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THE SOUTHERN SENTINEL Is published every Thursday Morning, IN COLUMBUS, GA. BY WILLIAM H. CHAMBERS, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. T<* whom all communications must be directed, post paid. Office on Randolph Street. Terms of Subscription. V>n •opy twelve months, in advance, - • @2 50 j * “ “ “ Not in advance, -3 00 “ Six “ “ “ - 150 Cy* Whcro the subscription is not paid during the ysar, 15 cents will be charged for every month's delay. No subscription will be received lor less than six months, and none discontinued until all arrearages are paid, except at the option of the proprietor. To Clubs. Fivo copies twelve months, - * • 810 00 Ton 16 00 Tho money from Clubs must in all ws ac company the names, or tho price of a single subscription Will bo charged. Kates of Advertising. One Square, first insertion, - * - 81 00 ** “ Each subsequent insertion, • 50 A liberal deduction on these terms will be made in favor of those,who advertise by the year. Advertisements not specified as to time, will bo pub lished till forbid, and charged accordingly. Monthly Advertisements will be charged ae sew Ad vorLUoments at each insertion. Legal Advertisements. N. B.—Sales of Lands, by Administrators, Ex ecutors, or Guardians,are required by law to beheld on h first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10 la the forenoon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court ilouso in the county in which tho land is situated. No tices of these sales must be given in a public gazette •iity days previous to the day of sale. Sales of Neoroes must be made at a public auction on the first Tuesday of the month, between the usual hours of sale, at the place of public sales in the county where tho Letters Testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship, may have been granted, first giving sixty DATs notice thereof in one of the public gazettes of this Htate, and at the door of tho Court House, where such sales are to be held. Notice for the sale of Personal pro|>orty must be given la like manner forty days previous to the day of sale. Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an estate must be published torty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for loavo to sell Land, must be published for FOUR MONTHS. Notice for leave to sell Negrois must be published for focr months, before any order absolute shall be made thereon by the Court. Citations for Letters of Administration, must lie pub lished thirty days—for dismission from administration, msnthly six months —for dismission ftom Guardianship, forty days. Rules for the foreclosure of a Mortgage must be pub lished monthly for FOUR months —for establishing lost papers, for the full sface of three months —for com uuflinr titles from Executors or Administrators, where a oond nasbeon given by tho deceased, the full sface of THREE MONTHS. Publications will always bo continued according to these legal requirements, unloss otiierwise ordered. SOUTHERN SENTINEL Job Office. HATING received anew and extensive assortment of Job Material, wo are prepared to execute at this office, all ordersfor JOB WORK, in a manner which can not be excelled in the State, on very liberal terms, and at the shortest notice. . We feel confident of our ability to give entire satisfau tion in every variety of Job Printing, including Rooks, Business Cards, Pamphlets t Bill Heads, Circulars, Blanks of every description, Hand Bills, Bills off Lading, Posters, Jf-c. dye. In short, all descriptions of Printing which can be ex ecuted at any office in the couutry, will bo turned out with elegance and despatch. County Surveyor. r JMIE undersigned informs his friends and the Planters X of M use ogee county, that he is prepared to make official surveys in Muscogee county. letters addressed to Post Office,Columbus, will meet with prompt atten tion. * WM. F. SERRELL, County Surveyor. Office over E. Barnard & Co.’s store, Broad St. Columbus, Jan. St, 1850. h fj NOTICE. fTMIE firm namoof"M. H. Dessau.Agent.”is changed, JL from this data, to 11. DE&c A* . Columbus, Fab. 7, 1850. 6 if JAMES FORT, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HOLLY SPRINGS, MISS. J]y 4, 1350. * 7 _ 6ra Williams, Flewellen & Williams, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. May S3. 1850. __ 81 Williams & Howard, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. ROUT. R. HOWARD. CIIAS. J. WILLIAMS. April 4,1850. *4 ts J. I). LENNARD, ATTORNEY AT LAW, TALBOTTON, GA. WILL attend to business in Talbot and the adjacent counties. All business entrusted to his eare will meet with prompt attention; April 4,1850. H ly KING & WIXNEMORE, Commission Merchants, MOBILE,® ALABAMA. Det. 50,1949. [Mob. Trib .] 1* ts THIS PAPER 18 MANUFACTURED BY THH Rock Island Factory, NEAR THIS CITY. Columbus, Feb. 23.1850. 5 ts M Globe Hotel, BUENA VISTA, MARION CO., GA. BY J. WILLIAMS. March 14,1850. H ts Marble Works, East side Broad St. near the Market House, COLUMBUS, GA. HAVE constantly on hand all kinds of Grare Stones Monuments, Tombs and Tablets, of American Italian and Irish Marble. Engraving and carving done on stone in the best possible manner; and all kinds of Granite Work at the shortest notiee. JOHN H. MADDEN. p. S. Plaistet of Paris and Cement, always on hand for sale. _ .. , Columbus, March 7, 1850. 