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not shrink from the contest We have too much staked upon it to shrink or to tremble—a property interest, in all its forms, of incalculable amount and value; the social organization, the equality, the liberty, nay, the existence of four teen or fifteen States of the Confederacy—all rest upon the result of the struggle in which we are engaged. We must maintain the equality of our political position in the Union ; we must maintain the dignity and respectability of our social position before the world; and must main tain and secure our liberty and risrhts, so far as our united efforts can protect them; and, if possible, we must effect all this within the pale of the Union, and by means known to the Con stitution. The union of the South upon these vital interests is necessary, no) only for the sake of the South, but perhaps for the sake of the Union. We have great interests exposed to the assaults, not only of the world at large, but of those who, constituting a majority, wieid the power of our own confederated States. VV e must defend thos* interests by all legitimate means, or else perish either in or without the effort. To make successful defence, we must unite with each other upon one vital question, and make the most of our political strength. We must do more—we must go beyond our entrenchments, and meet ever, the more distant and indirect, but by no means, harmless assaults, which are directed against us. We, too, can appeal to public opinion. Our assailants act upon theory; to their theory we can oppose ex perience. They reason upon an imaginary state of things; to this we may oppose truth and ac tual knowledge. To do this, however, we, too, must open avenues to the public mind; we, too, must have an organ through which we can ap peal to the world, and commune with each other. The want of such an organ, heretofore, has been, perhaps, one of the leading causes of our pres ent condition. There is no paper at the seat of government through which we can hear or be beard fairly and truly bv the country. There is a paper here which makes the abolition of slavery its main and paramount end. There are other papers here which make the maintenance of political parties their supreme and con trolling object, but none which consider the pre servation of sixteen hundred millions of prop erty, the equality and liberty of fourteen or fif teen States, the protection of the white man against African equality, as paramount over, or even equal to, the maintenance of some political organization which is to secure a President, who is an object of interest, not because he will cer tainly rule,or perhaps ruin the South, but chiefly for the reason that he will possess and bestow office and spoils. The South has a peculiar po sition, and her important and interests are objects of continued assault from the majority; and the party press, dependent as it is upon that majority for its means of living, will always be found laboring to excuse the assailants, and to paralyze all efforts at resistance. How is it now ? The abolition party can always be heard through its press at tho seat of government, but through what organ or press at Washington can Southern men communicate with the world, or with each other, upon their own peculiar inter ests? So far from writing, or permitting any thing to be written, which is calculated to defend the rights of the South, or state its case, the pa pers here are engaged in lulling the South into a false security, and in manufacturing there an artificial public sentiment, suitable tor some presidential platform, though at the expense of any and every interest you may possess, no matter how dear or how vital and how moment ous. This state of things results from party obliga tions and a regard to party success. And they but subserve the ends of their establishment in consulting their own interests, and the advance ment of the party to which they are pledged. You cannot look to them as sentinels over in terests that are repugnant to the feelings of the majority of the self-sustaining party. In the Federal Legislature, the South has some voice and some votes ; but over the pub lie press, as it now stands at the seat of Govern ment, the North has a controlling influence. The press of this city takes its tone from that of the North. Even our Southern press is sub jected, more or less, to the same influence. Our public men, yes, our Southern men, owe their public standing and reputation too often to the commendation and praise of the Northern press. Southern newspapers publish from their respec tive party organs in this city, and in so doing, re-produce—unconscious, doubtless, in most in stances, of the wrong they do—the Northern opinion in regard to public men and measures. How dangerous such a state of things must be to the fidelity of your representatives, it is need less to say. They are but men, and it would be unwise to suppose that they are beyond the reach of temptations which influence the rest of mankind. Fellow-citizens, it rests with ourselves to alter this state of things, so far as the South is con cerned. We have vast interests, which we are bound, by many considerations, to defend with all the moral and political means in our power. One of the iirst steps to this great end is to es tablish a Southern organ here, a paper through which we may commune with one another and the world at large. We do not propose to med dle with political parties as they now exist; we wish to en’ist every Southern man in a Southern cause, and in defence of Southern rights, be he Whig or be he Democrat. We do not propose to disturb him, or to shake him in his party rela tions. All that we ask is, that he shall consider the constitutional rights of the South, which are involved in the great abolition movement, as paramount to all party and all other political considerations. And surely the time has come when all Southern men should unite for self