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THE SOUTHER* SENTINEL I published every Thursday Morning, IN* COLUXBI*S, GA. BY WILLIAM fi. CHAMBERS, WOITOU AND I'ROPUIETOII. T• whvin all communications must be directed, poet paid OJJice on Randolph Street. ■ TT Terms rtf’ Subscription* Os# topjr twelve months, in advance, • • $2 50 ~ ” “ “ Not in advance, 300 ** “ Six “ ‘• “ - 160 xsr Where the subscription Is not paid during the fear, 15 cents will be charged for every month’s delay. No subscription will be received tor less than six months,and none discontinued until all arrearages are paid, except at the option of the proprietor. To Clubs. Fir# copies twelve months, * *- * $lO 00 Ten ... 1G 00 tsr The money from Clubs must in all cases ac • •mpany the names, or tile price of a single subscription will be charged. Rates of Advertising. Oa# Square, first insertion, - * - 91 00 •• “ Eaeh eub#e<pwnt insertion, * 10 A liberal deduction on the#e terms will b# mad# ia favor af those who advertise by the year. Advertisements not:specified as to time, will be pub lished till forbid, anifVliarged accordingly. Monthly Advertisement* will be charged as saw Ad vertisements at each insertion. Legal Advertisements. N. B.—Sales of Lamps, by Administrators, Ex %tutors, or Guardians, arc required by law to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10 In the forenoon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court House in the county in which the land is situated. No tices of these, sales must be given in a public gazette Sixty pays previous to the day of sale. Sales of Negroes must be made at a public auction a the first Tuesday of the month, between the usual Vaurs of sale, at the place of public sales in the county where, lhw Letters Testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship, irtay haru been granted, first giving sixtv bats notice thereof in one of the public gazettes of this State, and at the door of the Court House, where such *les arc to lie held. Notice lor the sale of Personal property must l-e given ia like manner FORTY pays previous to the day of sale. Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an estate must be published FORTY DATS. _ Notice that application will ba made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell L Tt>, must ba published lor FOCR MONTHS. Notice for leave to sell Nkjkoxs must l nulilislied lor roca months, liefora any order absolute shall be made thereon by the Court. Citations for Letters of Administration, mutt lie pel lished thirty days—for dismission trom administration, yntnlJkly six months —for dismiaaiou fioin Guardianship, MATT BAT*. K li. ts for the foreclosure of a Mortgage must be pub lished monthly for tocr month# —for establishing lost p spars, for the run. irar* of thru months — for coin- Eellin* titles from Kxecut *rs or Administrators, where a load nasbeen given by the deceased, the flll sca< i of TMM.It MONTHS. Publications will always be continued according to theae legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered. SOUTHF.RN SENTINEL Job Office. HATING receive*! anew and extenaive assortment of Job Material, we are prepared to execute at Chi* o flics, all orders for J< *B WORK, in a manner which ean not be excelled in the Btale, oa very liberal terma, sad at the shortest notice. . | We feci confident of our ability to give entire saiiafae ■o* in every variety of Job Printing, includiag Rooks, Jlusiness t ‘urds, Pamphlets, Hill Heads, Circulars, Blanks of every description. Hand Rills, Rills of Lading, Posters, dpr. <fv. Jfc. la short, all daseriptioaa of Priating which caa be ex •eeted at any office in the country, will be turned .rut with elegance and despatch. County Surveyor. undersigned inform* hie friends and the Planters 1. of Muscogee county, that he is prepared to make eflieial survey# in Muscogee county. Letter# addressed to Pot Ofliee, Columbus, will meet with prompt attaa tioa. WM. F. BKKRI.LL, County Surveyor. Office over F,. Barnard & Co.’a store, Broad St. Celambea, Jaa. 31,1850. * ly NOTICE. rpH E firm aameof“M. H. Dessau, Agent,” ia changed, J from this date, to M. 11. DEBSAI . Celainbua, Feb. 7, 1850. 0 if JAMES FORT, attorney at law, ■UI.LT IFRIHCH, MISS. Jaly 4, 150. *7 (as Williams, Flewellen A Williams, ATTOBNBT* AT LAW', COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. Key S3, 1150. *1 Williams & Howard, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. ■•ST. R. HOWARD. CHAS. J. WILLIAMS. April 4, ltt*. 14 J. I>. LEONARD, ATTORNEY AT LAW, TALBOTTON, CiA. WILL Attend to business ia Talbot and tha adjacent eonntiee. AH buaineos eatrusted to hie care wili meet with prompt attention. April 4, 1850. 14 ly KING A WINNEMORE, Commission Merchants, MOBILE, ALABAMA. Dee. 20, 1849. [Mob. Trib.] II ts GODFREY A SOLOMONS, Factors and Commission Merchants, SAVANNAH, GEORGIA. JAMES B. GODPKSY, R. W. SOLOMOMC. siriKiicis. BCV. JAS. t. EVANS, SET. SAM, EL ANTMOKV, Savannah. Talhotton. ridgewat a aumr, a. oisly a aoa, Columbus. Macon. July 35 6m. THIS PAPER IS MANUFACTURED BY THI Rock Island Factory, NEAR THIS CITY. Columbus, Feb. 23.1850. S ts M Globe Hotel, BUENA VISTA, MARION CO., GA. BY j. WILLIAMS. March 14.1850. H ts NORTH CAROLINA mutual Life Insurance Company. LOCATED AT RALEIGH, V. C. rp 11E Charter of this company give* important advan- I tagesto the assured, over most other companies. Tfio Ini'bund can insure his own life for the sole use and Uuefit of his wife :md children, free horn any other claims. Persons who insure for life participate in the profits which are declared annually, and when the pre mium exceeds 830, may pay one-half in a note. Slaves are insured at two-thirds their value lor one or five years. Applications for Risks may be made to JOHN MUNN. Agent, Columbus, Ga. Office at Greenwood &. Co.’s Warehouse. WANTED. qaa AAA lb*. RAGS. Cash paid for clean cot lUtvov ton or linen rags—t cents per pound, when delivered in quantities of 100 pounds or more ; and 3! cent* when delivered in small quantities. For old hemp, bagging, and pieces of rope, 11 cents, delivered either at Rock Island Factory or at their store in Co lumbus, in the South corner Room of Oglethorpe House. D. ADAMS, Secretary. Columbus, Feb. 23,1850. ® ts TO RENT, TfMLL the first day of January next. The old printing J. office room of the “Muscogee Democrat ” Apply at this office. 