s briefly sec what that patronage
amounts to. The whole amount of duties collected
up to 1845 was $027,050,097, and of this sum the
Southern States paid $711,200,000. In addition to
this, the Southern States have ceded to the general
government public lands amounting to $125,000,000,
making the actual aggregate contributions of tlie
Southern States to the Union, of $836,200,000.
How much has she received? In public lands, for
purposes of internal improvements, she has received
$4,000,000, while the North has received $7,500,000.
Up to 1845 there had been appropriations of money,
made by the general government for purposes of in
ternal improvements in the South, $2,700,000, while
the North has received $12,700,000. These are but
some of the items of expenditure, and may be taken
as a fair exhibition of the course which has been pur
sued by the government in the distribution of a rev
enue raised by taxes on the South. We should not
suffer much, then, by that patronage being withheld.
But per Imps the idea is. the South could never de
fend herself. She can put an army in the field that
might defend her against the allied powers of Eng
land and the Northern States. But the Southern
States would hever fight alone, if they preferred to
employ others:'to do their fighting for them. Her
cotton, sugar, riee and tobacco would give her advan
tages in forming alliances with the commercial pow
ers of the globe, that will at once make her the um
pire and mistress of the nations of the world.
Independence .’ The Southern States might form
a confederacy that would be the only independent
power under the Sun. What is it that contributes
to the life, the peace or the happiness of mankind
that they do not produce? Build a wall around them,
or blot all nations besides from the globe, and they
are as rich and as well supplied with all the necessa
ries of life as they were btfore. And yet to speak of
our dependence upon the Northern States ! the sun
dependent upon the moon for light, the ocean on the
Hudson river for water ! the South upon the North
for WHAT ?
Words ol Soberness.
The following remarks from the Richmond En
quirer are words of soberness and truth. The doc
trine of consolidation, under the federal leaders, ap
pears to be making rapid strides, but the sun of liber
ty will have set when State sovereignty is blotted out
of Ttur national policy —South Carolinian.
In all extraordinary excitements like the present,
great principles are unfortunately liable to be lost
sight of. We have a case now before us. Wc have
referred to Mr. Clay’s attack upon Mr. Rhett's speech
in which the Senator so unjustifiably threatened the
sovereign State of South Carolina with the armed
force of Kentucky and the General Government.—
The Washington Republic follows up the move
ment, and puts forth some heterodox doctrines which
we cannot but hold up to reprobation. No one is
more anxious than ourselves for a pacific adjustment
of the present controversy, none more opposed to dis
union per se —but so profound a reverence have we
for State sovereignty, so vital do we deem its preser
vation to the union, peace and happiness of the Con
federacy that duty impels 11s to expose the false doc
trine. The Republic , refen'ing to the position of
South Carolina, says:
“The people of the United States will not permit a
secession from the Union, peaceably or otherwise, of
one or more of the States comprising it. In self
defence they will suppress any such attempt at all
hazards.
“The people themselves of the slave-holding States
will not permit it.”
This bravado is a total violation of the fundamental
principles laid down by our own Jefferson and Madi
son as the text book of the republican party. They
taught us to regard each and every State as sovereign,
and fully qualified herself to judge of the constitution
ality of the action of the Federal Government, and to
protect herself by withdrawing from the Confedera
cy. This would be justified only by an extreme case,
but tlie State herself is the only judge in the case,and
she lias the undoubted right to adopt such a measure
of protection. Appeals maybe made by sister States
(as was done by Virginia, in sending Mr. Leigh a
commissioner to South Carolina in time of “Nullifi
cation”) —but force can never be thought of as one of
the elements iff our institutions. It is fatal madness
to bring up such a mode of redress. The first blow
struck by the General Government at a sovereign
State dissolves tlie Union. The only cement of the
Union is in : the affection for our institu'r ns f briglit. ned
by common sufferings and dangers, and in doing jus
tice and practising charity and good sense.
