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SOUTHERN SENTINEL. COLUMBUS, GEORGIA: THURSDAY MORNING, SEPT. 26, 1850. The “Southern Press.”— The Southern organ at Washington is now successfully under way, and proves itself equal to the most sanguine expectations of its friends. It is the best paper at Washington, and, indeed, is the only one published there which de serves a place in the family of a Southern man. De moted as it is, exclusively to the defence of our rights, and conducted by editors of the first ability, Southern men should see to it that it obtains an extensive and sustaining patronage. Our Southern Rights Asso ciation should subscribe liberally to it, and give it a circulation among tiee readers who arc not able to pv for it. Let every true Southern man who now reads the Union, the Intelligencer, or tl e Republic, immediately discontinue it, and order in its place, the Southern Press, which is as able and far sounder on the question of Southern rights than either of them. Every reading man wants a Washington pap.-r,and to every one we say, t ike the Press. The xceekly costs only $2, and the tri-weekly $5. We will take pleasure in making remittance*. The Governor’s Proclamation. We pnblish to-day Gov. Towns’ proclamation, or dering a convention of the people of Georg’a. No (Georgian will be ashamed of its tone ; it is bold, manly and determined. The affected douht as to what our Governor would do, is now silenced. The world now knows, what his friends did before, that he was a Southern man—Southern in birth and Southern in feeling. His proclamation breathes the almost unanimous sentiment of those who placed him in power, and also of a very large portion of those who opposed him. To doubt that Georgians know their rights, or that they will maintain them, is a foul imputation upon their honor. They have not been bred to submission. That is not the atmosphere in which we have grown to be a great people. It is no new thing for us to be arrayed against the central government. The allurement of federal office, the hope of national honor, may prove too strong a temp tation for the patriotism of our leaders, but the peo ple are right. They are identified with Georgia in their feelings, their hopes and their aspirations, and Georgia’s honor in their hands is safe. It is for the people, thank God, and not the designing aspirant for office, to settle this question. Gloomy, indeed, would he our hopes of success, if those who have been infec ted with the federal poison at Washington, held the destinies of our State, but we feel proud to-day, and each succeeding day adds to our gratification, in the conviction, that the noble hearted sous of our noble Suite will stand by her in life and death against the encroachment of our federal and Northern oppres sors. Judge Wellborn. The Enquirer of Tuesday, contains the following extract from a letter written by Judge Wellborn to his friend in this city: “ Washington, Sept. Id, 1850, “Well, sin as von perceive, we have done what we hare done, and I congratulate you as one opposed to se cession or other violent measure of resistance, on a set tlement which, in my opinion, the South can honorably acquiesce in. The fugitive slave bill passed the House the other day, by 30 majority, and without amendment. It is exceedingly strong-” The position of oar immediate Representative is then no longer a matter of doubt. lie considers the hills which have recently passed Congress, as not only not injurious to, but absolutely a subject of congratulation with the South. As we had occasion to remark some time since of his colleagues, Messrs. Stephens and Toombs, we preferred that Judge Wellborn should have been with us in this contest for Southern rights, but since he has chosen to array himself on the other sale, we are perfectly content with his choice, and shall hold him as we hold many others with whom he now affiliates, a personal friend, hut a political enemy. Our vote helped to swell the small majority by which Judge W. now holds his sent in Congress. It is scarcely necessary to say we now regret that vote, as indeed do nineteen-twentieths of those who contributed to his election. We have heard it intimated, that he intends, upon his return from Washington, to take the stump against the friends of Southern Rights. Let him do so if he wills; he will find those who, before, boro his banner tri umphantly through the eampaign, ready and able to meet him and to put him down. That he is a gen tleman of ability, we will not, and could not. gainsay; but that lie has the ability, in tins contest, to make the wrong the right appear, we have no sort of ap prehension. Rut while we do not think our pros pects of success as at all dimned by the opposition of Judge Wellborn (any farther than his individual vote at the polls may go,) we do sincerely regret, that a g*ir’o nan whose private worth we esteem so high ly, should have permitted himself to be deluded into the idea that the bills j ust passed by Congress are a proper subject for his gratulations. That a scries of measures which propose to adjust our quarrel with the North on a basis which gives them all and leaves us none, and goes still farther, to brand as an iniqui tous traffic, the trade in slave property ; that a south ern man could find it in his heart to ri-joieo at such an adjustment, is, with us, not only a matter of sur prise, hut of real mortification. We have no idea that Judge Wellborn’s heart is wrong; we think that it is right, but what is most remarkable is, that a head like his, cool, calculating and generally correct, should have been so filled with tlie cobwebs of sophis try, and so completely led astray by unmeaning rant, as to givei s deliberate sanction, to a scheme so deeply dyed with shame. Our Representative may flatter him self that his constituents may be as easily gulled as ho has been-. Oh ! fatal mistake for his fame. It would j puzzle even the ingenuity of as metaphysical a miud j as he possesses, to satisfy the people, by any sort of j special pleading, that there is one single concession | made to the South by any or all of these bills. It | will trouble even him to show that the South gains j any thing, and that the North does not gain every j thing by this adjustment. We do not say that the \ Judge does not believe lie can do all this and much j more, but we do say that he will find it a little mere difficult than he supposes. Northern Sentiment. We notice, with mingled feelings of surprise and mortification, the readiness with which certain presses at the South become the champions of public senti ment at the North whenever