10 ts NORTH CAROLINA Mutual Life Insurance Company. LOCATED At RALEIGH, N. C. THE Charter of this company gives important advan tages to the assured, over most other companies. The husband can insure his own life.for the sole use and benefit of his wife and children, tree Irom any other claims. Persons who insure for life participate m the profits which are declared annually, ana when tho pre mium exceeds 830,may pay one-halt in a note. Slaves are insured at two-thirds their value lor one or five years. Applications for Risks may be made to JOHN MUNN, Agent. Columbus, Ga. Office at Greenwood &, Co.’s Warehouse. ISov. 15,1849. ts WANTED. “1 A A AAA lbs. RAGS. Cash paid for clean cot I* ‘UA'Uv* ton or linen rags—t cents per pound, when delivered in quantities of 100 pounds or more ; and 31 cents when delivered in small quantities. For old hemp, bagging, and pieces of rope, It cents, delivered either at Rock Island Factory ot at their store in Co lumbus, in the South comer Room of (hrlethorpe House. D. ADAMS, Secretary. Columbus, Feb. 28,1850. 9 ts TO RENT, TILL the first day of January next. The old printing office room of the “Muscogee Democrat ” Apply at this office. 18 ts. JUST RECEIVED,^ A LARGE lot ot Miscellaneous and School Books. Also a large and beautiful assortment of Stationery, hne Letter and Note Paper, Envelopes, Ac. deGRAFFENRIED &, ROBLNSON. April 18 VOL. I. [for thi sorrmßx sentinel.] EAIILY MEMORIES. BY E. 8. R. “No ’ those days are gone away, And their hours are old and gray, And their minutes buried all Underthe down-trodden pall Os the leaves of many years.” — Keats. “Leaves have their time to fall, And flowers to wither at tho North-wind's breath, And srars to set —but ail, Thou hast all seasons for thine own. O Death.” Mrs. Usmans. Hast thou not heard a lute-like lay, A lone wild bird in sorrow pour, And did’st not mourn ’twould float away, In one sweet gush, to charm no more ? And hast not gazed on flower fair, With modest bloom, beside thy wav, And did'st not grieve, when wand'ring air, llad strewn that emblem of a day 1 Perchance thou hast, when childhood's hours, Had wreath’d their dreaminga ’round tliy brow; Thy heart was pure as A lpinc flowers, As stainless as their mountain snow: ’Twas sunny then, as It’ly’s skies, As fitful in its moods, I ween, For mirrored in its sympathies, The form of ev’ry cloud was seen. If this were youth, when budding fife, Entwined thee with its sweetest flowers j Thy path, a way with beauty rife, And young hopes strung oil golden hours 1 Then thou canst court remeinb'ranee still, Rememb’ranee of those early days, And thy heart welcome, with a thrill, Its voices, and its dreamy lays. Then mem’ry fond will paint a sceno : Tlie brown old homestead full in view, fi hose wails are hid in ivy green, And monthly roses struggling through ; Its quaint old porch, and lattice neat, By scented woodbine covered o'er, Again thy eager eye will greet, Like some familiar friend of yore. The aged oak, whose shelt’ring arms, Waved o’er thy home in other days, Has braved tho force of wint’ry storms, And lives to moot thy earnest gaze. Beneath its shade thy aged sire Until sat, when summer's sweet perfums Was on the breeze, but now his fire Is quenched, and wild flowers grace his tomb. Metliinks I see that placid man, As he sat musing ’Heath the tree, With half closed eyes, whilst thoughts o’srran The treasures of his memory. Hi* head was bowed upon his cane, And as the scenes of former years, Rolled back, and gave their wealth again, He paid them tribute with his tears. Thoughts wandered to the sunny slopes, And hill-sides green, of native land, 1 lie wishes, dreams, and joyous hopes, The loves, the griefs of youth, the bahd Os home, the lights, and shades of life, Its pleasures, and perplexing cares, Os failures, and successes rife, W hy wonder, then, at age in tears T The chord is dumb, the response it gar*, To voices of the past, is crushed, ’Tis as a sound of ocean’s wfjve, A strain of melody n6W hushed; Th brilliant star has slowly set Calmly beneath a boundless wave, The white rose hangs with night dews wst, And sheds its sweetness o’er a grave. There is a tear for those we lor*, W ho sleep in graves of bygone years, There is a mem’ry, green above, Their resting place from cares and fears; There is a mournful tide of thought Enwoven with an early grief, That comes to us unhid, unsought, And tells of happiness too brief. There is a deathless love that clings Around a mother’s moss-clad tomb, That prompts the touching offerings Os wreaths of Spring's luxuriant bloom i She sleeps amid the hillocks green, The crumbling stone, and twining rose, M here silence hallcWi o’er the seen#, And wind seemft softer as it goes. Dost thou remember, child of earth, The mother of thy infancy, Who saw with joy thy prattling mirth, And seemed to live for ninight but th t Oh, cherish the fond memorV, Os that dear this forever gone,- She bore thee, 16‘ved thee, prayed for the#, Till she to this cold tomb was borns. This dreaming is too sad, too sad, And yet we love old memories- Entwined in youth, when wc were glad, And life had scarce a wintry breeze. But we have changed, and ago comes on— Like sleep, these memories its dreams: Tunc will steal even these, anon, And shroud, in death, their last faint beams ! A bov got his grandfather’s gun, and load ed it, but was afraid to fire; he, however, liked the fun of loading, and so put in another charge, but was still afraid to fire. He kept on charging, but without filing, until he had got six charges in the old piece. His grand mother, learning the boy’s temerity, smartly reproved him, and on grasping the old conti nental, discharged it. The recoil was tre mendous, throwing the old lady on her back; she promptly struggled to regain her feet, but the boy cried out—“ Lay still, granny, there are five more charges to go off yet” “Sare, you axe what is different entre rheu matize and de gout ?” said that funny little French barber, Monsieur Choux.