The Republic commits another error, when it
says that the South ought not now to complain of being
excluded from the new territories, because
“The North, both parties concurring, distinctly no
tified the South, by word and by vote, before the ter
ritory was acquired, that if acquired, slavery would
and should be excluded from it.”
Now, it is well known that, on the ratification of
the Mexican treaty, a motion to apply the Wilmot
Proviso was voted down by the Senate. Vas not the
Soutli properly to infer from that fact that no de
grading exclusion- from common property would be
raised against he? by the majority ?
The Texas Bill.
The B]H introduced by Mr. Pearce, for the settle
ment of the Texas boundary, provides:
“1. That, if the proposition is agreed to by the
Legislature of Texas, by the Ist of December next, it
shall be obligatory on the United States and Texas.
“2. The Northern boundary to commence at the
intersection of the 100th degree of “West longitude
with the parallel of 36 degrees 30 minutes North lat
itude ; running thence on that parallel to the 103d
degree of West longitude ; thence South to the 33d
parallel of North latitude, and along that parallel to
the Rio Graude ; and thence down that river to the
Gulf of Mexico.
“3. Texas to relinquish all claims to territory
North of boundary proposed, and also claims under
articles of annexation.
“4. United States in consideration of tho above,
ten millions to be paid to Texas in IT. S. stock.
“5. Five millions reserved to meet payment of Tex
an bonds issued upon faith of custom house duties.”
The following is the vote by which it passed the
Senate:
“Yeas—Messrs. Badger, Bell, Berrien, Bradbury,
Bright, Gass, Clarke, Clemens, Cooper, Davis, of
Mass., Dawson, Dickinson, Dodge, of lowa, Doug
las, Felch, Foote, Greene, Houston, King, Norris,
, Pearce, Phelps, Rusk, Shields, Smith, Spruance,
Sturgeon, Wales, Whitcomb, Winthrop—3o.
“Nays—Messrs. Atchison, Baldwin, Barnwell,
Benton, Butler, Chase, Davis, of Miss., Dodge, of
: Wis., Ewing, Hale, Hunter, Mason, Morton, Seward,
i Soule, Turney, Underwood, Upham, Walker, lu
lee—2o.”
Never give a hoy a shilling to hold your shad
ow, while you climb a tree and look into the
middle of next week—it is money thrown away.
Very Black. —Tlie Cincinnati Dispatch speaks
of a negro so dark that a candle will go out forty
feet from his face.
The Libeller. —ln one of our courts the oth
er day, a witness being asked how he knew that
a man and woman were man and wife, replied
because “he had often heard the lady blow the
gentleman up.” The evidence was held to be
conclusive.
[FOR THE SENTINEL.]
Female Education in Georgia.
Pursuing the idea indicated in my last, I propose
now, Mr. Editor, to call the attention of your readers
to the “LaGrange Female Seminary, ” situated in
the town of LaGrange, Troup county, Ga., a village
which is more celebrated for the excellence and nuni
ber of its schools than any other in the State.’ The
location is a fortunate one in every particular, being
distinguished for its healthy and agreeable elimat *,
and for the elevated moral tone which pervades the
entire comnninitv. The people are generally wealthy
and known throughout the State for their kindness
and hospitality. The “LaGrange Female Seminary”
was established some six years ago by the present
principal and proprietor, Milton E. Bacon, A. M.,
and at present under the immediate superintendence
and assisted by the following Board of Instructors :
Henry 11. Bacon, A. M., Instructor in Mathematics
and Natural Philosophy.
Rev. Henry 11. Tucker, A. M., Lecturer on Moral
Science and Evidences of Christianity.
Miss S. O. Stevens, Instructress in Ancient and
Modern Languages.
Miss Catharine Clarke, Instructress in English
Branches.
• C. B. Ferrell, Instructor in English Branches.
D. W. Chase, Professor of Vocal and Instrumental
Music.
Dr. S. M. Bartlett, Miss Mary Bell and Miss
Evelina Macon, Assistants in the Music Department.