it is charged with hos tility to us and our institutions. We pity the igno rance, and despise the sinister motives of those who would thus delude our people into false security by representing the tone of Northern sentiment to be kind towards us, or at all disposed to do justice to tile South. It is not our purpose to be as much in error on the other extreme. We are disposed to do the North the justice to admit that there may be found in the free States, a very respectable number who manifest a disposition of friendship to the South, but that number is made up, first, of a class of intelli gent commercial men who have the sagacity to know that the trade of the South makes their for tunes ; secondly, of aspiring politicians, who look to Southern votes for office; and, thirdly, ofan extremely limited number of men who have souls large enough to accord all sections of the Union the rights guar anteed to them by the constitution. All these may, perhaps, amount to one ten thousandth part of the population of the North; tlie overwhelming balance, differing, it may be, in degree, but all united iu a feel ing of hatred to the South and her institutions. We have, first, a comparatively small party of red mouth ed abolitionists, conscientious In their purposes and honest iu expressing them, who avow their determin ation to exterminate the institution of slavery iuime datelyand everywhere. At the head of this partv is, Wm. H. Seward, an U. 8. Senator from New York. Then a better informed class of nti-sjavcry men, who declare their fc'dfttlity to the institution, and labor for its ext ruction, first by its immediate abo lition wherever it can be constitutionally done, and, secondly, by forever prohibiting its extension beyond its present limits. The leader of this faction is j Martin Van Boren, an ex-president of the republic. The third party, under the lead of his Excellency, ; President Fillmore, is more patient in the execution i of liis designs, limiting his exertions to a simple pro- j hibitiuu of the further extension of slavery, with the intention of ultimately starving it out. And, finally, a j host of Northern conservatives , who desire merely to withhold from the South every thing like protec tion and encouragement, h aving to the lapse* of time and the partial administration of the government, tlie work of ridding the evil. Tlie leadership of this wing is divided between Mr. Cass and Mr. Clay. Thus vve see the great body of the North, divided, it is true, as to tthe means, but all agreeing as to the end, the ultimate extinction cf the institution of slavery. Are we asked for proof of these facts ? R-aily we scarcely know the first step in a demonstration whose unquestioned reality meets us in all around us. If the tone of the press,if the denunciations of the pul pits. if the popular elections, if the every day actions of the people, if the reports of Congress—if all these mean any thing, then we certainly are not asked to go further for the evidence that all we charge is true. A Southern man, unless he is backed by fortune, that universal balm for Northern consciences, cannot be received into the private parlor of a New England gentleman. lie is branded with tlie sin of slavery and denied the civilities of common life. A South ern Methodist cannot kneel around the same altar with his Northern brethren. A Southern Baptist is not allowed to commune in a Northern church. And why is this ? Has this been the work of a few fana tics? These denominations number each about half a million of communicants in the free States. Anoth er religious denomination is now threatened with disunion, and two years will not roll round ere the Presbyterian, like her sister churches, is rent in twain by this fell spirit of abolition. And sucli is to be the fate of every similar association, religious, charitable and social. Yet, we arc told, the North ern people, ns a body, are kindly disposed to tlie South. Ridiculous absurdity ! If they dared, they would co ver with a coat of tar, every Southerner who crossed Mason and Dixon’s line. And we are to submit ourselves to the government of a people like these. A\ e are to allow them, by dishonest means, to acquire the power to ruin us, ami trust our property and lives to their generosity. Hit Them Again. The Marietta Helicon certainly has been a very inattentive reader of the Columbus Enquirer, or it would have seen that our brief notice of Mr. Stephens’ Warrcnton speech was almost a literal transcript from that paper. The Enquirer had been seized with a fit of holy horror at the publication of the pro ceedings of the Cazenovia meeting, and the article which the Helicon remarks upon, in our columns, was, with the substitution of a few words, the ravings of our contemporary on that occasion. We should have given our neighbor credit, but the alteration was so slight that we did not think it necessary. The Adjustment. There appears to be, with a certain class of men in tlie country, great cause of rejoicing iu what they call the adjustment of tho difficulties between the North and the South. It strikes us that there is about as much cause for a freeman or a patriot to re joice over this adjustment as there was for an Irish man to rejoice over the adjustment between England and Ireland when Mitchell and other Irish patriots were imprisoned, and as there was for the people of Hungary to rejoics at the adjustment of the difficul ties between that country and Austria when Kossuth and his compeers had been exiled after Georgey had betrayed the cause of his country into the hands of their enemies. In both these eases peace and quiet have followed the adjustment, but they are the peace and quiet of slavery and degradation. It is an adjust ment whieli rivets more strongly the chains upon Ireland, and which has destroyed even the hope of freedom in Hungary, yet there arc in Ireland, no doubt, many who rejoice in the glory of having ad justed tlie difficulties between England and Ireland ; and even Georgey took credit to himself for giving quiet to his distracted country. Such is even tlie case with our adjustment—with this exception, that every man of the South whoso heart loves liberty, will, whenever he comes to see the thing in its odious deformity of injustice and in equality, spurn with scorn and indignation this in famous aud unhallowed surrender of Southern rights. It will bring neither peace nor quiet. It has brought none—it would not bring them even if the South were so craven haarted and dastardly as to submit to it. Even now, while its Southern advo cates are boasting of having settled the agitating questions which