18 ts. JUST RECEIVED^ A LARGE lot of Miscellaneous and School Books. Also a large and beautiful assortment of Stationery, gne Letter and Note Paper, F.nvclopee, Ac. aeGKAFFENRIFD A ROBIVSON. April 18 VOL. I. t-NEW YORK CORRESPONDENCE.] New York, Sept. 17, 1850. Jenny Lind's First Concert —Reduction in Prices—Beneficence of the Songstress — Bayard Taylor s Prize Poem—Arrival of Ammin Bey—The Turkish Minister — Condition of the Ottoman Empire—Pro bable Results of Reform, fyc., 6pc. Well, Mr. Editor, Jenny Lind has sung, and yet the sun has not stood still iu the val ley of Jehosaphat, or the moon changed her course; all things wag on as usual; the nine days’ wonder has reached its tenth day, and you would hardly know that so great a per sonage as Jenny Lind was in the city, if it I were not for the constant thrumming on this chord on the part of our city newspapers, who seem, without exception, to agree on this subject, if they never agreed before. For me to attempt a criticism of Jenny Lind’s singing for the Sentinel, would be as unne cessary as tiresome; for lo! of the thousand and one penny-a-liners of this goodl v metrop olis, who has not immortalized himself by a judicious review of the nightingale, wherein andante and soprano, and the other words whereby a true musician proves his acquain tance with the divine art of harmony, have been moat skilfully interwoven ? Suffice it j to say here, as a matter of record, that the audience at tiie lirst concert was composed of eight thousand persons, who deliberately went there with the determination of being taken by storm, and they were taken by atorm. Nine-tenths of those who were there, with their eyes shut,could not have told the dif ference between Jenny Lind and Madame Bishop ; but that made no odds—they had their eves often, and whenever Jenny sang they pronounced it incomparable, and stamp ed and clapped till we feared the house would come down. The selections were not well made the lirst evening, particularly ill-suited for testing the voice ; the nightingale sangon ly tire little pieces, and I thought I detected in the countenances of a few, just a few, that they had paid pretty dearly for tho whistle, anil had not quite got value received. \V hether this feeling was general or not, I cannot say; but certain it is that there was a great fall in the price of tickets for the next concert. The first choice fell from $250 to 89 1 2, and there were not many that brought more than $5 ; the promenade tickets were also put at $2. The bidding was so dull at this auction, that it was resolved, for future concert*, to dispose of the seats entirely at private sale, and they were rated at prices varying from 30 to 82, according to the de airabl eness of the situation, promenade tick- | ets being 81. This reduction was necessa ry. All admit Rarnum to be one of the most accomplished and scientific hiimbuggers of the age, but lie cannot accomplish impossi bilities; and even at the present “ reduced prices,” he will find himself forced to the al ternative of still further reduction, or empty houses. That Jenny Lind is as great a philanthro pist as a songstress, cannot he doubted ; her heart is truly charitable. Her portion of the proceeds of the first concert, amounting to considerably more than 810,000, she has dis tributed among several deserving charities of our city ; and she has signified her intention of appropriating all that she may make in this country to the noble cause of education —the erection of free schools throughout Sweden. Such devotion as this merits *bur warmest admiration. As some of your readers may have a cu riosity to sec the prize song, I furnish you with a copy: GREETING TO AMERICA. BY BAYARD TAYLOR. I greet, with a full heart, the Land of the West, Whose banner of star# o’er a world i unrolled ; Whose empire o’ershadowa Atlantic’s wide breast And once to the aunact ita gateway of gold ! The land of tho mountain, the land of tho lake, Aad river* that roll in magnificent tide—- Where the eoule of the mighty from clumber awake Aad hallow the toil for whose freedom they died! Thou Cradle of Empire! though wide be the foam That severe the land of my father* and thee, I hear, from thy bosom, the welcome of home, For rung has a home in the heart* of the Free! And long a.* thy waters shall gleam in the sun, And lonn as thy heroes remember their scars, Be the hands of thy children united as one. And Peace shed her light on thy Banner of Stars! The other song which the committee ad judged to he equal to this, though not so well adapted to music, is understood to have been from the pen of Epes Sargeant, the dramat ist. And now, Mr. Editor, that I have recorded j so fully the various symptoms of this mania, which has developed itself in a thousand other ways, too numerous to be committed to paper, comment is almost unnecessary. The present is one of those few cases when rea son seems to give way entirely before popu lar furor. Our people are exciteable, I know, and apt to regard with especial veneration ; whatever comes from the old world, bearing the stamp of its approval; yet I cannot find excuse for this phrenzy which deifies a sing er, and leads some of