Mrs. Mary E. Jourdan, Instructress in Drawing,
Painting, Needle and Fancy ‘Work.
An array of instructors that certainly speak much
for the enterprise of the Principal, and promises
much for the improvement of those who are placed
under their tuition. The number and completeness of
the Faculty allows a perfect subdivision of the various
branches of education among different instructors,
and thus secures to each department the exclusive
attention of its appropriate teacher. The Institution
is divided into four classes, each class requiring one
scholastic year for the completion of the studies as
signed to it, thus making the entire course to consist
of four years. The plan of instruction embraces all
the ordinary branches of a thorough English edu
cation, ancient and modern languages, music, paint
ing and embroidery. The scholastic year consists of
one term, commencing on the 2d Tuesday in Janua
ry and closing the last week in October, and the en
tire expenses of the course, embracing board and tui
tion in all the branches, amounts to about $250 per
annum. The institution is furnished with an exten
sive philosophical and chemical apparatus, a geological
and mineral cabinet, and a valuable miscellaneous libra
ry. Particular attention is paid to the medical de
partment, and the high reputation of Prof. Chase is
a sufficient guaranty of its superior advantages. In
addition to the instruction in instrumental music, eve
ry member of the school receives a daily exercise of
vocal music free of charge. In all its internal ar
rangements the school is finely adapted to the good
of the pupil, whether we refer to her tuition in the
various branches of a thorough education, or to a
proper training of her moral and social qualities.—
Altogether it is a monument to the enterprise of the
Principal, and an honor to the State which he is bles
sing with his labors. ELIA.
[COMMUNICATED.]
Universalism and Myself.
To the world’s grand jury this appeal is made.—
| About the first of October, 1848, at Tabernacle Camp
[ Meeting, in Sumter county, many friends requested
: me to preach on Universalism, as there was quite a
■ stir about it in that neighborhood. I accordingly an
-1 nounced on Wednesday, that I would preach on the
j subject on Friday, and that the notice was given be
forehand because 1 did not wish to force a discourse
jon any who did not desire to hear it—nor let any one
lose it who did.
On the next day I received a letter from Major
| Pickett, who had lately commenced Universal preach
ing, challenging me to a public debate with some able
and pious minister of their denomination. My read
ers will please mark this.
On Friday when I took the stand, I mentioned that
I had received this challenge, that it was respectfully
written, that the author's name would be withheld,
as he was then before me; and stated that I had
never given nor accepted a challenge of the sort in
my life ; that I would not accept that as coming alone
from the Universalists, but if the other denominations
and the citizens should desire me to do so, I would.—
Here the matter rested until September, 1S 49, ‘.he
next annual meeting at Tabernacle. At this meeting
I received a well written, but nameless letter, re
questing me to reconcile five points of difficulty between
Universalism and Orthodoxy. At the close of my
discourse I read this letter, made a few strictures upon
it and upon Universalist doctrine and policy, Vhich
were pretty stringent, and, as I judge, produced more
feeling among my Universalist friends than I expect
ed. Shortly after this l received a challenge to meet
Mr. Sliehane in a public debate at Americus, signed,
I think, by sixteen respectable names. This left me
no alternative, according to the conditions named by me
in 1848 ; and after several letters between Mr. S. and
myself, the time and place, with the matter and the
rule of scripture interpretation—which was to be the
common sense meaning of scripture language—were
agreed upon. We met in Americus as set forth in
the published debate. Previous to my leaving Colum
lumbits, a friend handed me their paper in which
was a notice that the debate would be published in
pamphlet form, and calling for subscribers. I took
this notice with me, and before the debate com
menced read it to the audience, and expressly forbid
the publication of any thing as being said by me un
less the reporter sent me his manuscript report and
got my endorsement on it that I had examined it
and found it substantially correct —which endorse
ment I promised to give. The reason for this course
was because, in the plan agreed upon Mr. S. was al
lowed to choose his own topics, arrange for himself
in his own way, and with the advantage of sixty or
more days to post up himself, was to go on and de
fend his positions ; and I was to reply instanter as
best I could. This I understood as a settled point
between gentlemen. And after a reasonable time, I
received from the reporter, Mr. Burrus, what he
called the report of my first speech. This
speech I was two hours in delivering, but read it at
my leisure fn twenty minutes. In due course of
days he sent me his second report. This was an ar
gument which occupied me closely my two hours, but
the report of it I could read in thirty minutes. The
articles sent me constituted only a brief of my argu
ments, and does me just as much injustice as would
be done a lawyer or a statesman, if any one should
publish the brief from which a good argument was
made, and call it the argument itself. Provoked at
the imperfect report, I forbid its publication ; and to
be manly about the matter, promised if they would
wait until I returned from St. Louis, I would write
out my part of the debate, eo as to let it go under my
name. But to my surprise and disgust when I re
turned to Georgia, I learned they were offering the
pamphlet every where for sale, and my friends were
all excited to fever heat about it. As soon as my
feelings would let me do so, I wrote again, renewing
my prohibition and my promise, and stating to Mr.