were threatening tlie Union, our enemies are already marching forward in their ag gressions, and showing us, what every reasonable man ought to have known, that men never make any thing by submitting to wrong. Already they have passed the bill to abolish the sale of negroes in the District of Columbia—upon this measure we shall have something to say hereafter, —already have they shown to us that the next step is to abolish slavery itself in that District. Is there a man, in all tliis South, who believes that this question will not ag itate the country ? or is there any man who believes that the North will cease tlie agitation of it until they effect their purpose ? Has there been manifested any thing of regard for our rights or our feelings which will justify such a conclusion ? Surely not. Oh, no! the agitation is even now begun, and it will be kept up the more boldly for the cause that they have now more power, and for the reason that they feel now that they have hsx to fear from the South. Then we say that this adjustment brings no peace and quiet even if the South were willing tamely to submit to it. But the South will not submit. The lust for power at the North, and treachery at home, may bargain away the rights and the power of the South, but they have no power tct carry out the bar gain. That glorious adjustment, as they choose to call it, has rung the death knell of the Union between the North and the South. What have we gained by the adjustment? A part of Texas turned into frec-soil. the whole of Cal ifornia admitted as a State and slavery prohibited— a territorial government provided for Utah and New Mexico, with the law of Mexico against slavery not only unropealed, but virtually recognized and esta blished by Congress by its refusal to repeal it—and this is called the adjustment of a controversy ! ! In all this, what has the South gained 1 What of all that she contended for, has the South not lost ? What of all that tlie North contended for, has she not gained? Aye, she has gained more than all. She has got all the territory and a part of Texas to boot— and for all this we do not even get the poor boon of peace and quiet even if we are willing to have it. Two years ago we could have had all, and more than all that wo have got now, but for Toombs and Stephens—thc-n we could have had a chance for all the Territory, witlvonly the claim of tlie Mexican law against us; the Clayton Compromise offered to let us into the whole country, and leave the question of slavery to be decided by the Supreme Court; but these gentlemen would not trust the rights of the South to such a precarious chance, not they!— They would have the Mexican law repealed. But. alas; the Mexican law, instead of being repealed, is sanctioned and established by Congress. California is a State with a Constitution prohibiting slavery, a part of Texas is gone, and yet these gentlemen think the South ha< r.o grievances to redress. We can tell these gentlemen that they have mistaken the char acter and temper of the people of Georgia; they have overrated their power and influence in the State ; they have miscalculated the strength of party ties, and tlie power of party discipline—all these things have great power, aud, under ordinary circomstanccs. are almost irresistible jso cord* asd withes wcre strong enough to bind common men, but upon the arms of Sampson the withes were as a thread of tow which is broken when it toucheth the fire, and the new ropes lie broke from off his arms like a thread: and in the sense of wrong and the spirit of resistance to oppression, there is arising in the State of Georgia, and in tlie whole South, a Sampson upon w hose arms personal influ ence, and personal popularity, and party ties, and par ty discipline, will be as the withes and the ropes upon the arms of Sampson of old—and though, as of old, the enemy may tamper with our Delilah?, yet the spell will be broken and we shall neither sloop in their laps nor let them shear us of our strength. The Fugitive Slax r e Hill. w e extract the following comments on this mea sure, which has just becomes law, from the Manches ter (N. II.) Democrat, for two purposes ; first, to show the light in which our Northern brethren (fid dlesticks) regard it, and secondly, as a specimen of the good will which some of our Yankee friends car ry back to tlieir fatherland after having scraped up a small fortune in the South. The Editor of the Dem ocrat is one Jonathan Harrison Goodale, who for several years was tlie principal of the Wynn ton Male Academy near this city, and after enjoying the gen erous patronage and the kind hospitality of Southern men, returned to his home in New England and now vituperates and loathes us and owr institutions. When men of such dastard hypocrisy give tone to tlie North ern press, what can we expect of the masses ? Tlie Demo-rat says : “This law, however effective its provisions may ap pear on the statute book, will not secure the return of a large number of fugitives after they have /cached the i free States. The sympathies of our people are with the | man who flies from servitude, and very few could be in j dueed to make any eflbrt to aid his pursuers. Many re \ cognize a higher law than human statutes, and no act of i Congress can secure their co-operation in apprehending ! runaway slaves. They have no wish to interfere with ( the rights of their slaveholding neighbors, but they have no idea of aiding in returning to bondage one who has hazarded his life to be free. The thought is revolting to them. Their fathers have taught them that slavery is * violation of all right and justice, and their own observa tion has convinced them that it is constantly at war with the civil and social well being of the white population, both of the North and South.” [YAXKEI CORRESPONDENCE.] Boston, Sept. 15, 1850. The Weather—lndustrial Bazaar—Congratulato ry—More Steamships—Miss Cushman and the Theatres—Death of Louis Philippe—Jenny Lind — Encore — Encore — -c. A week of something like the cool, pleasant Indian summer weather lias succeeded the frequent rains which have been for some time moistening our clay in this part of the world. Three or four days ago people got up in the morning and talked of a little frost in the night. But we have not found any of it. Our charitable mechanics’ exhibition is now open in Fanueil and Quincy Halls, which, lying near one another, arc joined by a flying bridge. The whole is a bewildering bazaar of a million of things. “Pant ing description would toil after them in vain.” You go in and take your way through a phantasmagoria of millinery, cosmetics, model