our most respectable citizens to vie with each other to be first in j her train. Those who are always on the look-out for novelties have been much interested by the j arrival a few days since of Ammin Bev, a , special minister from the Ottoman Empire, j He comes for the purpose of examining the ; various improvements in the arts in this coun- ! try as well as our prison system, and plan of common school education, and makes notes of all that seems remarkable or worthy of im itation on the part of the Sublime Porte. The fact of the appointment of such an officer for such a purpose is another proof of the rapid enlightenment which is spreading among that people so long benighted. While, at the commencement of tho present century, there was no country of Europe so wanting in civ ilization, refinement, and knowledge, I think it may be safely said that there is not one that has made such rapid and steady advance during the fifty years that have elapsed since ‘ that period. In this good work the late Sul- j tan had no inconsiderable share ; he was a prince of talent, and ambitious, but had not ‘ the decision, I may say, the moral power, to ; take upon himself the office of a reformer. ! Yet one thing is certain, that he made the first | step in reform, that is become conscious iu bis own mind of the inferiority of the exist- ! ing institutions of his country, and the supe rior knowledge, civilization and enterprise of his western contemporaries. He even re commended ami introduced the usages, hab its, and institutions of the West, as far as he ! could do so consistently with the creed of Is lam, aud the prejudices of his subjects. The good seed was thus sown ; it has not been long in springing up, and the harvest will be @l)6 Smithmi iicutimi, both speedy and abundant. The Turkish Empire may now be regarded as a sincere inquirer after truth, whose eyes have been opened to the errors and abuses of centuries, and who requires but to see and understand the true path, to cleave to it as firmly as be fore he forsook it. \\ hat effect the changes thus likely to he introduced may produce on the religion of the Turks, it is impossible to predict; Mahommedanism is plainly incon sistent with many of the important truths which will be presented now for the first time to their eyes, and it would seem that many must necessarily be involved iu scepticism, a scepticism through which they may ultimate ly make their way to Christianity. Ammin Roy 1 ias been hospitably and courteously re- j ceived, and has had every facility afforded him for accomplish! ng the object of his mis sion. He has expressed himself as highly {•leased at all he has seen, and as astonished at the advances which America has made, during her brief existence, iu all that belongs to science and art. He showed much inter est in his visit to our public buildings. He spout several hours in the Sun establishment, and was amazed at the wonderful power and effect of the immense press used by that pa ; |>er, which prints eleven thousand sheets an hour. He thought it likely that a similar one would be procured by the Sultan, and made a memorandum of the price, size, maker’s name, &c. Yours, P. Q. Mrs. Miller.—The Niagara Mystery. A letter from Detroit to the Vermont Family Gazette, gives the following particulars of the return of Mrs. Miller, and her account of her ! absence, which will, doubtless, lead to a-full j explanation of the mystery: Mrs. Miller has returned to her friends in ! this city. She states that it was her intention when she left the hotel at Niagara, to have thrown herself off the bridge which crosses over to Goat Island, just above the cataract; but, oil arriving at the place, she had not the courage to do it—“she was a coward on in- i stinct.” She had, previous to leaving the I house, put her children to sleep, written let- j ters to her parents, and one to the landlord, j stating her intention, and requesting them to j be kind to her babes; she had also cut off her curls, and left them with the letters, in a conspicuous place on the table. From that time to the present nothing pos itive has been heard from her. Her father, however, spent several months in a fruitless search. Returning iu June or July, he died of a broken heart. Not long since, a broth er of hers died at Saratoga. His death, too, was undoubtedly accelerated by tho same cause. Learning the condition of her fami ly, I believe she intimated to them, by letter, where she could be found, and her willing ness to return. Accordingly a friend of the family went after her, last week, and brought her home to mourn with her widowed mother over the ru in she has caused. Her children are with their father, Major .Miller, somewhere at the South. She states, and l believe it is gener ally understood here, that domestic difficul ties drove her to the rash act of leaving her children and destroy ing herself, and that'after shuddering on the brink of that awful gulf, she changed her plan, and buried herself iu a convent or nunnery near Baltimore. She positively denies having been in company with any gentleman, but found her wav to tho monastery alone, and which she left as pure as she entered. At any rate she is now with her mother, who has received her with open arms. One thousand of Mr. W. L. Chaplin’s lady friends, in western New York, have had a splendid silver pitcher made by Jones, Roll cV Poor of Boston, to bo presented to Mr. C. “in priaon” at Washington. No more than ten cents was allowed to be given by any one subscriber, and the pitcher cost 8100.— Sun. Our Northern sisters are beginning to be almost as affectionate as our Northern breth ren ; but we are sorry, indeed, to see female influence exerted in such a cause. A strong er evidence of Northern sentiment could not be afforded, than through this simple inci dent.