B. that if after my manly course towards them, they
published the work as it was, I would publish an ex
pose of the whole matter. To this he replied in
substance that the work was so nearly through the
press it could not be stopped ; and if I published any
thing they would publish a rejoinder. The reporter
vainly seeks to cover himself by say ing he sent me
his manuscript, and I had it long enough to correct
it, and would not do it.
The truth of this, is what I will ask the world's
grand jury to settle at once. Can any man correct
a speech of two hours long on a brief of twenty min
utes closely written —when for every line in the re
porter’s manuscript he would have to write at least
three entire lines to get in the body of the argu
ment ? The manuscript could not be corrected so
as to do me and my views any sort of justice without
writing it all out again. His brief was, so for as I saw
it, pretty correct; but could not be corrected, simply
because it was a brief, and could not be filled up.—
To meet and remedy this defect, I offered to write it
myself, and was virtually denied. W hat the motive
was, my jury must say.
With this statement of facts I will submit my case
to the verdict which reasonable men will render. It
is my purpose, as soon as I can, to send forth my
own answer not only to Mr. Shwhane’s views on
this debate, but my objections to Universalism gener
ally. And as I was denied the favor of answering
Mr. S. in tile pamphlet as I answered him in debate,
1 shall feel i*t full liberty to take my own course. 1
may not write as much as I said, but I will put it into
a better form.
As I desire every one who has, or may see and
read the pamphlet, to sec and read this article also,
I earnestly request all editors to honor me so far as to
publish this article for ine. L. PIERCE.
Columbus, Ga., July 31, 1850.
[.NEW YORK CORRESrONDENCE.]
New York, August 6, 1850.
A Sabbath in the Metropolis — Newsboys—Sunday
Papers — Churches — Excursion — Wesleyan Meth
odist Meeting—Further particulars from Fire
Island—Accident on the Erie Railroad —Fall of
Walls and Loss of Life —-4 New Strike among
the Tailors — Theatricals , sc.
May I invite you for a few moments this week,
Mr. Editor, to the contemplation of a New York
Sabbath. In all the various phases of life the great
metropolis of a great country like this must differ
vastly from “the dull monotony and stagnant quiet”
that prevail in the small towns of the interior : even
in the passing of that seventh day which the Lord
hath blessed and hallowed, it has peculiar usages.—
Soon after daybreak, on the noiseless calm that ushers
in the Sabbath, break the discordant voices of a score
of newsboys, who go screaming through the city the
Sunday papers and other disreputable sheets. This
outrageous nuisance is continued till 9 or 10 o'clock ;
and though it is an express violation of law, no efforts
are made to put a stop to it, A number of our citi
zeus did last winter hold a meeting with a view of
suppressing it, but they lacked the firmness and cour
age to carry out their plans, and retired before the
scurrilous abuse lavished upon them by the Sunday
press. The number of papers which these newsboys
dispose of is. incredible. There are eight Sunday
papers, and we have no doubt that their combined
circulation amounts to 80,000. These are of course
mainly disposed of in New York, and that among the
lower classes. They are, with the exception of two or
three which have maintained a character of half and
half respectability, filled with scurrility and obscenity,
and afford fit aliment for the scum and off-scouring of
our population.