work, grass-work, flower-work, worsted-work, portraits, ploughs, press es, furniture, cutlery, kegs of flour, false teeth, fire engines, blankets, carpets, minerals, swords, clocks, churns, wigs, pianos—let me take one breath—and at it again : Salamander safes, stoves, vases, fiddles, stationery, steam-engines, and scattered through all and commonding and gracing all, at the various stands, crowds of very pretty New England women and girls—rather increasing than diminishing theeffect of tho general bewilderment. A great deal of trum pery to me. I mean tho moss work, millinery and things—surrounding a good deal of what is serviceable and praiseworthy. Almost every aspiring tradesman has sent seme of his wares here, receiving, in return, the benefit of the publicity and advertisement which the newspaper notices bestow. There is a letter printing press in Quincy Hall which prints a small daily paper, called the Mirror of the Fair —a pret ty little flimsy, with a remunerating circulation in the two halls. George Prince Regent .James is about to deliver a series of six lectures on “Modern Civilization” in tliis city. His accustomed burrowing in the medieval histories for materials of romance must have given him a good many ideas of the world's progress in the more modern ages of the world. The Cunards, the owners of tlie transatlantic mail steamers, are about disposing of two of their slowest goers,and getting up a pair of fast ones, in stead of them. Collins, of New York, is stirring up the enterprise of the British. His ships have beaten all but one of the Cunardcrs, in the passage across the Atlantic. Cunard is determined to lose no more time, henceforth, in calling at Halifax, but run straight across to Boston and New York, so as to compete with our American ships without drawbacks. Here’s the beginning of a mercantile rivalry which will doubtless have the most beneficial results in the in creased trade and personal intercourse between the people of the old and new worlds. Tho third of the five ships projected by Collins, is about to take its place on the course, with the name of the Arctic. Miss Charlotte Cushman lias been playing her customary characters at the Howard Atlienamm, for some time past. A powerful and muscular creature is Charlotte—a sinewy delineator of dramatic passion. She would have made a good wife for Forrest, in stead of his present very opponent lady. They would be a very well-matched couple, both in tlie physical and intellectual way. A Mr. Buchanan of Philadelphia, has been making his debut before a Boston audience, at the Federal Theatre. lie has been treated very leniently by our critics. lie speaks a speech with good emphasis and discretion, but will never be a Garrick or a Kean. Mr. Booth has just ended his engagement here at tlie Museum. Burr’s “Mirror” of the Northern Lakes, Niagara. A<“., is doing a good business. He has made ail ar rangement with the different railway companies, by which every one who comes by railway to Boston, from places hundreds of miles distant, gets an ad mission ticket to the “Mirror” gratis. The last mail brings us an account of the death of that artful dodger of royalty—Louis Philippe, of France— Ilis last intrigue is wrought, Ilis work of kingship doue. Somewhere about the year 1795, the fugitive Duke of Orleans was a sojourner in Boston, with his two brothers, or at least, one of them—Montpensier. Talleyrand was here at tlie same time ; and the ex iles used to spend a good deal of time in the office of Ben Russell, editor of the Ceniinel, where they read the papers and watched, at a distance, the move ments of the federal government. Louis Philippe gave lessons in the French language, for some time, at the house of a French tailor, iu Suite street. He was born in 1773, and was, consequently, in his 77th year, at his death. lie was twice an exile and fugitive from France; first, from 1792 to 1815; next from 1848 to this year—about a quarter of a century in all. In 1830 he was made King of the French, and swore to the constitution of that year ; but vio lated it in a hundred ways afterwards. He labored sedulously to prevent the growth of democratic opin ion in France, and to root his family and dynasty deep into the soil of Europe. But the sudden gust of 1848 showed that the Orleans family had no hold of France. Their roots did not lie an inch below tlie surface ; the breath of the people’s indignation blew the tree and its branches away like chaff. Thus he fell—so perish all Who would men by man enthrall. You have heard the great shouting at the North here. You think, probably, it has been, because all cause of intemeeive war between the North and South has been removed in Congress. Not so. It is all for Jenny Lind and her larynx! She has been re ceived with more hallelujahs than Lafayette. The people of the Empire city have been going about crying—“ Jenny Lind, oh. Jenny Lind !”—just as the citizens of Abdtra ran about, formerly, in the cani cular, exclaiming, “Ob Love, oh,Eros, oh, the mighty power of Love!” Day and night, they releive each other, by detachments, before tlie hotel she lodges ! in. She lias given two concerts in the Castle Gard- > cns. At the first, Barnum announced that he gave * her portiou of the proceeds—over ton thousand dol lars—to tlie charities of ihc city. At the next, it j was announced that the profits of her engagement in America, should go to found a system of school cdu- j cation in Sweden and Norway. Well —no wonder j the people hurrah ! lam hurraing myself, vigorously, for several minutes. Let Oscar, of Sweden, that son of a sou of an innkeeper, be deposed, and .Jenny Lind proclaimed Queen, forthwith ! Barnum, be good enough to see this done? God save Queen Jenny Lind ! to whom Victoria, of England, is a poor spirited Queen in comparison. \\ hen \ ictoria’s people in Ireland were dying of starvation, she did not give ten thousand dollars! How nobly this plain, plebeian Swedish girl supports aud vindicates the intrinsic dignity of human nature ! She is, indeed, rather plain. I strove against the fact for a long time. But it mast be admitted. The Liverpool Journal lixs the following concerning this rare migratory bird—the “Swedish Nightingale”: “Slie has a p'a'ii face, a good voice, and a kind heart. Long may she live to perform acts of kind ness—for both amiable and good she is; and that she knows she is not what the world calls handsome in person, the following anecdote will show: There is a portrait of Jenny, engraved from a picture partially copied from a daguerreotype, and then finish ed from three sittings, which picture is now in the possession of his Grace the Duke of Wellington. — During tiio time the young artist was finishing this portrait, lie experienced much civility from the kind hearted Swede; she would open the door for him, bring his pallet ar.d colors, talk, and make herself perfectly agreeable. “She showed no languishing airs, petulance, or pride, hut was kind, with the simplicity of a lively and | perfectly good-tempered woman. When the por trait was finished, the artist remarked, doubting the truth of the same, that ‘lie thought tlie nose was too large.’ ‘No—impossible,’ cried Jenny—‘that can not be. for mine is all over my face.” Again, re marking upon her hair, she said, ‘You must put plenty of green amongst your yellow, for my hair is like half made hay.’ ‘And it is something like it,’ said the painter.” That concluding remark of the painter settles the business. Jenny Lind is as plain as her country woman. Frederika Bremer. You arc aware, 1 sup pose, that she gets half profits ; and that slio is tone company Barnum wherever he wishes to take her in America or in Europe. He intends to have her sit the Industrial Show of London in 1851. Jenny is to be here in Boston about the 26th inst. But we have not a house to hold her! I had a column of Lind iana to send yuu ; but I am come to the edge of my paper— finis charter. Adios. YANKEE DOODLE. Muscogee Southern Itights Association. Tlie Association met pursuant to adjourn ment. There was present an audience almost unequalled in number by any public collection ever had in this city. The meeting was organ ized by calling James R. Jones to the chair, and appointing F. A. Wilkins, Secretary. The committee appointed at the previous meeting to make a selection of proper officers for ths Association, submitted the following re port— The committee appointed at the last meeting, charged with the selection of suitable officers for the government of this Association, beg leave to report that they have not bean able to see our country friends, and, therefore, are not prepared to offer any names from the country, but re commend the following gentlemen as suitable officers for the city. For President, Van Leonard. Vice-Presidents, upper town, Dr. Thomas Hoxey; lower town, Coi. John Quin. Recording Secretary, James W. Warren. Corresponding Secretaries, William 11. Cham bers, Cap!. John Forsyth. Treasurer, Sterling F. Grimes. Vigilant Committee for the city, Wm. Y. Bar den, Edward Barnard, 11. T. Brice, James Lig on, Wm. L. Stapler. Upper Town, H. W. Van Veghten, Wm. C. Gray, Willis I*. Baker. liower Town, J. L. Morton, B. Coleman, J. B. Brooks. We ask further time to make the balance of the report: P. A. CLAYTON, ‘j W. A. BEDELL, D. P. ELLIS, !• Committee. A. 11. COOPER, A. S. RUTHERFORD,J The report having been received, on motion of’R. R. Howard, Esq., the ceremony of ballot ing was dispensed with and the officers recom mended were confirmed and elected by accla mation. Upon his induction into office, the President addressed the meeting in a few appropriate re marks occupying the true southern position. Col. Quin made an acknowledgement of thanks for the honor conferred upon him, and express ed an assurance of cordial sympathy with tlie purposes of tlie Association. The attention of the meeting being unoccupied. Judge G E Thom as introduced the lion. Geo. S. Hawkins of Fla., who made a short address, full of the spirit of resistance. He was followed by the Hon. Walter T. Col quitt, who, in his own matchless manner, in a speech of much length, unfolded the wrongs and outrages committed upon the south, expos ed the fraud of the California transaction, as well of the other measures of pretended com promise, and eloquently enforced tlie right and duty of resistance. With tlie manly and pat riotic sentiments of the speaker, tlie audience evinced its sympathy in frequent thunders of applause. On motion of W. IT. Chambers, Esq., it was ordered, that each member of the vigilant com mittee be furnished with a copy of our constitu tion for the purpose of obtaining signatures thereto. The meeting then adjourned till Wednesday night, 2d October. VAN LEONARD, President. Jas. W. Warren, Secretary. Public Meeting at Americus. At a public meeting of several hundred per sons in Americas, on 111- 7th inst., for a consid eration and discussion of those questions in volving the rights of the South in tho territo ry recently acquired from Mexico, Mr. Newnan Mcßain, Whig, and Mr. George Dykes, Demo crat, were called upon to preside, and Dr. J. G. McCrary, Whig, and Wm. B. Guerrv, Esq. Dem ocrat, to act as Secretaries. After a few energetic and pertinent remarks by Mr. Mcßain, explana tory of the object of the meeting, A. A. Rob inson, Esq., offered the following resolutions, and occupied the floor fifty minutes in urging the propriety of their adoption. RKSOLVTIOXS. The great interests involved in the political questions which now engross the public mind render it proper that the people, in their meet ings, should express Their convictions as to tlie rights involved, and as to the duty of the public servants who have been selected to guard those rights; therefore, Resolved, That we approve most heartily tlie j resolutions of the Southern meeting of ths j members of Congress held recently at Wash- i ington City. Resolved , 2d, That in our opinion Congress is under constitutional obligation to remove every ; legal impediment that may arise from Mexican j laws which serve in the least to embarrass the j emigration of Southern men, with all tlieir pro- I perty recognized by the Constitution, into the ; newly acquired territories. Resolved. 3d, That such legislation bv Con gress would by no way infringe upon that poii- i cy of non-intervention, which requires that Con gress shall not legislate either to establish or \ prohibit slavery. Resolved, 4th, That should Congress fail of j their duty to abrogate entirely such Mexican I laws as are directed against that ajecies of prop- i erty which the constitution provided us the means of acquiring, bv prohibiting for twenty years any Congressional legislation against the importation of it from abroad. Then as a peace measure, we are willing to accept a secure amt unembarrassed enjoyment of property, in that portion of that newly acquired territory south of tiie Missouri Compromise line. Resolved, sth, That’ should all access to any part of the territories with our peculiar proper ty be denied us, and. thus all justice denied us by a Congress acting Under a constitution the very first sentence of which declares one ot the first purposes of its adoption to be, “To es tablish justicethen the remedy for the re dress of