—Sou/hern Press. Indications at the North ol Hostility to the South. The Northern “Unionists,” par excellence, as the bitter enemies of Southern rights at the North arrogantly and falsely style themselves, are employing various and highly character istic modes of expressing their hate for the States and people of the South. M e commend their acts and suggestions , to their allies in the South, who are so con- | tinually echoing the slanders and sympathis ing in the purposes of these high-minded pat riots. We observe that one of these manifes tations of enmity to the Southern States con sists in the defacement of the stone, which had been contributed by South Carolina to the monument to be erected by the people of the United States to that most illustrious of Southern men and slaveholders—George \V ashington. This deed of vandalism is wor thy of those who have concocted the still more vaudalic act of destroying this Union, by their interference with the lights and in stitutions of the South, guaranteed by the compact under which this Union was formed. Another manifestation of hostility to the South, we observe in a quarter from which a more honorable and just spirit was to be ex pected. We refer to the Philadelphia Ledg er—a paper of vast circulation, and generally I of moderate views. In this journal it is sta- j ted that Mr. M alsli will he removed from the 1 Consulship in Paris, on account of his at- i taehment to -Air. Calhoun, and his pro-slavery ! opinions. The writer further suggests that Mr. Clemson, Charge to Belgium, and son in-law of the illustrious patriot of South Carolina, ought to be removed for a like rea son, as lie is known to be devoted to South ern views. This suggestion is thrown out by one who j appears to bo familiar with affairs in Wash- j ington. We hope, for the sake of the peace j of the States and of the Union, that it mat’ ■ have no other foundation than in the specu lations of a Washington letter-writer. Should ! it prove true, and a rule of action like this l>e established at Washington, that men of the ; South are to be proscribed, ostracised for their devotion to their own homes and fire sides, and to those rights without which those homes will be converted into scenes of des olation and debasement, we regard the peril I which even now bearing to darken in the fii COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 3, 1850. ture, as near and imminent. Aud yet, is not this but one step beyond the doctrine so ex tensively maintained at the North, which con templates excluding the South from all par ticipation in the advantages of the new terri tory, acquired by the joint valor and labor of all the States—a pretension and abandoned even by many of those who supported the late Compromise bill ? The absorption of all the common territory of tho Union, by the North, renders but one step further necessary to complete the enslavement and prostration of the South, and that we find in this sugges tion to exclude all Southern pro-slavery men from office. Under such circumstances as these, in the face of such manifestations of hitter enmity towards the Southern people and States—an enmity which has no other pretext but the determination of the South to resist wrongs and insults, which avarice and fanaticism are accumulating upon her head, it becomes all true sons of the South to rally to the defence of their rights, and to hurl a scornful defiance at those who would pervert this Union of equal and sovereign States into an instrument of oppression of the weaker by the stronger section of tho confederacy! Interesting Letter on California Politics. San Francisco, July 30th, 1850. Sir :—lt has been a long time since I had the pleasure of seeing you, and you may deem it very strange to receive a letter, and especially a letter on politics, from one who is neither politician or office seeker. I have been always a consistent Whig in opinion, hut my political action has been limited to the simple duty of voting, when it was necessary to carry out Whig policy. But in the pre sent ominous state of affairs in the political horizon at Washington, I feel as if 1 ought not to preserve my usual silence and inaction. T am impelled to speak out, to let my opinion ho recorded, and to add the strength of my voice to the cry which goes up from an in jured and oppressed minority of our confed eracy. My opinions on the subject of slav ery are not the result of education or habit, for l was born and reared to manhood in the free soil State of Connecticut. True, for many years, 1 have lived at tho South, and my children are natives of the South, but the rest of my kindred are at the North, and my opinions are not so decided on account of any personal attachments, but they have been formed from observation and experience. I believe the institution of slavery, as it exists, and is maintained and managed at the South, is a good institution; it is beneficial to both master and slave; it preserves repub lican equality among the white race; it gives tone and elevation to their character, and pre vents the pauperism and menial degradation which is visited upon tho unfortunates iu free labor countries. Those who pretend, that it is either a mor d, political, or social evil, have essentially failed to establish either assertion ; they can only attempt it by gross assumptions as facts, of what are untrue. Those who declare it is an evil in the abstract, are abstractionists, without ideas and without philosophy. But I do not wish, and do not intend, to discuss the question of slavery; I wish to speak of California, where destiny has thrown me, anti her present position, and my opinion as to what are the rights, and what ought to be tho policy of the South. In the first place, when