At 10 o'clock the bells begin to ring “to summon
the wanderer to praise and prayer.” Brooklyn, our
staid and quiet sister across the East River, has won
for herself the appellation of the “City of Churches;”
but New York might with no less propriety lay
claim to the title. The fact is that the few past
years have witnessed the erection of too many church
es, a fact which a visit to the most prominent of them
and a glance at the empty seats will make sufficiently
evident. There has been a competition between va
rious congregations in the splendor of their respective
edifices, and no prudent foresight exercised with re
gard to the all-important “wherewithal.” The result
is that of these magnificent buildings are in
debt.
At the present season one may wander far without
finding a place of worship open. The clergy here
have generally come io the conclusion that there are
no souls to be saved in August; accordingly they
close their doors, and may be scenat Newport or Sar
atoga.
You Would be amazed to see the crowds whom the
city pours forth every week on the Lord’s day, on
numberless excursions, in search of pleasure. Those
whom a week of toil has prostrated with fatigue thus
seek by a day of recreation to regain their vigor.—
The boats that ply in the harbor to Staten Island, j
Greenwood, and Coney Island, also those to Hoboken
and Fort Lee, are covered with human beings as (if
we may be allowed to compare great things to small)
a sugar bowl is with flies ; while the stages and rail
roads vomit forth similar multitudes on the green fields
of Bloomingdale and Harlaem. Indeed, among many of
our working classes, the Sabbath is fast becoming to
he regarded as it is in France—a holiday for pleasu
rable pursuits.
Last Sunday evening I was strolling along the
Hudson in search of a breath of air, when my atten
tion was invited by a crowd upon one of the docks,
and on going up I found that a company of Wesleyan
Methodists had assembled there, and were singing
and exhorting with the view of interesting the boat
men and others who frequent the docks. I have
often heard them before, and admired the self-sacri
ficing spirit which leads them to this good w ork in
spite of the reviling ridicule to which they are
often exposed. They have even been on one or two
occasions assailed with rotten eggs and driven from
their posts. We looked around among the crowd
and saw many a face which bore evident marks of
habitual drunkenness, listening with interest, to the
impassioned exhortations which were addressed to
them. Such philanthropic efforts in behalf of a class
too much neglected, must bear with them the blessing
and God-speed of every Christian man.
The Assistant U. S. Marshal, assisted by several
Deputy Marshals, proceeded on Friday last to Fire
| Island, and arrested seven persons on the ground of
! their having been concerned in secreting portions of the
cargo of the Elizabeth. They were brought to the city
and committed. The wreck of this ill-fated vessel is
still lying in the same position, and not far from her is
the Ticonderoga, which was subsequently stranded.
A terrible accident took place on the Erie Rail
road last Wednesday afternoon. As the freight train
was crossing an iron bridge over one of the
branches of the Delaware, the bridge gave way and
the entire train, comprising fifteen freight cars, was
j precipitated into the ravine below, a distance of some
twenty-five feet. The ears contained about 500
sheep, 100 head of cattle and 200 hogs; all of
whom were more or less injured, and a great many
killed. The total loss of property by this disaster is
estimated at $30,000. The most melancholy part of
the catastrophe is that three men were killed ; one
of them, who was impaled on the horns of an ox, died
in great agony.
The carelessness of our builders and contractors
in the erection of walls of tall buildings is becoming
an evil of crying magnitude. One would hardly
believe how many lives have been lost during
the past year; and all is attributed to accident, and
no one is held responsible. ‘ There is evident crimin
ality somewhere, but the law does not locate it upon
any one. On Monday no less than two buildings
fell. The worst of these accidents took place at
1 o’clock at the six story building, 40 Spruce street, oc
cupied by W. & O. Hoyt, leather dressers. The
store was being enlarged at the time; a part of the
old wall fell over, striking on the floor of the upper
story ; the string-pieces gave way, each story gave
way in succession, and the whole was a mass of ruins.