defence. Our relative power in the ‘Legislature of the Union is diminishing every census; the dangers which menace us are daily becoming greater; and, the chief instrument in the as saults upon us, is the public press, over which, owing to our supineness, the North exercises a controlling influence. So far as tho South is concerned, we can change and reverse this state of things. It is not to be borne, that public sen timent at the South should be stifled or con trolled by the party press. Let us have a press of our own, as the North has, both here and at homo—a press which shall be devoted to Southern rights, and animated by Southern feeling; which shall look, not to the North, but the South, for the tone which is to pervade it. Claiming our share of power in Federal Legislation, let us also claim our share ol influence in the press of the country. Let us organize in every Southern town or countv, so as to send this paper into every house in the land. Let us take, too, all the means necessary to maintain the paper by subscription, so as to increase its circulation, and promote the spread of knowledge and truth. Let every portion ofj the South furnish its full quota of talent and money to sustain a paper which ought to be j supported by all, because it will be devoted to the interest of every Southern man. It will be the earnest effort of the committee, who are charged with these arrangements: to procure i editors of high talent and standing; and they j will also see that the paper is conducted without opposition, and without reference to the political parties ot the day. With these assurances, we feel justified in calling upon you, the people of the Southern States, to make the necessary et forts to establish and maintain the proposed paper. A. P. BUTLER. JACKSON MORTON, R. TOOMBS. J. THOMPSON. The Wag’s Logic. — A fat old gentleman who had been bit in the calf of his leg by a dog, came to Jonas in a towering passion, declaring that it was the joker’s dog that had bitten him. Expecting an action for damages, the wag drew up the following article as his ground of de fence : “ I. By testimony in favor ot the general good character of my dog, I shall prove that nothing could make him so forgetful of his canine digni ty as to bite a calf. 11. He is blind, and cannot see to bite. 111. Even if he could see to bite, it would be utterly impossible for him to go out of his way to do so, on account of his severe lameness. IV. Granting his eyes and legs to be good he has no teeth. V. My dog died six weeks ago. VL I never had any dog.” SOUTHERN SENTINEL. COLUMBUS, GEORGIA : THURSDAY MOENESTG, GOT. 3, 1850. IT Ilona. J. M. Berrien, Pierre Soule and E. C. Cabell, have our thanks for public docu ments. The Southern Quarterly Review— Dc Bow’s Review for tiie Southern and V, estern States.— We have received the September numbers of these sterling Southern periodicals. The content* of the I former area* follows: Art. 1. Wordsworth’s Writings. 2. Summer Travel in the South. 3. Topics in the History of South Carolina. 4. History of Spanish Literature. 5. The Government and the Currency. 6 Bolter’s Anne Boleyn. 7. Law Reports and Law Reporter*. 8. The National Anniversary. 9. The Southern Convention. 10. Bailey’s Angel World. 11. Critical notices. The following is the table of contents of Ds Bow: 1. Some thoughts on political economy and the government. 2. The Baron Humboldt's “Cosmos.” 3. The government of British India. 4. Slavery and the Bible. 5. Historical and statistical coilections of Louisi ana. 6. Southern modical reports. 7. Submerged lands. 8. Mississippi valley. 9. Progress of the Western and Southern States. 10. Department of agriculture. 11. Department of manufactures. 12. Department of internal improvements. 13. Department of commerce. 14. Department of literature. For the Southern render, these works are unri valled by any published in America. They are both imbued with a true spirit of devotion to the rights and interests of the South, and their pages arc rich ly adorned with the productions of our ablest writers. Either of the numbers before us is well worth the subscription price for the year, and we cannot too earnestly recommend them to the patronage of our readers. We talk of non-intercourse and independ ence ; let us begin the work lu re. Let us patronize our own quarterlies, monthlies and weeklies. We ought to do it from a spirit of independence, and vve sacri fice nothing in doing so, for the North does not pub lish any periodicals so well worth our patronage as those which we may find at home. Whitaker's Magazixs ; the Rights or the South. —We have received the first and second numbers of this work, and hail it as an acquisition to the armory of the South. Mr. Whitaker is an I able writer, and wields his pen effectively in defence of our rights. Ilis lady, widely known as an author ess, is associated, with him in the editorial department, and he now has among his contributors many of the ablest writers of the South. It is the design of this work to combine a genuine Southern literature with sound Southern polities, and, accordingly, each num ber contains one or two strong political articles, to gether with a large store of sterling literary produc tions. We have needed such a work, and, if well sustained, it will prove a most invaluable auxiliary to Southern independence. Funeral Honors. The military, benevolent societies and fire com panies of the city, united with the citizens, yesterday, in doing honor to the memory of our late Chief Ma gistrate, Gen. Zachary Taylor. The procession marched at eleven o’clock, and at twelve an eulogy was delivered by Hon. Robert B. Alexander, at the new Temperance Hall. The oration was one of the most elegant and appropriate we have ever heard, altogether worthy of the speaker and the occasion. The Convention. —lt is possible that we shall have some notable characters in this body. Mr. Hamil car Toombs and Mr. Gkavedigceii Stephens, are already