this country was acquired, I conceived that it was the common property of all the Union, and as such, that Southern men had the right to come here and bring their slaves. My ideas of republican equality, under our constitution, taught me that if I did not force my neighbor to own slaves, he, with equally strong reason, ought not to prevent my holding them, if such was my desire; but, we were met, in the first place, by the striking assertion, coming, too,from high quarters, that the country was totally unfitted for slave labor, that it was a mere abstract right which the South contended for. Now this assertion had a great influence—it had much with me, because men, whose feelings are conservative, do not wish to take great trouble in fighting for a mere idea which must end in no practical result. But now I have been a year in this country, and what is reallv the truth as to its fitness for slave labor? W by, that in every imaginable manner, of using slave labor, it would be more profit able here than in any other country under the sun. In mining, in day labor of all kinds, in agriculture, and in menial services, the slave is much more needed here, and his services will command a greater return than any where else. Ido not stop at that, but insist that the agriculture of this country cannot lie successfully conducted without slaves; for I am satisfied, not only from my own ob servation, but from the judgment and opinion of others, who are good judges, and honor able men, and who have devoted time to the examination of the country, that the lands and climate of this country, can he more successfully adapted to the culture of cotton, sugar, rice and tobacco, than any other part of the United States. Now, the first three named of these staples, it will hardly be denied, require slave labor; at least, it is certain, that in the history of the world, there is no instance where they have been raised in any great quantities by tree labor, which 1 believe is entirely unsuited to the constant toil which these staples require iu the field. Let this lie as it may, it is very certain that the South was for a long period deceived by the false assertion of men who knew nothing themselves, but only guessed or reckoned. In addition to this, experience attests that the Southern man with his slaves is for this latitude the only true pioneer. He comes over hills and plains, and when he sits down he makes a home, draws around him the comforts of life, improves the coun try, becomes tho nucleus of an extended, polished and educated society, and thus only by his labors is the county substantially settled. On the other hand the Northern man is only the adventurer in quest of gain, he seeks no home on the Pacific, he cares nothing for the country, its institutions or its progress, he sets to work with eagerness and scalps it, and then leaves for his own native hills* This is a true picture of the real difference here between the two. Well, sir, then came up the question about the laws of Mexico prevailing still after we had acquired the country. Os course lam no lawyer and cannot say what are the diffi- I culties in the way of the South which this question presents. But it is so entirely against ! my common sense notions, that I never could entertain for it the amount of respect which it seemed to demand from the high character of its advocates. But in reading the discus sions upon it, I saw the idea maintained that, although the municipal law of a conquered country might remain in force until repealed, yet its political laws are dead, from the mo ment the change of flags takes place. That slavery is a political institution, treat ed as and made such in the constitution of the United States, and the several States; and that, therefore, no Mexican law on the subject could counteract the protection given to the institution by the constitution. This argument was to me satisfactory, and it solv ed all difficulty iu my mind upon that question. But now, if I understand aright, it is con tended that these are no longer questions as far as California is concerned, as her people have formed a State Government, and ex cluded slavery by her constitution. This is a singular fact, and brought about in a singu lar manner. I was a warm supporter of Gen. Taylor, as my friends all know; but the action of the administration, as reflected here by the proceedings of .Mr. King and Gen. Riley, in forcing upon this country a premature and fraudulent State Government, can never meet my approval. It was a cheat ery upon the South, and from a quarter where she had a right to expect, under her constitutional guarantees, nothing but fair play and an even chance. I do not think it creditable, that the govern melit should, in this way, endeavor to shirk the responsibility of deciding any question, more especially one of such magnitude. But the assertion is made, that this was the act of the people of California; I take issue there, and assert per contra, that nobody is blind enough to believe any such'thing. The few people who were here were in a desperate struggle with the wants and hardships of a new country; they were scattered from one end of the territory to tho other—they had no mails, no newspapers, no stump orators, and no information as to what was attempted by the express politicians. In some instances, I am told, not exceeding a dozen votes, sent members to the Convention, and in one place, where no one would consent to servo, an officer, under the government, was selected by Gen. Riley for the purpose. In this man ner, about thirty men were collected together to form the famed California State, and lay the basis of her institutions. Men, composed of all sorts of fortune hunters and political speculators, who had not lived in the coun try