—“You axe me dat? Ha! I will teel you, tout de suite. Sink, sare, dat your finger be in von vice, screw so hard3’OU hollare—hein ? Zat rheu matize! Apres, you give von autre hard turn of the screw i Zat gout!” A Paddy’s Idea of Travelling. —Sure, said Pat, the Yankees are great travellers— they travel sixty and seventy miles a day, while I have hard work to travel twenty-five or thirty miles: hut there is not so great a dif ference after all, for they don’t more than half travel the ground over, while I travel both sides of the foad over for the most part. She .Southern Sentinel. Gen. Mirabeau B. Lamar’s Letter. Macon, Ga., August 1, 1850. Sir: A Mass Meeting of those opposed to the so called “Compromise or Adjustment” Bill of Mr. Clay, and in favor of the Missouri line of 36-30 to the Pacific, is proposed to he held in this city, on Thursday, the 22d day of August, inst In behalf of tho citizens of tho city and county, who favor this measure as the best means of securing a portion of the rights of the South, and preserving the Union—permit us, most respectfully, to invite you to ho pre sent on that occasion, to address the people on those important issues. We anticipate a largo gathering of the people, and hope that the magnitude of the subject, and the impor tance of the crisis, will not permit you to de cline tho invitation. Please advise us at your earliest convenience whether or not you can come. Very respectfully", Samuel J. Ray, Charles Collins, A. H. Col quitt, B. H. Moultrie, 11. K. Green, Samuel Dinkins, John J. Jones, Pulaski S. Holt, E. L. Stroheckes, R. A. L. Atkinson, Lerov Na pier, Thomas A. Brown, James Dean, W. B. Parker, Benjamin Fort. Gun. Mihabeau B. Lamar, Mobile. Mobile, August 16, 1850. Gentlemen —Last evening I had the honor to receive your communication, inviting me to attend a Mass Meeting of those opposed to Mr. Clay’s Compromise Bill, and in favor of the Missouri line, to be held at Macon on the 22d inst. Coining as this invitation does, from many of my old friends, acquaintances and neighbors, in whose political sentiments and purposes, I usually sympathize, it would give me great pleasure, were it in my power, which I regret to say that it is not, to bo pre sent on that occasion, and to take counsel with them upon the perilous circumstances in which our country is placed. iVy desire to attend is not diminished hy the fact that there would probably he a diversity of sentiment upon some of the points involved, or that I might not he able to coincide entirely in all the measures approved by the assemblage.— Still, as we would have one end in view—that of deciding upon the best means of securing the rights of the south and preserving the con stitution—and as we would feel equally the magnitude and importance of the crisis, we could not fail to unite in a fraternal spirit, and to separate, as we should meet, friends to each other, and foes only to tho foes of our country. This I am induced to say because I am not so fortunate as to agree with you in all your views, as I infer them from the tenor of your invitation. With the essential objects of the meeting I fully coincide, so far as they are in tended to preserve the constitution, and to opposo the free soil aggression upon the rights of the South. In your opposition to the bill of Mr. ( lay, I heartily concur. But in the proposed approval of the Missouri line of 36-30 I cannot unite. Nevertheless, I hope I may be allowed to express freely m$ T opin ions and sentiments to your assemblage, which I will endeavor to do with the frank ness of a Georgian, and all the spirit of one who has no other desire than to share the fortunes of his friends, however disastrous, and to fall with his country if tho occasion requires it. If I know my own heart, it is far truer to the cause of our country than it is to its own tranquility and peace, and I wish it to heat no longer when it falters towards the land of its birth and affections. In the first place, gentlemen, I am opposed to all compromises except the compromises of tho constitution. When our federal con stitution was formed, it was based upon a se ries of compromises, nicely adjusted, and covering all the diversified interests of the country, and harmonising them in the only manner in which they could then or thereafter co-exist. The South, at that time, conceded all that she could yield consistently with safe ty and honor, and received in exchange the guarantees of the constitution and the plight ed faith and solemn oaths of the North. At that time this very slavery question was one of the great vexed and agitating issues, and its adjustment was one of the foundation tim bers of the Union. Its settlement—exactly as provided by the constitution—was the ve ry consideration of that instrument, without which it would never have been formed, and upon the failure of which, it would of neces sity become void. Conflicting interests, pe culiar institutions, social equality and general security being thus reconciled and establish ed, and, as it was hoped, forever, the South felt herself as safe in the enjoyment of her rights, as any blessings can be made secure by human pledges. The federal constitution became to her a sacred charter, which, like Holy Writ.it would be profanation to increase or diminish. This being so, how then can any compro mises, Californian or Missourian, which mod ify, warp, or add to the relative duties of the North and South, be tolerated by any friend of the constitution or the country? They go to build Up arbitrary regulations, and to make our most sacred rights depend upon the mere will—the caprice of selfish and unrestricted majorities. They change the whole charac ter of our government, and afford full license to the strong to devour the weak; the