in the field, and we presume the friends of Mr. Esau Cobb will attempt to honor him with a sim ilar candidacy. If there are to be any of that ilk in the convention, these are tho very men of all others whom we wish to sec there. They have been the au thors of all this mischief, and it is proper that they should thus meet with the chastisement which honest men will there administer them. A Suggestion to the Merchant* ol Broad Street. Our advertising friends have no doubt frequently been puzzled in describing their stands. One adver tises, “under the St. Mary's Bank,” another, “one door above J. Ennis & C 0.,” and another, “next door to Hill & Dawson,” and still another who is next door to nowhere, lias to leave his customers to guess liis whereabouts. All this can be remedied at very little cost and trouble. Any one of our numer ous sign painters could, by a week’s labor, number every door on both sides of Broad street, and the difficulty would be at an end. Our country friends would then meet with no trouble in finding any store in the city, and our merchants would be equal ly relieved of embarrassment in describing their po sitions. Me suggest, therefore, either that the eity eouneil, or the merchants privately, move in this matter, which nobody would oppose and every body be read)- to second. Late and Interesting From California. We are indebted to the publishers for the San Francisco Daily Journal of Commerce , of the 15th nit. ITe are still more indebted for the patriotic and liberal tone which pervades its leading editorial on the polities of that country, from which we make the following extract. After enumerating the causes which have contributed to make, and which,in the opinion of the editors, will perpetuate, free soil of the mining district, they go on to say : “The Democracy of Alta California, we believe, are sincerely attached to the Union, and wit! make no ob jection to the existence of slavery in any Southern terri tory, which may be set apart for the erection of a slave State: but we believe at the same time, that sooner than expunge from the State constitution of California the anti-slavery clause, they would rather remain as they are. unadmitted but not disunited —the lone, but inde pendent star of the American constellation! And now as to COMPROMISE AND ADMISSION. Let the south, therefore, look to the south for their share of the inheritance, where a climate and field for slave labor, of the richest nature, exists. The south will then have her mineral wealth as well as the North ; their incompatible institutions will not conflict, by any ‘ attempt to mix them, and they will find in the rich agn- \ cultural products oi those lower latitudes, a richer mine of wealtn than the precious pursuit of gold-digging can ever afford. Let them, in short, be content with a fair and liberal compromise on an independent footing and territory of their own,and, for the sake of our common country and the blessing of God, let us have peace and harmony restored throughout the Union, and delay no looser the admission of California. We solemnly and earnestly appeal to the good sense and better feelings of our Southern brethren. and to the sense of common justice and reasonable expediency of I Americans from North to South, and from Last to West, to remember that our Union was fir-t based on compro mise. and that for its preservation and prosperity the spirit of mutual forbearance and of generous compromise, must still be carried out. The abstract question of slavery ! has nothing to do with the settlement of the great mat- j ter now m issue. M ake a* many States as vou ulease • to maintain the balance of powerbut. for mercy’s sake, i do not let us suffer any longer from delays occasioned j by your unseemly and needless dissensions.” Two ideas are very prominent in these remarks : first, the contemplated probability of forming a slave State in the Southern portion of California, and, second, the remarkable adaptation of that country to slave labor. “No objection,” say they, “will be made to the existence of slavery in any Southern Territory, which may be set apart for the erection of a slave State.” They are unwilling to have the anti-slavery provisions of their State constitution expunged, but ! they have no objection to a division of the territory i between the North and South, giving to the respec tive sections the right to exercise within their several districts the rights peculiar to each In other words, they are willing that a line should be run through the country from East to West, leaving the State of California, with her anti-slavery constitution, North of it, and organize a territorial government preparatory to the erection of a slave State South of that line.— Tills is exactly the position which the Southern Rights party new occupies, and to which it has been objected, that if such a division is made, the effect will be to make two free States, instead of one. on our Pacific coast. This objection is answered likewise by the extract. The question of the adaptation of that country to slave labor has long since been deter mined by those who have examined it, and the Journal of Commerce adds the influence of its opin ions to the weight of authority in the affirmative. Its rich mineral wealth, and its still richer mines of ag ricultural resources, present the most inviting field in the world to the introduction of slave labor. And there is no question but that the moment the re strictions which now prevent its introduction are re moved, there will be an immense immigration of slave property thither. There is no doubt than an effort has been made by politicians and submission presses to allay the excitement at the South by concealing the real value to the South of the territory in dispute. The day may come when these misrepresentations will be exposed, or the South may be kept in ig norance of her interests until they have been ir reparably destroyed. The Premium Agricultural Song. It