our wrongs and for staying in future the intolerable aggressions of our Northern brethren we leave to be devised by the conven tion which it will be the duty of the Governor of our State under such exigencies to call—and we pledge our support to any measure of redress which will so unite our brethren of the South as to render it practicable. An animated discussion then ensued betweeii E. R. Brown and W. 11. Crawford, Esqrs., on the one side, and Maj. John 11. Howard, of Co lumbus, and John A. Tucker, Esq., of Lumpkin, | on the other: each speaker consuming an hour and a half. The former two declined to argue the resolutions proposed, insisting the more periiuent questions to be whether we should dissolve the Union on the admission ot California. The latter two maintained the pro priety of the resolutions, and also that if no other measure of redress would secure a portion of the territory equivalent to that south of 36-30, then a dissolution of the Union would be ne cessary in order to prevent further and worse aggression. After the discussion, the vote was taken upon the resolutions and was almost unanimous in their support—only three or four persons voting in the negative. The opposers of the resolutions excuse the lameness of their vote on the ground (as they say) that they had no right to vote because the meeting was not called by them. But some of their ablest tacticians admit that they made ef forts to get as many as possible to vote against the resolutions. NEWNAN McBAIN, ) ■ GEORGE DYKIvS, \ Chav men. Wm. B. Guerry, /c, , ■ J. G. M’Ckary, } Secretaries. What will the South Do ? We have heard much of secession—many threats of the dissolution of the Union in case California was admitted with her prohibition of slavery. She has been admitted—is now in the Union—one of the United States. What has the South done ? She has held a Convention, and talked loud, threatened and abused the North. She has stimulated her members of Congress to bluster and resort to ail manner of trickery to prevent a decision of the question. She lias de layed the action of Congress nine months. She has made arrangements for the call of a South ern Convention, to prescribe the course of pro ceeding in case the bill became a law. But not withstanding her opposition, her threats, her conventions, her trickery, the bill lias become a law, and the new an A free State of California, has been admitted. What will the South do now ? It is said that Georgia had a confidential agent at Washington, charged with despatching infor mation of the admission, to enable the Governor the more promptly to convene a convention of the chivalry to determine on their future course. The despatch has, doubtless, been sent. The proclamation of the Governor may have been sent forth, a convention may be convened, but what will be done? Nothing. Resolutions blown up to a red heat may he passed—some of their hotspurs may get rid of their surplus bile and gas, but there the matter will end. There will be no dissolution —no overt act of trea son. In a very short time all will be quiet. The telegraphic wires inform us that on the receipt of the passage of the bill at Charleston, S. C., the people there were “furious.” A pub lic demonstration was got up, and the flag of the Union was “trodden under foot.” They tram ple the Hag of the Union—the stars and stripes of the Nation under their feet! This the Chi valry does because they are in a minority in Con gress ! This is done in the Nation of South Carolina! But tiiis is not an overt act of trea son, for which the actors can be arrested and punished, nor will the Chivalry commit any such act, with the halter in prospect. This be ing hanged by the neck until one is dead, cools their ardor. They may go to the verge of trea son, but with them the better part of valor will be discretion; they will stop short of actual treason, and save their necks. In a few days even the croakings of dissatisfaction will have passed away, and the Government of the Union will be moving quietly and steadily along as heretofore. Nobody killed or hurt. Reader! Who think you thus taunts the South with her wrongs? For the life that is in you, you could not distinguish it from the edito rials of. the Columbus Enquirer for the last six weeks; but the Enquirer does not boast the pa ternity of this article. It is from the columns of the Cincinnati Gazelle! Results of the Adjustment.—Four New Uleetl ing Wounds. We take the following from the Proceedings of the House on Monday : NOTICES OF BILLS. Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, gave notice that on to-morrow or some subsequent day, he would ask leave to bring in the following bills: A bill to alter and amend the revenue laws so as to afford reasonable protection to American labor; A bill to abolish slavery in the Territory of Utah; A bill to repeal so much of the acts establish ing territorial governments in New Mexico and Utah as recognizes slavery in said Territories, ! and as pledges the nation to admit new slave States into the Union : and A bill to repeal and annul the fugitive slave law, passed September, 1850. This was not the entertainment to which we were invited by the champions of the Adjust ment. But let the South never be afraid—to run. The renewed agitation will go on. The Free-soilers and Abolitionists have begun—the Tribune and Albany Evening Journal, Whig or gans, have already joined them. The Whig party at the North will promptly follow en masse. The Democrats of the North wiii first call for harmony—then they will equivocate—then at tempt to surpass the Whigs in their zeal for these measures—and then Messrs. Clay and Cass will come forward with another grand compromise to heal these four more bleeding wounds of a distracted country. They will propose to concede all to the North to stop agi tation, and denounce, all southern opponents of the healing measures as Ultras and Disunionists. The Intelligencer will come forward in aid of the harmony, and hear no discordant voice. The Union will cant about the rights of the south talk of modifications, lose some more subscri bers, ask for more extra allowances—abuse Gid dings, Root and Seward, go for the scheme on the ground that the institutions of the south must rely for support on the Northern Democ racy, call for guns of rejoicing on the passage of the new Compromise, and” declare fiercely that any further aggressions on the south will never be permitted—until they are attempted. Listen to the language of the New York Com mercial Advertiser, a leading Webster Whig pa per : ° 1 The passage of the bill for the abolition of the slave trade in this District is a most auspi cious and gratifying event. It will do much to quell the spirit ot agitation in regard to this in stitution, and would the south but consent grace fullij and cheerfully to the extinction of slavery itsell in the District, they would soon receive convincing assurance of the cessation of con tention on this exacting and disturbing subject. The vote was ayes 33, noes 19; majority 14. Six Southern Senators, Messrs. Benton. Clay, Houston , Underwood, Spruance and Wales voted with thefree Slates. I lie two California Senators contributed to swell the majority of this humane and creditable measure.