at all, who knew nothing of its resources or capacities, and who cured for nothing but their own success. And there were Southern men in that same Convention—Southern men who were renegades; and this ought not to he a matter of surprise, for there are South ern men who are iu the Penitentiary at home. These men were mainly the political aspirants of the Convention ; they wanted office—they were led by Dr. Gwin, who wanted the high est office. He left home with the open de claration that he intended to return as Sena tor from California. Was it to he expected he would stop at the price? He sold the South, hut the poisoned chalice is commended to his own lipa—ho has sold himself to infamy. In California, freo soil, as he has helped to make her, he could not now rally a corporal’s guard to his support for any thing, whilst from Southern men her#, he gets unstinted curses, loud and deep. I have given you a short and succinct ac count of how California was made a free soil State; I now come to the question : What will tho South dot Is it possible she will ac quiesce? Is there a Southern man who will again lie deluded by the cry of compromise, and tamely submit to the project of the Com mittee of Thirteen t I tell you, sir, that if this is done, the cause of tho South is indeed hopeless. Are the Southern men, who now constitute a large portion of the population of California, and many of whom have their slaves WITH them, to be abandoned by the statesmen at home who ought to protect them ? If so, the necessary result is, that they will b c forced to leave the country. No Southern gentleman will live here without his accustomed domestics, and hundreds are now remaining absent from their families in the hope that the time will come when they will be allowed the privileges of American citi zens, of coming to American territory and bringing with them their laws and institutions. For myself I am so imbued with the princi ple of asking nothing that is wrong, and yielding nothing that is my right, that con nected with the importance of this question, it would be preferable to me to see the Gov ernment dissolved, than to see the South sur render on this question—because I do not look upon it as a mere question of the pre sent time. I believe it must lead from one surrender to another until, like a dog, accus tomed to be whipped in every fight, from giving up the platter, we will finally have to yield the last bone of contention, and be placed by political and commercial history, alongside of the Island of Jamaica. The proper plan of defence it seems to me is the one suggested by Mr. Clingman, and if Southern men in Congress have only nerve enough to carry it out, we can attain our j rights to their fullest extent. Let them stop J the supplies, and we starve the fanatics into a j submission to our just demands. Or even 1 if they have the stomach to hold out, then let j all the consequences of our defensive atti- j tude follow as quickly as they may—let the j money of the government lie and rot or rust in the Treasury, let our foreign ministers and judges and secretaries retire for want of money to maintain them. Let the collectors and treasurers abscond to Europe or Asia with the millions of the Government funds, in short, let the government drop dead from inanition, and ours be the risk and ours the task of reconstruction. We will add our experience of the past to the glorious wisdom of our ancestors, which bequeathed us the constitution in its purity, and with the honest intent of providing for the greatest happiness and highest develop ment of our race. We will then have no cause for anxiety or alarm—we have now but to fear the results of cowardly submis sion to wrong. With great respect, I am your obedient servant. JOHN T. HUNGERFORD. Hon. Alex. 11. Stkfhexs, Washington City. What makes more noise than a pig jam med in a gate? ! Ans. —Two pigs. The Way they Serve them Now* We have of late, chronicled many of the insults offered to the Southerners bv the Ab olitionists of Ohio, and other States, but the circumstances mentioned below, rather goes ahead of anything of the kind we have yet seen* How long shall it be before Southern people “know their rights aud dare main tain them 1” Our fellow-citizen, Wm, I*. Henry, Esq., has just returned from Cincinnati, Ohio. Whilst there, at the Broadway Hotel, his ser vant, a slave, robbed him of 8100, and was taken or seduced off by the abolitionists. He caused a warrant to be issued to apprehend the boy for stealing the money. The aboli tion lawyers soon decided he could not he ar rested for a felony; it was only a breach of trust; but the slave was kept out of the way. The discussion of this question pro duced street conversation, by means of which the black gen’inn learned that a Mississippi an at the Broadway House had lost his ser vant. On which, the blacks of that place got up a Masonic procession, composed ex clusive of their color or blood, and marching by the Broadway House, stopped, and under | the window of Mr. Henry, who was confined from sickness, sang the air of “Old Uncle Ned,” emphasizing the words, “He has gone where the good niggers go.” The public in sult was not arrested or complained of. Mr. Hen ry informed us that every servant he saw at the Broadway Hotel belongs to the aboli tion society, and be considers some of these were concerned in stealing his slave—per haps, to avoid offending the sensitive ears of their brother abolitionists in this place, we should say, they, for the preservation of the Union, assisted in liberating from bondage vile, a gentleman of color, who was Wrong fully held to servitude by a Southern dealer in flesh,and “robber of robbers,” according to the latest abolition resolution passed by the people of New York.