will be seen from the announcement of tho Cor responding Secretary, Mr. Peabody, that a prize of a beautiful silver cup is to be awarded, at the ap proaching Agricultural Fair, for the best original song, appropriate to the objects of the Associa tion, to be sung by the Glee Club on that occasion. It is requested that competitors accompany their pro ductions with a sealed envelope inclosing the real name of the author, which will not be opened until the prize has been awarded. The communications may be addressed to this office. SOUTHERN RIGHTS ASSOCIATIONS. We should be pleased to sec our friends in the ad joining counties moving in the formation of these so cieties. This campaign is to be fought and won, not with clap-trap demonstrations, or appeals to the pas sions of the people. We have truth and justice on our side, and all wo ask is, that the people of Geor gia be aroused to a sense of tho real danger which threatens their rights. To this end let associations be formed, speeches made and facts presented. The peace which many of our people arc hugging to their bosoms is delusive, and there is danger that some may slumber until it is too late. Let us, then, to ac tion, vigorous, untiring action. The issues at stake are too momentous for apathy on our part. The price of liberty is vigilance. The Southern Address. We re-publish, to-day, the address prepared bv a committee of Southern gentlemen at Washington, recommending the establishment of a Southern organ at Washington. We do so to show our readers the light in which some of their representatives at one time viewed the dangers which threatened our rights, that they may be better prepared to understand the consistency of those who now think we have no cause of complaint. The name of Mr. Toombs will be found appended to that address, and we make an especial request of those who see no variableness or shadow of turning in the course of that gentle man, that the}- will give that document a careful pe rusal, and then compare it with the speech which he made Ine day after the passage of the California bill, in which he said the South had no grievances to re dress. Mr. Toombs will, we dare say, claim to have been uniformly devoted to the rights of the South, while those who have alternately praised and de nounced his course are charged with change.— So to the chaise-bom traveller’s eye, He stands still, while trees and stones rush by. “Speech or llox. Wm. ll. 'Seward on Emanci pation in the District 01 Columbia.”— Such is the title of a pamphlet which Wm. 11. Seward, a Sena tor from New York, has had the impudence to send us under his own frank. Os all the despicable mis creants whom chance has elevated to honorable posi tion, this same Senator Seward is chief. We think that some of his compeers in the scheme of abolition are the honest victims of infatuation; but this man adds to all his other sins, that most odious of all oth ers, hypocrisy. Mr. Seward is not an abolitionist from principle, but from policy. He knows, for he is by no means a fool, that the shortest and surest road to power, where he lives, is by pandering to the fa naticism of his constituents, and he has accordingly determined liis political career, not with reference to the good of the country, but with an eye single to his own emolument. The Issue. A subscriber, whose opinions tve respect, objects that in making the issue of abolition or disunion, we have placed him and others in a false position.— We think our friend is in error, and still insist that the issue is as we have made it. Not that those who oppose secession are abolitionists; it was far from our intention to intimate such a suspicion, for we know that there are those who oppose us on this question who are as much identified with, and as much devoted to the. institutions of the South, as we are. But while their purposes may be, and doubt less are, as honestly intended to serve t!i South as are ours, wo do believe that a settlement of these questions on the basis to which they propose to sub mit, must inevitably lead to that most dreadful of all events to us, tho eventual abolition of slavery in our midst. And what are the evidences by which we are brought to this conclusion ? First that the com promise to which we are forced, is the result of abo lition demands. Who has created the excitement which must be allayed by this adjustment ? The history of the country, as well as the dictates of common sense, clearly demonstrates that from the formation of this government, the Seuth has been op posed to agitation. The disturbances on the slavery question have in variably originated with the North, i It was thus in the Missouri difficulty. It was thus on the reception of abolition petitions by Congress. It j was thus in the settlement of the question of slavery \ in the territories. The demand has uniformly been made by the North, and the successive concessions | which have satisfied these demands, have as uniform- I Iv been made by the South. So it has been in the ! dispute now pending. The South has been content to stand still; the North has insisted upon action.