—Southern Press. Analysis ot Votes given in House Representa tives on the Passage ol’ California Bill. FOR THE BILL. Northern Northern j Southern Democrats. Whigs. Democrats. Albertson, la. I Alexander, N. V. Bay, Mo. Bingham, Midi., Allen,* Mass. ! Bowling, Mo. Bissell, 111. Andrews, N. Y. |Ewing, Teun. Booth,* Ct. Baker, HI. Hall, Mo. Brown, la. Bennett, N. Y. Hamilton, Md. Bud, Mich. ißokeo, N. Y. Johnson, Tenn. Cable, Ohio. j Briggs, X. Y. Jonea, Tenn. Carter, Ohio. J Brooks, N. Y. Mason, Ky. Dimmick, Pa. Burrows, N. Y. McLane, Md. Disney, Ohio. Butler, Pa. Phelps, Mo.—lo Doty, Wis. Butler, Ct. ! Dunham, la. jCalvin, Pa. | Durkee ,* Wis. Campbell* Ohio. | Fitch, la. Casey, Pa. Fuller, Me. Chandler, Fa. Gerry, Me. Clark, N. A . Gilmore, Pa. Cole, \\ is. Gorman, la. Corwin, Ohio. Harlan, la. Crowell, Ohio. Harris, 111. Dickey, Pa. Hibbard, N. 11. DixOn, R. I. Iloagland, Ohio. I)uer, N. Y. P. King,* X. Y.j Duncan, Mass. | Lcffler, lowa, j Lliot, Mass. ! Littlefield, Me. j Evans, Ohio. Mann, Pa. ;Fowler, Mass. .Southern McClermandjlll. Freedley, Pa. Whigs McDonald, la. jGiddings, Ohio. McLanalian, Pa.Gott, X. Y. Anderson,Tenn. Morris, Ohio. Gould, N. Y. Bow - Md> Olds, Ohio. jGrmucll, Mass. Brecfc Ry Peaslee, N. Y. Halloway, N. Y. Caldw ’ e „, ‘iv. C. Peck, Vt. ;Henry, \ t, n I J ■ hvans. Md. Potter, Ohio. Ilowe, Pa. . * r ... 5 Gentry, ienn. Richardson-. 111. Hunter, Ohio, Tr 3 , r ’ ’ Hayniond, va, Robbins, Pa. j Jackson, Y. Johnson Ky Robinson, la. Julian* la. ‘ Ktrr M ’ d Ross, Pa. King, R. I. Marshall, ’ Ky. Sawtelle, Me. King, N. J. MoLcan K y. .Stetson, Me. J. A. King, N. T. jMorehead Strong, Pa. . Levin, (n. a.) Pa. Stau , N% c Sweetscr, Ohio, Mann, Mass. , PI * ’ ’ ihonipson, Kyv Thompson, Pa. Matteaon, N T- w* atkius . Tenu . Walden. N. .ucGaugbev, la. . r P ’ . ’ William*, lenn. Waldo, Ct. McKissock, N. Y. rT ... , T ~ , T ANARUS„ , ’ Houston, Del.-L Wentworth, 111. Meadiam, Vt. Whittlesey, O. Moore, Pa. Wild rick, N. J. Nelson, X. Y. Young, 111.—49 Newell, N. J. Ogle, Pa. Otis, Me. Phoenix, N. Y. Pitman. Pa. Putnam, N. Y. Reed, Pa. Reynolds, X. Y/ Root,* Ohio. Rose, X. Y. Ramsey, X. Y. Sackett, X. Y. Schenck, Ohio. Schoolcraft, X. Y. Sehcrmerhorn, “ Silvester, N. Y. Sprague, Mich. Stevens, Pa. Taylor, Ohio. Thurman, N. Y. Tuck, N. IT. Underhill, N. Y. Van Dyke, N. J. Vinton, Ohio. White, A r . Y. Wilson, N. H.- 74. Those marked thus (*) arc free-soilers. AGAINST TJIE BILL. Southern Democrats. Ashe, North Carolina, Averett, Virginia, Bayly, “ Beale, “ Bowdon. Alabama, Boyd, Kentucky, Brown, Mississippi, Burt, South Carolina, Caldwell, Kentucky, Cobb, Alabama, Colcock, South Carolina, Daniel, North Carolina, Edmondson, Virginia, Featherstou, Mississippi, Green, Missouri, Haralson, Georgia, Harris, Tennessee, Harris, Alabama, llolladay, Virginia, I loward, Texas, Hubbard, Alabama, Jackson. Georgia, Inge, Alabama, Johnson, Arkansas, Kaufman, Texas, La Sere, Louisiana, McDowell, Virginia, McMullen, Virginia, McQueen, South Carolina, Me Willie, Mississippi, Meade, Virginia, Millson. Virginia, Morse, Louisiana, Orr, South Carolina, Parker, Virginia, Powell, Virginia, Savage, Tennessee, Seddon, Virginia, Stanton, Tennessee, Stanton, Kentucky, Thomas, Tennessee, Thompson, Mississippi, Venable, North Carolina, Wallace, South Carolina, Wellborn, Georgia, Woodward, S. C.—l 6. United States House or Representatives. Tor Adsiis- Statf.s. 1 | Against. ! SION. iDcim. Whig. Dan. Whig. Maine, - -J 5 l ; New Hampshire, -j 2 2 j Vermont, - - 1 2 j Massachusetts, - -It) 6 Rhode Island, - -! 0 2 j Connecticut, - -j 2 I 1 j Xc\t York, - -i 2 29 j Xew Jersey j - 1 3 j Pennsylvania, - 8 ]3 j Delaware, - - 0 j j Maryland, - - 2 3 Virginia, - -J () 1| 12 I North Carolina, - - 0 2 j 3 4 South Carolina, - -[ 0 q i 6 0 Georgia, - - 0 | 0 3 2 Florida, - -jo! 0 0 I Alabama, - 0 0 5 2 Ohio, . -j 9 I0 Michigan, -j 2 I Indiana, . .'g o Illinois, . - 6 J lowa, - 1 0 Wisconsin, - - 2 I Missouri, - - 4 0 I Kentucky, - 1 6 3 Tennessee, - -3 4 4 Mississippi, - - 0 0 4 Arkansas,- - - 0 0 1 Louisiana,- * 0 0 2 Texas, * 0 0 2 oO i 91 ; 46 10 Southern Whigs. j [Alston, Alabama, j Cabell, Florida, jClinginan, .North Carolina, (Deberry, “ j Hilliard, Alabama, [Morton, Virginia, Outlaw. North Carolina, Owen, Georgia, Shepperd, North Carolina, [Toombs, Georgia—lo. [From the Southern Preas.] THE PROSPECT. We said,in our last, that if the present bills in progress through Congress pass, and the South ern States submit, the non-siaveholdiug States can, in six years, amend the Constitution, do away with the three-fifths basis of representa tion, and abolish slavery ; and that, too, with* out assuming any new position or principle, or any which has not received the sanction of one branch of Congress. We stated that we could prove this position by plain mathematical rea soning, and a fair deduction from the principle* assumed by our enemies. We are aware that many will be startled at this statement, and that the public mind is not fully awake to the real dangers which threaten us. When propositions for “compromise” and “adjustment” were made in the United Stales Senate, and advocated by Southern men, the confiding spirit of the Southern people induced many to believe that those propositions contain ed something tangible and substantial, and that a way would be opened to participate in some degree, at least, in the advantages to be derived from the vast territories conquered from Me.t ico. These delusions are dispelled, and the stern trutli is forced upon all, that the whole of the territories of the United States are devoted to Free-soilistn. We have laid before our readers the opinions of Mr. Clay, Dll’- Webster, Mr. Badger, Mr. Atchi son, and others, on this subject, but as we wish tiiis matter to be well understood, we will give the evidence of Mr. Chase, which is conclusive. That gentleman said in the United States Sen ate : , “It lias been said here, on every side of iU& chamber, that every foot of the soil which tile United States acquired from Mexico will be