very evil which our federative S3’stem was inten ded to avert. Surety the Southern people cannot he content to hold their rights by no other tenure than this. Do the}’ flatter them selves that there is more virtue in a compro mise than there is in the constitution; and are they willing to co-operate with the free soilers in the dethronement of the latter, and in the substitution of the former ? Yet this they- virtually did by their tame submission to the Missouri compromise, and the very same thing will they do again, more effectu ally, if they support, accept, or tolerate any of the abolition compromises now pending in congress. When Missouri ftpplied for admission into the Union, the Northern States in congress at tempted to force her into free-soilism. Find ing that they r were not able to do this, they then introduced into the act of admission, a provision that rto future State which might he formed out of the territory of the United States, above a certain latitude, should be al lowed to hold negro property. This they strove to make a part of the fundamental law of the land; and, to give it a sanctity and warrant of continuance, they denominated it a compromise. Here was a direct assump tion of power to legislate over slavery’; a brand of infamy and degradation stamped 1 upon the forehead of the South, in the eyes of COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 12, 1850. the world, and a commencement of a policy of legislation which it is now designed to continue, and which, if tolerated, will never cease as long as a vestige of the peculiar in stitutions of the South shall remain. If con gress has the right thus to prohibit slavery north of 36-30, they have the same right to exclude it south of that line. If we acquiesce in its exclusion above this visionary moral equator, for the cogent reasons they advance, how can we, in opposition to the same argu ments, resist its prohibition below that lati tude ? Once surrender the principle and wo surrender every thing. I am, therefore, op posed to any recognition of that pretended compromise. I deny its validity and force, it was a most flagrant usurpation of power— a power intended to serve as a foundation upon which the great lever was to be planted that was to overturn the liberties of the South. It was aimed for her destruction; and that she did not give to it that prompt and deci sive repulsion which a brave people should always give to every infringement of their rights, is to be attributed to that lamentable disposition in the great mass of mankind to prefer the tranquility of despotism to that eternal vigilance and those fearful perils which are necessary to the maintenance of liberty. Whether the South will bear the present assaults upon her constitutional rights, with the same supineness that she succumb ed to the Missouri aggression, is the question now to be determined. Besides these objections to both “compro mises” in question, there are others of a char acter equally cogent and impressive. Neith er Mr. Clay’s hill, or the Missouri plan, is a compromise at all. They are simply capitu lations on the part of the South—surrenders as absolute and complete as that which Am pudia made at Monterey and Cornwallis at Yorktown. In each of them we are called upon to give up nearly every thing in dispute, and to receive nothing in return. The free soilers have not made, nor do they propose to make, any concessions to us. They call upon our delegates in Congress to vote with them in support of a measure which they themselves admit, is founded upon a deep ab horrence of our most vital institution, and is designed to shield the national territories from its foul pollution; and, in compensation for this, our self-abasing vote, they promise— to do what ? They promise to restore to us a constitutional right of which we have been violently deprived for many 3’ ears : the right of recovering our fugitive slaves—a promise, however, which every’ body knows to be fal lacious and deceitful, and which can not be fulfilled, because the State authorities of tho North will never permit it. And tints, for an imaginary good, never to be realized, we are to place ourselves in the disgusting attitude of ratifying the wrong and confirming the ca lumnies of which we affect so much to com plain. And this, we are told, is a compro mise—an adjustment—-a pacification. “So liludincm faciunl paccm appellant ” Surely the South will never be guilty of conduct so suicidal and degrading. It is had enough to hear the wrongs and calumnies that are heap ed upon us without sanctifying them ourselves and making them indelible. In giving their aid and co-operation to those anti-slavery measures of our enemies, the Southern mem bers in Congress become themselves the most fearful abolitionists, and cruel accusers of their country’s institutions and integrity. And this is one of the great objects of the present proposed compromises; it is to make the South instrumental in her own degrada tion and destruction. By voting for and sus taining such measures (the bill of Mr. Clay,) she necessarily adopts and ratifies the senti ments and principles upon which they are predicated, and thus, by her own act, site pla ces her slave property out of tho pale of the constitution and the protection of the govern ment, and denounces the holding of it as an in fumy and a crime. What greater victory can the free-soilers desire than this ? What broader foundation for their future opera tions ? This much, gentlemen, I have felt bound to say in a spirit of frankness and freedom, and with a profound solicitude to advise only those things which may be for the benefit of our common country. Viewing all compro mises, violative of