— The demand has been once more heeded, and again we are called on for further concessions as a satisfac tion for that demand. Will it stop here ? Who so blind, who so short sighted, as to believe it ? As well might the bleeding South have congratulated herself that her wounds were healed in 1821 by the Missouri Compromise, as to hope for peace now. As well might she have dreamed of quiet from the con cessions she made to appease the abolition petitioners by permitting them to introduce their fire-brands into Congress, as to indulge the idea that the compromise now demanded will settle her difficulties. No, no. j As Mr. Chase said, all these are but steps in the onward march of abolition. The day has not yet ar rived, but it is coming, and wc shall yet see it, if wc submit now. when the grand consummation of all their hellish designs will have been attained. And oh, bitterest ingredient in that cup of gall, our own people are helping to hasten on that doom, ignorant ly, it is true, but not less certainly on that account. In the next place, we are satisfied of the correct ness of the issue as we present it, because our sub mission now is taken as evidence of our submission to-morrow. Our acquiescence in this scheme of fraud, guarantees success to our oppressor* in any subsequent assaults they may make upon onr rights. ! What is all history for, nay what does the brief record ! of our own national existence teach us, if we do not | learn from it, .the folly of seeking redress for , the grievances of the past and security for the future, i in a policy of tame submission to wrong ? And, again, we are warranted in this conclusion, by the rapid accession of strength to those who we know have the disposition to oppress us. California. New Mexico and Utah will add to the Union ten or a dozen free States as large as Georgia. Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri are gradually becoming free States ; indeed, we can not now look to their Repre sentatives for any aid in the contest between the 1 North and South. Less than a quarter of a centu ry will have rolled round ere they have acquired that majority in Congress which entitles them to a change in the Constitution. They will then have the pow er, and what sane man doubts they will exercise it ? Ah ! but say our infatuated friends, we will be ready to join you, then, in resistance. Some of you,doubt less, will, but others will not. But in what a position will the South then find herself 7 Her own strength diminished, and that of the North fearfully augmen ted. The day for successful resistance will have I passed, and the alternative then will be far more aw j ful than that which we present to-day. Slavery or extinction will then be the doom of tlio South. The last and most lamentable evidence of the truth of this issue, is the alarming spread of Northernism jin the South. We appeal to those whose recollections extend twenty-five years back in the political history of this government. We ask you, what would have been the spontaneous burst of feeling throughout the South, had the scenes of this Congress been enacted then t Wc ask you whether Southern men would have fired guns in honor of the passage of any mea sure which is embraced in the Omnibus Bill ? We ask you, whether a Southern Representative would have dared to vote for a bill abolishing the slave trade in the District ? We ask you, whether you heard Southern men openly admitting the power to Con gress to abolish slavery in the District, and to prohib it it in the Territories? You know you did not. You know that a feeling of indifference to our rights exists among the people of the South now, which would have been despised twenty-five years ago. And you know, too, that this feeling is growing every day, and if your devotion to party lias not blinded your perceptions, you know, that in less than twenty-five years hence, there will be a large party found at the South, which could submit to any thing rather than resist. And do all these things mean nothing ? Close your eyes to the truth, if you will, but if heaven spares your lives, and your infatuation commits the South to submission, they will one day be startled by the dreadful reality of the issue—Abo lition or Disunion. Resistance. There are two questions for the people of Georgia to determine in this campaign : First.—Has the South been wronged ? Second. —Will she redress that wrong ? Six months ago there was notan intelligent man in the State who did not admit that the passage of the bills embraced in what was known as the Clay Com promise, would work wrong and injustice to the South. Men differed as to the measure of the wrong, but all agreed that injustice would be inflicted there by. Now, however, a representative from Georgia, has declared, in his place in Congress, that the Soutli has no cause of complaint, and submission presses, at home, have taken up the cry. The various measures of that compromise have become laws, and Southern men congratulate us on their passage. But are the people of Georgia prepared to endorse the verdict of their representatives ? Is it true that the South has no cause of complaint? Let us see. It is not de nied that we share equally in the burdens of this gov ernment, and that vve are entitled to an equal participation in the benefits of its legislation. It is not denied that we contributed more than our propor tion of men and money in the Mexican war, and that justice would accord to us our share in the fruits of that war. It is not denied that we are excluded from every inch of territory in California, N. Mexico and Utah. It is not denied that twenty thousand square miles of Southern territory lias been purchased by Southern money and turned into free soil. It is not denied that the general government has branded as an unchristian and inhumane traffic the trade in ne gro property. It is not denied that that trade has been prohibited in the District of Columbia. It is not denied that Senators have threatened the ulti mate abolition of slavery in that District. And are none of these wrongs ? Has the South no cause of complaint in all this? Gentlemen at Washington may think not, but Georgians think otherwise, and we expect to see the day when these same champions of our rights may bo made to feel their error. We, then, have grievances to redress, and the next ques tion is, shall we demand that redress ? Why not ? Why should Southern men submit to wrong ? Is there any thing in our obligations as Americans and good citizens which forbids an honest demand of our rights ? Is our faith so plighted to a Northern majority in Congress that itis treason for us to complain of their iniquitous legislation and in sist upon redress for'grievances ? We have never so understood tho nature of our allegiance. We know it is a popular maxim, in some countries, that the King can do no wrong. We know it is treason there to t*lk of outraged rights and violated trusts. But it i* otherwise here. It is the proud prerogative of Amer icans to guard their liberties, and when they arc in vaded, it is a duty which they inherited with those liberties, and which they owe to their posterity to discharge, to vindicate and maintain them. We are not traitors, then, to talk of wrongs and remedies.