Twelve laborers were engaged on the work at the
time, of whom three were instantly killed and four
wounded, while the rest escaped. It said that the
new building was a perfect shell, the new wall being
so thin and so miserably put together that it could
be pulled down by the hands, yet, no doubt, no body
was to blame!
You have heard that many of our journeymen
tailors are on the strike; yesterday afternoon they
wore on a strike in more senses than one. About
two hundred of them, mainly Germans, congregated
in the upper part of the city, drove one of their trade
out of his house, tore his clothes off, and almost
frightened him out of his life—and all this because he
had not joined their strike. The police with some fight
ing drove them from their ground. They re-assembled
with reinforcements in 38tli street, and renewed their
outrageous attacks upon a house where it was reported
there were some unmade garments. A detachment ot
police were soon on the ground, and a pitched battle
ensued which resulted in several of the police receiv
ing severe wounds, and the arrest of forty of the bel
ligerent tailors. A number of the latter were much
injured and two have since died.
Our places of amusement are now all closed, with
the exception of the Museum, Niblo's Garden, and
one or two of the lower theatres. I understand that
anew theatre is to be erected on Broadway near
Broome street, where several houses have been pulled
down to make room for it. There is hardly enough
patronage to support the dramatic establishments now
in the city ; even Mr. Bass, with such stars as Char
lotte Cushman and Yandenhoff, was obliged to close
the Astor Place. We are astonished at this new at
tempt. F • Q
[YANKEE CORRESrONDENCE.]
Boston, August 4, 1850.
Thunder Storms — Logomachy—Professor Webster
—Railroad Convention at Portland—Massachu
setts — Boston , AfC.
We have had a great change in the weather
for the last week ; a couple of thunder storms, with
wind and rain to match. Vegetation is refreshed and
invigorated in consequence ; but a good deal of dam -
age has been done, in various places in the North
here, by overflowing of streams and lightning flashes.
Four buildings were struck by lightning at Wey
mouth. A church was slightly damaged by it at
Nortli Weymouth. At Bingham a barn narrowly
escaped ; but two pigs, who were asleep in the place r
at the time, with their heads sticking out at the door,,
wore touted on the noses and turned into pork in
stantaneously. Five men were struck while repair
ing a brig at East Boston, last Friday. They were
all injured—one, it is thought, fatally. The sky is
still heavy with clouds, and we are not done with
Jupiter Tonans , I guess.
Monday, the 19th inst., has been appointed for
holding thereon the special elections which are to fill
the vacancies in the Ist, 2d and 4th Congressional
Districts.
Quite a little philological war lias been raging here,
for the last week or so, between the Hon. Horace
Mann and some of the newspapers, on the subject of
Daniel Webster's knowledge of the classics. Yon
would be apt to imagine that if there were such a
war, it would be about the Wilmot Proviso, the re
cognition of New Mexico, or some belligerent theme
of the kind. But it was only about two Latin words,
viz : captatores verborum. Webster, having Mann
in his eye, said, in one of his late addresses, that
th-re was formerly a set of captious critics, who made
war on words and syllables merely, and were term
ed captatores verborvtn —“word-catchers.” Mann,
catching at these words, and proving the truth of
Webster’s taunt, in the most undeniable manner,
denied that the two very and identical words capta
tores verborum , were ever read in that sense by any
classic author. The senpe, as every body sees, is
good, and the words are highly to the point and pure
Latin. But Mann denies the classic authority of
them, and exults like a pedagogue over what he
thinks is Webster’s ignorance. But this is nottho
worst feature of the case. Mann explains the two
words after a fashion of his own, so as to indulge in
the bitterest personalities on Webster—his difficul
ties, debts, grasping after office, and so forth. Mann
has lowered himself amazingly in this matter. A
letter purporting to be from Webster to a friend in
Boston, alluding to the dispute; says, that when .Sa
tan and the Angel of the Lord argued together about
the body of Moses, the angel forebore to make any
railing accusation against his enemy. In the same
way he (Daniel) should refuse to retort on Mann,
who would certainly be as much an overnsat rh for
him in vituperation as the Devil of old would have
been for the beatified spirit!