the constitution, as fatal to the South, I cannot yield my assent to any; and I am free to confess, that I would boas ready to take up arms to-morrow against the Missouri compromise as against any other, whose boasted purpose should he the” subver sion of our rights and the degradation of our character. No’ compromise can ever be in tended for our good. We desire none. Give us the constitution and we ask no more. We do not wish the North to surrender to us any of her fundamental rights, and why should we surrender any of ours to her? That which she so imperiously demands of us, is not pretended to be necessary to her interest, prosperity and welfare—it is demanded mere ly as a concession to her infuriated fanati cism and arrogant assumption of moral supe riority. And shall the sacrifice be made? God forbid. Iconsider, gentleriien, the condition of the South as eminently perilous, embarrassing and painful. It is impossible to contemplate it without feelings of horror and dread, am ounting almost to despair. Not only her pros perity and happiness, but her very existence, is identified with an institution which it is im possible that she can surrender, or even per mit to he touched hy the savage hand of fa naticism, without involving her in a train of calamities which the imagination cannot easi ly conceive nor the pen describe; and yet, against this very institution, the whole world is colleagucd, and is now prosecuting an un relenting war, as if no misery, nor life nor ru in were involved in its overthrow. Behold her begirt by foes; assailed hy every’ hand and calumniated by every tongue. There may be some apology for foreign denuncia tion ; hut what possible excuse or palliation can be rendered for the frightful persecution of those who are united with her in the same government; who have long prospered upon the fruits of her industry; who have never received from her even the shadow of a wrong, and who are bound, by’ every obliga tion that man can contract or honor impose, to succor and sustain her—to respect and vin dicate her rights as their own, and to rejoice in her prosperity and happiness ? These were the promises of the Union ; and yet, in the very face of all solemn pledges of peace, friendship and security, on the part of the Northern States, they have never rested, day nor night, in their fanatical pursuit of our des truction, as if this were the sole delight of their existence, and the only reason of their connection with us. Every energy of the mind and soul is brought into active opera tion against the South. The press, the pul pit, the colleges and schools, and, indeed, all the institutions of theNorth.are made to minis ter to this great malignant end, and are con tiftually sending forth their Stvgean streams of falsehood, vituperation and slander. Even the v om.n and children are taught, in their daily prayers, to invoke, with the spirit of a Puritan, and tho ostentation of a Pharisee, tho maledictions of heaven upon our heads; so that this Union, which was intended to he a shield and bulwark to every section—which was expected to make of the States a political Pleiades, shining together in harmonious brotherhood, has now assumed the aspect and character of a ferocious confederation of ma lignant powers for our utter ruin and desola tion. Nor is the South exempt from insiduous foes in the bosom of her own society’. Her arch-enemies have their agents and emissa ries everywhere scattered through the coun try, whose duty it is to preach the virtues of submission and to depict tho horrors of re sistance. In their estimation, the greatest pa triotism is a patient resignation to injury, and the highest of all possible enormities is self protection. The better to secure our confi dence, and to practice upon our credulity, they unite with us in our denunciations of “tho abolitionists,” and say that we have many just causes of complaint against the Northern States; but as soon as the slightest allusion is made to the necessity’ of some ac tion on tho part of the South, the cry of dis union is raised; and, without proposing any remedy themselves, for acknowledged griev ances, they oppose every measure suggested by others. If, in defiance of their clamors, the faithful patriot shall still persist in de manding redress, he is at once denounced for a disuuionist and marked for proscription.— No wonder, then, under these circumstances, that the cause of the South should languish within her own boundaries, and that many of her sons should b® found in the ranks of her foes; for, in those ranks, there is not on ly safety, hut also fortune and promotion— gold for the dastard and station for the trai tor. Domestic Esaus ! they sell their birth right for a mess of pottage. This is certainty a deplorablo condition for a free people. It is well calculated to try the souls of men. If all hope have not forsaken the South, it is because her reliance is in the justice of a righteous Providence, and in the integrity of her principles and pur poses. It is to be hoped that she has too much virtue to despair. But where lies the path of safety ? Shall we appeal to the great written charter of American freedom ? This she has already done, and found it a waste paper, but the ghost of a dead constitution. — Shall she appeal to tho honor, humanity and justice of her persecutors ? This, too, she has already done, and was spurned from their presence with indignity’ and scorn.