— Well, is there any danger in making the demand ? Realty we feel that we owe an apology to freemen, for considering it necessary to answer this question. Wc feci that it is enough for men to know they have rights, and that they have been disregarded. The spirit which achieved our independence did not pause to calculate consequences ere it struck for freedom. Had it done so, we might to-day have been the vassals of the British throne. No ; the men of that day knew that they were wronged, and they turned their plough shares into swords and resolved to be free, and the result of that sanguinary struggle proved that the battle was not always to the strong. Who does not laud their disinterested devotion to their rights ? England, the proud mistress of the seas, with an army almost equal to the entire population of the colonies, ; and a fleet for every American port, defied them to action. They were weak in men, but powerful in the justice of their cause. They braved the power of their oppressors, and so should we. But is there danger in the demand vve propose to make ? Will war ensue? Os course, we cannot undertake to say, how far Northern temerity, or Southern indignation, may urge on the respective parties, but vve may pre dict as certainly as we can of any tiling in the future that there will be no resort to arms. In the first place it is to the interest of neither party to go to war. The South has nothing to make, and the North every thing to lose by such a course. Victory would make us no more independent, and defeat could not make us more submissive. To them, victory would be barren, and defeat bankruptcy. Secondly, the North could not make war on us if it choose to do I so. It could neither enlist the men, nor command | the money, to carry it on, and, above all, a warlike at- j litude would at once involve all New England and : the middle States in ruin. And, last of the causes which vve shall mention now, the world would not al low us to fight. A civil war in America would bank- | rupt England. Blockade our ports for a twelve j month, and starvation would stare every throne in Europe*. We shall, then, have no war; nay, but for the distempered imaginations of old women and timid capitalists, such an idea never would have been dreamed of. There is, then, nothing wrong, and there is no danger in making the demand. W ill the de mand profit the South? It can do us no harm ; will it do us any good ? We answer yes, and whether that demand results I in the establishment of our rights, in the Union or out of it, our answer is the same. If in the U nion, it will secure to us those blessings which our fore* ! fathers wisely foresaw would result front an equitable 1 administration of trie government; if out of it, we shall obtain that quiet and undisturbed enjoyment of , our rights which we are now denied in it. Let the issue be as it will, it must prove a blessing to the South. We should hail with joy a restoration of the South to her position of honorable equality in the Union, but we do not intend to flatter our readers with a hope which we believe is destined to disap pointment. We see no remedy for the wrongs of the South in the Union, and determined as we are to i secure that remedy, we do not hesitate to seek it out of the Union. Others think differently. Some of our friends indulge the hope that we mav secure our rights without disturbing the Union. The mode of redress is one thing, and may be a subject of differ ence among Southern men, but some kind of re dress is another matter, and about that we agree.— Resistancb is our watchword, and under that ban ner every man who is determined upon redress must rally. There are but two parlies in the field ; the one is for Resistance, the other for Submission, and between the two Southern men must choose. The Umou. It is natural that men who received their first im pressions of this government in its better days, ere it ; had been polluted by the sin of abolition, should re j gard it with an almost idolatrous veneration. It is natural that they should recoil at the bare mention of its dissolution, and without waiting to test the propo sition by reason and common sense, should at once denounce it ns monstrous and treasonable. This biind devotion to the institutions of our native land, if, indeed it may be called a weakness, is one of the most pardonable to which we are incident; but at the same time, it becomes men who are the rightful heirs of freedom, to guard well that heritage from the insidious inroads of its destroyers. We should at least not venerate the Union as more sa cred than the rights which that Union was formed to secure. We have heard of a blood-bought Union ; of a Union sealed with the sacrifices of our forefath ers. Kota blow was struck for that Union ; not a drop of revolutionary blood was shed in its defence.