— Natchez Free Trader. Letter lrom (Jov. Lumpkin* Athens, August 3, 1850. Dra. Henry Freeman and P. A. Wilhite: Gentlemen : —I trust you will not con sider me assuming when I announce to you, and through you, to our fellow-citizens, who were associated with you at Carnesville, on the ‘23d nit., for the purpose of ratifying the proceedings of the Nashville Convention, that the principles, the spirit and the conclusions of your meeting, as set forth in your proceed ings, have my unqualified concurrence. Your resolutions carry on their face, the spontaneous, honest, fearless and patriotic feelings of men devoted to liberty and equal constitutional rights—of men who will never become the dupes of a corrupt press, or as pirants for office. The Southern Banner, of this place, accuses mo of emerging from the tomb of my years of solitude, to take the lead in meetings designed to sustain South ern rights, and intimates that I am fond of being in the lead. Be assured, my friends, retirement and social friendship bound the ex tent of my personal ambition. lam ready to follow the lead of my Franklin friends, such as ratified the proceedings of your meeting. Our hearts aro in the right place on the side of the tax payers, the burthen bearers, our homes, our wives and children. President seekers and other aspirants for high offices, may make compromises to unite sectional party views, and secure to them selves the government of the country-but wo are not cattle to he thus sold in the mar ket. Under Mr. Clay’s compromise, neither he himself nor any other sensible man be lieves that a single slaveholding State will ev er come into the Union, out of the whole of our immense acquisitions from Mexico. But for the abolition, free-soil excitement, this territory, as was the practico in the better days of our Republic, would have been fram ed into territorial governments of suitable size for States, and the larger portion of it, I doubt not, would have become slave Suites. For, notwithstanding all the mystical doc trines now advanced upon the subject of non intervention, I consider it clearly the duty of Congress to open all the territories of the Un ion, to the citizens of the whole Union, and to protect them in their property, (slaves as well as any other property,) while these ter ritories are under the control of Congress. When the territories are ripe for admission as States, then, and not till then, the people who inhabit these territories, have a right to claim the doctrine of non-intervention, and in forming their State constitution to admit or prohibit slavery as they may think fit. To sustain the opinion I have expressed, that the larger portion of our Mexican terri tory would have become slave States but for Northern aggression, it is only necessary to state the fact, that labor in California is worth frory five to ten times as much as it is in Georgia. At this time, a negro man would hire in California for at least 8500 per year. Property naturally seeks the place where it is in highest demand. The attempts of the Southern Banner to intimidate myself and others by detraction, from exercising the common right of citizens to form and express our opinions on subjects of common and prevaling interest to ourselves and the country, must plead my apology for this intrusion. I have no disposition to lead—l love quie tude, but I can never condescend to lie the mere cat’s paw, the man Friday, of any po litical trickster—or combination of mere of fice seekers. lam not to be tied down to party names, or party purposes, unless the principles for which I contend are respected and adhered to. Gentlemen, I love the Un ion, 1 would lay down my life to preserve it, in its constitutional form. But, remember, nothing can save the Union, but a strict ad herence to the constitution. Our rights have been invaded—our entreaties have been dis regarded. We are at the door of degrada tion. In life and death, lam identified with Georgia. Her fate will be my fate. But my single heart says, ask for nothing but what is right, submit to nothing wrong. Very truh', yours, WILSON LUMPKIN. Matrimonial Fklictty. —“My love,” savs Mrs. Foozle to her husband, “oblige me with 820 to-day, to purchase anew dross.” “Sha’n’t do any such thing, Agnes: yoa called me a bear yesterday.” “La, love, that was nothing—l only meant by it, that you were very fond of hugging.” “Y'ou are a saucy little puss (sound heard like the report of a pistol) but here’s a 850.” > THE ADDRESS. The Committee, to which teat referred the duty of preparing an Address to the people of the slavcholding States, upon the subject of a Southern Organ, to Ire established in tfte city of II ashington, put forth the following: I’ ellow-citizkns:—A number of Senators and Representatives in Congress from the Southern fetates of the Confederacy, deeply impressed with a sense of the dangers which beset those States, have considered carefully our means of self-defence within the Union and the Constitution, and have come to tho conclusion that it is highly important to es tablish in this city a paper, which, without reference to political party, shall be devoted to the rights and interests of the South, so far as they are iuvolved in tho questions growing out of African slavery. To estab lish and maintain such a paper, your support is necessary, and accordingly wo address you on tho subject. In the contest now going on, tho constitu tional equality of fifteen .States is put in ques tion. .Some sixteen hundred millions worth ot negro property is involved directly, aud indirectly, though not less surely, an incalcu lable amount ot property in other forms. But to say this is to state less than half tho doom that hangs over you. Y our social forms and institutions—which separate tho European and the African races into