— They but mocked at her calamity and re joiced at the prospect of her speedy destruc tion. Thus surrounded and hunted down by the deadliest of all foes—the hell-hounds of fanaticism and harpies of faction—the ques tion naturally arises, what is her best emirs® to pursue in so great an extremity ? This, gentlemen, I presume, is tho chief question proposed to be discussed at your mass meet ing. It is one certainty of great and exciting interest—whose magnitude can hardly be perceived, involving, in its decision,the eternal destinies of the whole continent; and all who seek to have any influence in its deter mination, should never lose sight of the high responsibilities they assume, nor the vast consequences which are to flow from their decision. Above all things, they should avoid those turbulent and angry passions which obscure the intellect and pervert the moral sense. I can hardly suppose that the opin ions of an humble citizen like my’self, can he of much importance to tho public; nor would I now think it necessary to avow them, if I were not invited to do so hy those in whose good intentions and sound discre tion I have every confidence. Such as they aro, you are welcome to them ; and should they not correspond with your own, as I fear they’ will not, you must remember that noth ing hut a profound sense of duty’ could induce me to place myself in a position where I have everything to peril and nothing to gain. The course then, gentlemen, which I w’ould advise tho South to pursue, in the present cri sis, is plainly this:—she should say to her Northern brethren—“your continued aggres sions upon our rights, peace and safety, can no longer be borne—the institution of slave ry which you seek to destroy is identified with our existence; it is to us a matter of life and death; and if vou do not immediate ly and forever abandon your purpose of wresting it from us, and reducing us to utter ruin and despair, ice shall consider the con federacy as dissolved by your act, and will protect ourselves accordingly.’* This ap pears to me the only alternative left to the South. We sec that the Northern States are bent upon our destruction ; that all their movements tend that way ; that they are de termined to force us into the abolition of slavery, and, of consequence, to plunge us into greater horrors than ever befel a civilized people. The sentiment is now publicly avowed by’ the most prominent of their lead ers, and acted upon hy all, that the emanci pation Os Southern slavery is an obligation higher than all others, and above any oath to support the constitution; and the govern ment of the U. States, controlled and admin istered hy those acting Upon this fanatical i sentiment, has become, in their hands, an in* ! strument for the furtherance and final achieve- I ment of this unhallowed end. Certainty this j leavs the South no possible escape from the ruin that menaces her, except through the door of secession. This is her only hope. “In native swords, and native ranks* Her only hope of safety dwells.” No true friend to the South can any longer doubt the fact, that the extirpation of slavery is not only resolved upon by the Northern States, but that they regard its accomplish ment as a matter of certainty. The only question with them is the best manner of ef fecting it. One portion of the anti-slavery party, impatient of delay, are disposed to at tempt it at once, without any regard to con sequences ; while the more temperate and calculating portion, equally bent upon the purpose, are laboring to achieve it by less precipitate and perilous action. The one is unwilling to resort to force ; the other, how- ever, desirous to avoid a conflict which might endanger success, and in which they could not hope to escape from their full share of heavy blows, prefer to work by slow and sure degress, and to throw their toils around us so artfully as not to excite alarm until they have us fully bound for the sacrifice; and then, (I fear not until then,) when the fatal blow is about to descend upon us, we shall see the folly and madness of our present sui cidal conduct, and shall perish, as all other supine and foolish communities have perish ed, who lie down to sleep, whilst the enemy is battering at their gates. Foreseeing the catastrophe, it Is crime not to provide against it. The designs of the enemy are no longer masked—we now fully comprehend them, and seeing that all things are tending to their accomplishment, I would put the question to the born-southern man, whether ho does not think it high time that something should bo done to avert the ap proaching calamity, and to place his country and her institutions in a state of greater se curity ? Ho cannot hesitate to answer yes. Then what is the remedy ? If ho can devise a better one than that of secession, lot him name it. In iny opinion, this is the only measure adequate to tlio occasion; and so fully satisfied are our enemies of this truth— so confident are they that separation is the only means of salvation to us, and defeat to them—that they have not scrupled to indi cate their intention of detaining us in the confederacy by military force—an intima tion which fully confirms the danger of our situation, and increases the necessity of our withdrawal. I am not wanting in duo respect to the American Union, nor a just appreciation of its value; but no one will pretend to say, that the present is a union of the constitution—the union established by the sages of the revolu tion—the union that was to ensure “domestic peace and tranquility;” but another great dynasty erected upon Its ruins—a Russian empiro which makes a Hungary of ti e South. Such an Union cannot be desired; it is a curse instead of a blessing; we never entered into it, nor should we any longer endure it; it should be dissolved immediately if the North do not pause at once in their aggresssion, and give us back the old charier, with all its guaran tees and securities,unimpaired and unrestrict ed. If the