— The sun of peace had arisen to dispel the clouds of war from ottr shores long before the first line of the constitution, by virtue of which this Union exists, was ever written. The men of ’76 went to war for their right* and not for the Union. They took up arms to repel aggression, and not to establish this govern ment. And after they had succeeded in breaking the chains with which England had enslaved them, then they met for the purpose of forming a government. The men of Massachusetts met the sons of Georgia in that convention. They greeted each other as equals, and they created this Union for the purpose of “establishing justice, ensuring domestic tranquility, providing for the common defence, promoting the general welfare, and securing the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity.” Such, in a few words, is a history of the causes which led to, and the purposes which brought about, this Union. Are we offering an indignity to the memory of those great and good men who framed this government, in seeking to retain it in its original purity ? Are we guilty of sacrilege in daring to question whether the Union as it now exists is such as our fathers made it ? Would one of the patriots who composed that convention have ever assented to a Union in which one half of the States was degraded to the condition of inferiors and dependencies of the other half ? Cursed he the thought that would thus desecrate the memory of men who swore that they would be free or die. And if they would not have formed such a Union, where is the Southerner who has the soul of-a man, that will not spurn such an alliance now that it is doubly damned with the broken faith of those with whom it was made ? Yet what other than a Union like this, is that under which we now live? The Northern man may carry his property into the District of Co s lumbia and there trade with it. Can a Southern j man do so ? The Northern man may emigrate with his household to the new and fertile forests of our Pacific possessions. Can a Southern man do so 1 The Northern man may bring his family and servants on ! a tour through the South and be treated with civility I and respect. Can a Southern man do so? The North ern man may come into the South and re-capture his stolen property. Can a Southern man do so ? 27 0, no, no. In every instance the Southern man is met with the cry of leprosy. You and your institutions are too foul for our pure hands. Away with you. W ien wc send men to represent us and secure our rights in the federal councils, some grow faint heart ed, seek to curry favor with Northern power, and exhort their injured constituents to peace. Others arc bribed with the hope of office or the promise of pay in other things, and they see no grievances to redress. A few prove themselves worthy the confi dence of freemen, and battle nobly in a hopeless cause. In the name of common sense, we ask, what is this Union now worth to the South? Wc dare the haughtiest traitor to our cause to answer us. Arc our rights more respected, is our property more se cure, are our lives better protected than they would I be if an ocean rolled between us and the North? In what ! way are our interests subserved by the eonnec- I lion ? Have those who now counsel submission ever : told us what we are to gain by it ? Not they. They I understand very well, perhaps, what they arc to make ! by it, but they dare not so far insult the common sense j of the people, as to attempt to demonstrate the fruits of submission to the South. An Apt Illustration. The following very instructive and amusing anesdote was related by Gen. Jakes N. Bethune, in his ad dress last Thursday night, which will be found most aptly illustrative of the relations at present existing between the North and South. lie said ; “When quite a young boy my father gave me a gun, and [ sallied forth one morning on my first hunting excur sion. I had not been out long when I met two other j boys, older and larger than myself, who were on | horse-back. ‘Hello, Jim,’ said one of them, ‘what | are you up to ?’ ‘l’m going to shoot some partridge s,” j said I. ‘Oh !’ was the reply, ‘go and put up your gun, get you a horse, and come with us. We have j a net and will catch more than you can shoot, and if f you will join us we will divide equally with you.’—! The chance was a good one, so I went home, put up my guu, saddled me a horse and joined them. Whe* we had entered the woods where we expected to find 1 the game, we came to a thick briar patch, and F was told to drive through that. If we encountered a swamp, it was ‘Jim, drive through that,’ and when we encountered a thicket, it was ‘Jim, you drive through that.’ Thus we went on, I going through all the bad places and they keeping the open drive. At length the sport was ended, and we halted to make the division. When we came to lay off into separate piles our respective parts, one of them, tli9 one that did not own the net, objected, saying that it was always the rule that the net should come in for a share. I remonstrated, of course, urging that noth- \ ing was said about the net in the agreement. ‘Well, j well,’ said he. ‘we won’t quarrel about that. Let’s ! put it to a vote and the majority will govern.’— “Good,” said I. for I had been raised with a great re spect for the rule of the majority. So we put it to vote, and the majority decided two to one against roc. We, accordingly, proceeded to divide the spoils into four piles. Still niv share was too large for my greedy companions, and upon the pretext that I didn’t have j enough for my family no how. and that my share was more than I could eat by myself, it was suggest ed to take all from my pile but one, which they ! thought was as much as I ought to eat. Again I ! protested, and again it was put to vote, and again the ! majority decided against me. I didn’t understand well, how a minority could govern the majority, and yet I saw there was something wrong in it. At any rat® T determined not to submit to their rule, so Ii threw the remaining partridge at them and mounted my horse. This rathernettled them,and they cut,each, a long supple chcsnut switch, and by an occasional tap, now on this side and then on that of my old dap ple, they had me prancing and cavorting against my will on every side of the road. At length, in self defence, I cut a switch, too, and put it to my horse in good earnest, and here we went clatter, clatter down the road, I managing to keep enough ahead to escape the effect of the:r switches upon my horse. At length I gained so far upon them, that, coming to a i rock pile, I dismounted and filled my pockets with j rocks and rode on. They came up after a while, ! and