distinct classes, and assign to each a different sphere in society—are threatened with overthrow. W bother the liegro is to occupy the same social rank with the white man, and enjov equally the rights, privileges, and immunities of citizenship—in short, all the honors and dignities of society—is a question of greater moment than any mere question of property can bo. Such is the contest now going on—a con test in which public opinion, if not the pre vailing, is defined to be a most prominent force ; and yet, no organ of tho united inter ests of those assailed has as vet been estab lished. nor does there exist any paper which can he the common medium lor an inter change of opinions amongst the Southern States. Public opinion, as it has been funn ed and directed by the combined influence of interest and prejudice, is the force which has been most potent against us in the war now going on against the institution of negro slavery ; and yet we have taken no effectual menus to make and maintain that issue with it upon which our safety and perhaps our so cial existence depends. Whoever will look to the history of this question, and to tho cir cumstances under which we are now placed, must see that our position is one of immi nent danger, and one to ho defended by all * the menus, moral and political, of which wo can avail ourselves in the present emergency. Tho warfare against African slavery com menced, as is known, with Great Britain, who, after having contributed mainly to its establishment in the New IVorid, devoted her most earnest efforts, for purposes not vet fully explained, to its abolition in Ameri ca. llow wisely this was done, so far as her own colonies were concerned, time bus de termined ; and all comment upon this subject on our part would be entirely superfluous.—• If, however, her purpose was to reach and embarrass us on this subject, her efforts liavo not been without success. A common origin, a common language, have made the English literature ours to a great extent, and the ef forts of the British Government and people to mould the public opinion of all who speak the English language, have not been vain or fruitless. On the contrary, they have been deeply felt wherever the English language is spoken ; and the more efficient and danger ous, because, as yet, tho South has taken no Eteps to appear and plead at the bar of the world, before which she has been summoned, and by which she has been tried already without a hearing. Secured by constitution al guarantees, and independent of all the world, so far as its domestic institutions were concerned, the South has reposed under the consciousness of right and inde]>eiideiicc, and forebome to plead at a bar which sho knew had no jurisdiction over this particular subject. In this wo have been theoretically right, but practically we have made a great mistake. All means, political, diplomatic and literary, have been used to concentrate tho public opinion, not only of tho world at large, hut of our own country, against us j and resting upon the undoubted truth that our domestic institutions were the subjects of no government but our own local govern ments, and concerned no one but ourselves, wo have been passive under these assaults, until danger menaces us from every quarter. A great party has grown up, and is increasing in tho United States, which seems to think it a duty they owe to earth and heaven to make war on a domestic institution upon which is staked our property, our social organization, and our peace and safety. Sectional I‘eelings have been invoked, and those who wield the power of this government have been tempt ed almost, if not quite, beyond their power of resistance, to wage a war against our property, our rights, and oUr social system, which, if successfully prosecuted, must end in our destruction. Every inducement—tho love of power, the desire to accomplish what aro, with less truth than plausibility, called “reforms”—all are offered to tempt them to press upon those who are represented, and, in fact, seem to be an easy prey to the spoiler. Our equality under the constitution is, in effect, denied; our social institutions are de rided and contemned, and ourselves treated with contumely and scorn through all tho avenues which have as yet been opened to the public opinion of the world. That these assaults should have had their effect is not surprising, when wo remember that, as yet, we have offered no organized resistance to them, and opposed but little, except the iso lated efforts of members of Congress, who have occasionally raised their voices against what they believe to be wrongs and injus tice. It is time that wo should meet and maintain an issue, in which we find ourselves involved by those who make war upon us in regard to every interest that is peculiar to us, and which is not enjoyed in common with them, however guaranteed by solemn compact, and no matter how vitally involving our prosper ity, happiness and safety. It is time that wo should take measures to defend ourselves against assaults which can end in nothing short of our destruction, if we oppose no re sistance to them. Owing to accidental cir cumstances, and a want of knowledge of the true condition of things in tho Southern States, the larger portion of the press and of the political literature of the world has been directed against us. The moral power of public opinion carries political strength along with it, and if against us, we must wrestle with it or fall. If, as we believe, truth is with us, there is nothing to discourage us in such an effort. The eventual strength of an opinion is to be measured, not by the number who may chance to entertain it, but bv tho truth which sustains it. We believe—nay, we know, that truth is with us, and therefore we should NO. 40.