present Congress, then, in defi ance of our remonstrances, should adopt any of the abolition measures now pending be fore it; I Would recommend the Southern States, as soon as possible, to hold a conven tion, empowered to organize a Southern con federacy, and to make all necessary arrange ments for public defence. I advise this course, not from choice, but from necessity. Wo are forced by our ene mies into the alternative of retiring from the Union, or of remaining in it upon terms al together incompatible with honor, peace or safety. They do not hesitate to avow their hatred and abhorrence of us, and publicly to proclaim that their connection with us is a degradation to them. This itself is no very unreasonable ground for separation ; but bow doubly keen and afflictive does the insult be come, when we know that the scorn and con tempt of our foes is founded upon that very submission which we so wofully mistake for a virtue, flow Can they respect us when we do not respect ourselves ? Our irresolution it the basis of their presumption. That we should desire to remain in the Union under all these circumstances of outrage, defama tion and contumely, and with the certainty, too, of ultimata ruin, is a species of infatua tion, of insanity, as incomprehensible to me as it is lamentable. The chief argument of those who arc op posed to this measure of redress, is directed rather to the fears, than to the understanding, of the Southern people. We are told that sanguinary war will be the immediate conse quence of a dissolution of the Union. This may or may not be. It depends upon the dis position of our enemies; and it is more than probable that they will find as many argu ments in favor of a peaceful separation as ourselves; but if this should not be the case; if they shall resolve on war, I am confident of one thing, that the direst calamities that can possibly result, will be insignificant and trifling in comparison with those which follow in the wake of abolition. I will not stop, however, to place them in contrast; but will proceed to say, that I cannot perceive any thing so terrible in war, that we should avoid it at the sacrifice of everything which gives value to life—honor, freedom and social equality. If it is, then, inevitable, let it come; we must meet it, as our lathers did before us, with “stout hearts and sharp swords;” and having justice on our side, we cannot fail to have victory also. We shall have otir border strifes—formidable invasions—sudden incur sions and bloody retaliations : all very hurt ful, no doubt, but as hurtful to the foe as to us; and surely we shall be able to endure them as long as he, having a better reason for the war; he fighting for fanaticism, despot ism and military rule, and we for our lives and our homes—for our Women and children —for truth, honor, justice and political rights. Nor can the struggle last always—it will have a termination ; and when the storm and tempest shall have passed In - , we shall be left in the enjoyment of a brighter day, and we will then he able to sit down in peace and safety under our own vine and fig-tree, and bilking over our brilliant career of arms, re joice in our establishment of a government, less fanatical, and more just and forbearing than the one which is now seeking to devour sis; so, gentlemen, you perceive that, if all the scenes of blood and carnage antici pated by the submissionists, should be realiz ed to the fullest extent, they will not be with out their glorious and happy results, and they cannot exceed the trials and sufferings which our revolutionary patriots encountered for those very rights and principles which it is our purpose to regain and re-establish. 1 here is no disguising the truth, that the South has as many high and just complaints against the North, as the colonies had against the mother country. Our situation is much more alarm ing than that of the colonies at the com mencement of the revolution. But if our long endurance of insult, and submission to wrong, have rendered us too timid and effem inate to vindicate our rights and character —if in losing our social and political equality we have lost our virtue and valor too—then let us yield at once; and ceasing from our windy war of words, obey the conqueror and kiss the rod. Let it not be forgot, however, that our continuance in the Union —without some uu unexpected change in the views and feelings of the anti-slavery party—will doom us, be yond all doubt, to a far deadlier struggle than that which the submission party are so desir ous to avoid. In steering from Sylla we shall be wrecked upon Charybdis. We shall bo thrown, by the triumph of abolition, into all the horrors of a domestic and servilo war—a war which will have no parallel in atrocity and cruelty, and which must leave the South ern country a bleeding victim—a land of suffering, mourning and desolation. There is no uncertainty as to the consequences. The Northern States will never permit our black population to enter their country. The gates will be closed against the negroes in all the abolition States. The consequence will be, that when we shall be finally driven by tho combined powers of corruption, harrassment and force into the emancipation of our >1 ives, they will have to remain amongst us; aid the impossibility of their doing this in peaco and safety, must be apparent to every mind. The freed slave and the master cannot dwell together on terms of political and social equality.