Since the conviction of Professor John Whiter
Webster, for the murder of Dr. Parkman, he was
reminded that, having held a professorship of chemis
try in Harvard University, he was called upon to re
sign it. He did so, with an expression of thanks to
the Literary Corporation for not having pre-judged
his case, by dismissing him before his conviction.
The London papers have had extensive comments on
his confession, particularly the Times , which approves
of the verdict, but says that, in England, the confes
sion would never be taken as sufficient grounds for
attempting to disturb it.
The Railroad Convention at Portland, for the pur
pose of establishing a line of railway from Bangor, in
Maine, to Cape Canso, in Nova Scotia, has been do
ing important business for some days past. The Gov
ernor of Maine is the chairman of the convention,
which is numerously attended by British subjects of
the highest respectability, as well as by the citizens
of New England. The name of Admiral Owen ap
pears at th head of the list of the Queen’s subjects,
who are extremely anxious to see this great project
get fairly under way. Letters of adhesion and un
qualified encouragement have been read from Presi
dent Fillmore, Lieut Maury, of the National Observa
tory, and a vast number of others. The speeches
made at the several sessions of the convention exhib
ited the most fraternal desire on the part of the Brit
ish and the republicans to unite on this excellent pro
ject, and unite, in fact, perpetually, on every other
subject of international interest. There is every pro
bability that this highway to the north eastern ex
tremity of our continent will be an accomplished fact
in a year or two. There will then be about 2,000
sea miles to be traversed by steam vessels, which will
land their passengers and goods at the port of Gal
way in Ireland ; and it is calculated that the distance
between New York and London can then be over
past in a week or perhaps less. The benefits and
blessings conferred not alone on England and those
States by such an achievement, but on civihaafibn and
the world, arc incalculable. The next generation will
be in full enjoyment of them.
The new State census of Massachusetts exhibits
more than double the proportional increase of popula
tion since the last, which has occurred in any former
period of ten years. The actual increase is 255,1-23,
which is in the ratio of 35 1-2 per cent. This is
above the ordinary average increase of the whole
United States in a like period. The increase is confi
ned, in a great measure, to the large towns. Boston
has just now over 138,000 people. It publishes 108
newspapers, twelve of which are issued daily, eight
semi-weekly, and eighty-eight weekly and monthly.
It contains five public libraries comprising nearly
100,000 volumes; thirty-three banks with a total
capital of twenty millions of dollars; and eight millions
and a half are in the capital of insurance companies.
It contains a great many other remarkable matters
along with these; but as lam not exactly booked up
on them, I spare you the enumeration.
The propeller Manhattan reached the head of Lake
Superior the other day. No other vessel had gone
further than La Pointe. Capt. Ripley carried his
ship through thick mists, rough and turbid waters
and unknown perils, up to the month of the river St.
j Louis, which empties itself into the Lake at Fond dir
Lac. The savage Chippewas, some of them in at
state of nudity, gazed with surprise on the vessel and
its crew. The report of the excursion states that the
climate and soil of these regions are far more conge
nial to agriculture than we had supposed ; vegetation
possesses a rankness and a thrift unknown to the in
dolent productions of a more Southern clime.
The most anxious efforts have been made’ without
avail to discern the bodies of the Countess Ossoli,
and her husband and child, who have perished in the
Elizabeth oft i ire Island. The people cf the islandi
behaved more like savages than civilized men, mak
ing away with everything they could lay their hands
on. It is thought some of the bodies which are look
ed for have been stripped and then buried by theso
islanders.
A thunder storm is just now (Sunday evening)
passing over this city. The rain comes down in tor-