free soil. Senators from the South have urged it, and Senators from the North have not denied it.” This matter is hardly debateable. If Califor nia is admitted, all inducements fora slavehold er to move to any of the Territories is taken away. Can any man point to a single individ ual who contemplates moving with his negroe* to New Mexico or Utah ? It may bo said that the Wilmot Proviso is not attached to the territorial bill in the Senate. That is so. But it is expressly understood that the proviso is omitted, because it is not necessa ry ; it is not abandoned. There were but .thirty-five votes on . that mea sure ; Northern Senators absenting themselves to avoid passing it. And why ? They feel sure of the territory without it, but they will pass it, if there is the least necessity therefor. The Mexican laws are arrayed against us ; the people of the territory have been incited to declare against slavery; the territorial bill gives the writ of “ habeas corpus” to the slaves, and thn Judges are to be appointed by a President ad verse to the South ; and, finally, if it were ne cessary, a State Government would be formed before a sufficient number of slaveholders could go into New Mexico to have any influence in the formation of a Constitution. Who will go there ? We assume, then, the position, that there is not the least probability that another slavehold ing State will ever be admitted into this Con federacy. It will be years before there will bo population sufficient to divide Texas, and, at this time, a majority of the North are opposed to carrying out the compact of annexation. Necessary to our argument is a correct under standing of the present relative political strength of the slaveholding and non-slaveholding States,- There are sixteen uon-slavehoiding States, and fourteen slaveholditig States. The former have thirty-two votes in the United States Sen ate, and the latter twenty-eight. In the lower House ot Congress the Northern majority is up wards of forty, and it is supposed that by the census now taking, it will reach between sixty and seventy. But this should be borne in mind, thht tho strength of the North is entire, whilst that of the South is divided. There are four slaveholding States which are tending to Abolitionism, and in which it is not considered reprehensible for thejr representatives to act in conjunction with the enemies of slavery. But let the present meas ures pass, and the South submit thereto, and it will be evident to all that the fate of slaverv is sealed, it will no longer be considered honorable to be attached to a slaveholding State, and Abo litionism will make rapid progress in the doubt ful States. Maryland, Kentucky, North Caroli na, and Missouri, are already considered luke warm in our cause, and there are those who, from the course of New Orleans, are deceived as to the true position of Louisiana. We look at things practically. The political power is in the hands of the North, a Northern man is in tho Presidential chair, and there is not the least probability that there will ever be an other Southern President—Southern in location and principles. The power and patronage of a government which collects and disburses thirty five millions of dollars annually and control* government contracts, foreign missions, and thousands of lucrative and honorable office*, will always be tremendous, and those powers wielded by Northern men and Northern influen ces, can at any time control the votes of at least four Southern Senators for any purpose. It will be well that it, in our downward course, thev cannot control more in a few years; but we as sume, what we. think tho present and ihj past will justify, that four Southern Senators, at least, actuated by ambitious or more unworthy mo tives, can always be relied on by Northern statesmen, let them propose what they may, ad verse to slavery. At this time we could point to more’ tliari rttio Southern Senator who, for a prospect of tho Vi le Presidency, or the certainty of a foreign mission, and a little Northern pressure, might be induced, from the most patriotic motives, for tho sake of peace and harmony, and devotion to onr glorious Union, to concede so much to the ten der consciences of our Northern brethren as to support a proposition to do away with the three fifths basis of representation. Let. it not be said that this is an unreasonable calculation; nothing that takes place hereafter will be half as extraordinary as that which ha3 already occurred. Viewing tilings, then, practically, we estimate the real relative political strength of the two sec tions, as twelve slaveholding States to eighteen non-slaveholding States; in which case, it will only require six more non-slaveholding States to make a two-thirds majority, which, with tho casting vote of the \ ice-President, may amend the Constitution. We, will show that, in six years, six, nay, twelve non-slaveholding States will be admitted into the Union; but, previous thereto, we pro pose to examine the positions and principles of the Northern States, to see whether it is likely that when they have the power they will amend the Constitution, and do away with the three filths basis of representation, and abolish slave-- ry. We think that there is not a doubt but that they will do so whenever they attain the pow er; and further, they will, as they are now’ do ing, by the hot-bed system, override the Consti tution to force a majority to effect their objects.- These doctrines are held in the North, and are not peculiar to any party—That slavery is a moral evil, a sin, and a curse, and is opposed to the principles of our government, and ought to be eradicated; that they of the North are dis graced by their connection with the institution, and are implicated in the sin, and responsible tor its continuance and existence, if they do not exert every constitutional power which they can to oppose and destroy it. The resolutions of twelve State legislatures, and of innumerable conventions of the great par ties, have in every form set fortli these princi ples, and the representatives in Congress front the non-slaveholding States have almost en masse shown by their acts that they truly rep resent the wili of their coil? tituents. We do not deem it necessary to lav particu lar resolutions before our readers, and will close this branch by reference to Gott’s resolution, which virtually declared slavery to be contrary to “natural justice and the fundamental princi ples ot our Government,” which resolution pass ed the lower branch of Congress by nearly the entire vote of the Northern States. The passage of this resolution, more than any