- Such a thing would not only bo rendered impossible by tho recollection of their former relative positions, but it is forbid by the laws of God and nature. It caunot be. Thus, as I have already said, tho suc cess of abolitiou will throw the two raced into a fearful conflict—a conflict which ad mits of no Compromise but death—no quar ters but the grave—no termination but In ex tinction. I desire that the South may be saved from this awful tragedy. I desire that she may escape from it, because it is revolt ing to every sentiment of humanity—becattsU there is no possible reason for such a horri ble catastrophe— because it is an unmixed evil without the remotest hope of good. And yet it is inevitable if the South falter in her duty to herself. I am not opposed to the emancipation of our slaves, solely on account of tho universal bankruptcy and pecuniary ruin which it would create; but more on ac count of those very calamities to which I have just alluded ; —it will lead to tho total butchery and destruction of a race whoso welfare and happiness every Southern man feels bound to consult as well as his own; and viewing the subject in this light, I cannot but hold it as one of the highest duties of the patriot and philanthropist,to oppose every act and measure, which may have the remotest tendency to bring about this unhappy state of things. We, and our slaves, are now dwelling in peace and harmony satisfied with each other—we, with their moderate labor, and they with our kindness, care and protection ; and he who seeks a vio lent disruption of these good relations cannot mean the welfare and safety of the negro— but tho ruin of us. Our destruction is his end and aim, and, to accomplish this, he heeds not the fate of the slate. Sucli a man has no flesh in his heart; he is a monster—a de mon, that deserves the scorn and execration of every virtuous mind. Thus is it plainly to bo seen, (hat in fleeing from one evil we only rush into another— another incalculably greater. Now, it is my opinion, that if we are to be forced, against our wishes, into a great battle upon this slave ry question, it is infinitely better that wo should fight it with the abolitionists, than with our own slaves. Let us not war with our friends, but our enemies—not against tltoso who serve us,but those who wrong us, —not against the defenceless, whom it were cruelty to slay, but against those demons of distur bance, whose conduct will deserve every blow that wo deal. War may or may not follow 1 our retirement from the confederacy; but if wo continue in it on tho terms which now exist; tho abolition of slavery, and all its concomi tant horrors, will as inevitably result as tho coursing of the sun through the heavens. It is as certain as death. No arm can avert it. I sincerely believe that this solemn truth is apparent to the minds of almost all of us; we only want the frankness to avow it, and the firmness to act upon it. We are stand ing on the precipice of ruin,conscious of our dreadful situation, yet too parallzed with fear to flee the danger. It is time to arouse us from this unmanly lethargy—to shake off'tho stupor—and to do at once, and bravely, what ever duty, honor and safety demand. A little more delay, and it will be too Into for* action—wo shall be bound hand and foot—• the car of desolation will be driven over us, and the woes of our bleeding and blighted country may become the theme of another Iliad. In view of the whole gentlemen, I am constrained to say, that I have little or no hope that the North and South can dwell together in harmony so long as the institutloii of slavery continues with us. Our best po licy, then, is timely to separate. That tho separation should be a peaceful one, is a mat ter of the highest importance to both parties. Like Jacob and Laban, let our enemies go to the left, whilst we go to the right. These, gentlemen, are my views, honestly entertained; and frankly expressed. Having long since retired from the political arena, disgusted at its partizan character and un principled broils, I did not again expect to raise my voice in tho clamorous contest of the day; but, in the present hazardous crisis, T should feel myself derelict in the highest duties of a patriot-citizen, if I should remain silent when called upon to declare mv senti ments. I am aware that the views which 1 hate expressed are now unpopular—too un popular and startling to be breathed in tho lowest whisper by any one who fears perse cution or desires public favor; but sure lam that they will be finally triumphant, and that the words secession.} separation, disunion , which are now so appalling to the hearts of many, will become the common dialect of our children —and until that day shall arrive, I can entertain but little hope of the South. I have tiie honor to be, gentlemen, Your obedient servant, MIR A BEAU B. LAMAR. Making a “V.” —A story is told of an auc tioneer who was provokingly annoyed while in the exercise of his profession, by the ludi crous lads of a fellow whose sole object seem ed to be to make sport for the buyers, rather than himself to buy. At length, enraged be yond endurance, the knight of the ivory head ed hammer, looking round the room for a champion to avenge his wrongs, fixed his eyes upon a biped of huge dimensions, a very monarch in strength, and cried out: “Marlow, what shall I give you to put that fellow out?” “I take one five dollar bill.” “Done, done, you shall have it.” Assuming the ferocious, knitting his brows, spreading his nostrils like a lion’s, and put ting on the wolf all over his head and should ers, old Marlow strode off to the aggressor, and seizing the terrified wretch by the collar, said to him in a whisper that was heard all over tho room— “My good frin, you go out with mo I give you half de money” “Done! done!” said the fellow. “Hurrah! hurrah!” shouted the audience. The auctioneer had the good sense to join in the laugh, and coolly forked out tha live. NO. 37.