I let fly at their heads with all my might. The game was now changed, and I became the assailant instead of the assailed. I kept them at their proper 1 distance and rode home in peace. Since then, fellow citizens, I have learned two things; First, never to submit mv riglits to tlie decision of a majority which was determined upon my injury, and, second, when ever I was unrighteously assailed, to fill my pockett wilh rocks .” [communicated.] Columbus, Oct. 1, ISSO. Mr Dear Sir : ‘When on the eve of leaving home in June last, to be absent several weeks, I voluntarily informed you that I would, on my return, become a subscriber to your paper. This honesty of purpose, I regret to say, has been changed by the open and I avowed stand which you have taken in favor of dis ! union, predicated upon the passage of certain bills re cently passed in Congress; which does not, in my opin ion justify such a course on the part of the South. I am, nevertheless, in favor of disunion whenever the whole South announces her willingness to move in the matter. It must be apparent to every unpre judiced mind, that the territory now belonging to the United States when divided or sub-divided into States, of suitable size, will form a number nearly equal to one-h*lfof those now composing the government; i two-thirds, if not three-fourths, of which number, will, in all probability, be free States. This will give the abolitionists a constitutional majority in Congress, and place our cherished institution at tlieir mercy, or force us to resist a constitutional law. Respectfully, B. A. SORSBY. Judge Sorsby, the writer of the foregoing com munication, is well known to most of our readers in this section, as a gentleman of intelligence and un questioned character. We are always gratified at the privilege of enrolling such names as his on our subscription list, and regret that we have been de nied that pleasure in this instance. Our regret, how ever, is more than counterbalanced by the argument with which he favors our cause. Indeed, a man who is as capable as Judge Sorsby is, of tracing well known causes to their legitimate effects, could come to no other conclusion, than that if the South sub mits in this contest, she is doomed to a hopeless mi norily— minority which gives to our oppressors the might and the right, under the constitution, to ruin us. He correctly reads the future when he says that our vast W<■ stern territory, which, at no distant day, must bo erected into States, will contribute alarm ingly to the strength of the free-soil element in this government. M hen that day shall arrive, and the North finds itself possessed of that majority in Con gress by which she will be enabled, constitutionally, to degrade the South, we shall be forced to the un pleasant necessity of either submitting to, or resisting a constitutional measure. Our only sin, with the Judge, lias been in seeking to avert that calamity. Satisfied, as we are, that when our friend comes to review bis argument, lie will not only give us his own name, but the names of a dozen besides, we must content our selves with his present decision. [NEW YORK CORRESPONDENCE.] New York, Sept. 24, 1850. Greenwood Cemetery—The Canda Monument — The Pilot's Monument—Revolutionary Reminis cences—Jenny Lind's Last Concert—The Cily ) (J-C., sc. I cannot help believing, Mr. Editor, that an occa sional description of some of the favorite localities in the neighborhood of New York, will be more inter esting than a dry detail of news, particularly when there is nothing in the line of the latter that is start- surprising. I will, therefore, devote a por tion of my sheet to a brief description of Greenwood Cemetery, which lias obtained a reputation all over the Union, and, holds tlie foremost rank among ru ral burial-places. The grounds of the Cemetery are situated south east of New York, on Go wan us Heights, about three miles from the South Ferry, and now comprise two hundred and fifty acres. The grounds are admira bly adapted for the purpose to which they have been applied. Throughout their whole extent the visitor i* gratified with that variety of scenery which alone can render extensive landscapes permanently pleas ing. Here an elevated ridge meets the eye, while at its feet reposes, in a quiet valley, a lovely pond ; on one side beautiful lawns extend for acres, while on the other stretches away a tangled forest, dense and impervious as if it had ever been a stranger to the j foot of man. But the great charm of Greenwood ! scenery is the magnificent views of the Bay which | some of the higher grounds afford, embracing the i Harbor of New York, the city itself with its hun- I dred spires, Brooklyn, the Jersey, Staten Island, | Long Island, and New York shores, and an unrival j led panorama of the Atlantic from Sandy Hook to Rockaway. Such were these grounds by nature, but the hand of art has not been wanting. The Cemetery be came a chartered institution in IS3S; but owing to a want of appreciation of its beauties, or rather per haps a want of reflection on the manifold evils of in tra-mural interment, for four years it was obliged to struggle hard, and was not placed on a firm basis, and thrown open for burials, until 18-12. During the eight years, however, that have since elapsed, it lias been growing steadily and rapidly in public favor • ; and under the auspices of judicious management | has become one of the most attractive spots imagina ! ble. About four thousand lots have been Bold, and j many of them arc adorned, without reference to ex- I pense, in the most splendid manner, by their propri- ! j etors. About two hundred vaults have been erected j in various styles; some of them are really splendid. | One that is now being built of white marble surpass | es any thing of the kind that has ever fallen under Imy observation. In addition to smaller stones, the j grounds contain four hundred monuments of marble sienite, or sandstone, varying of course in style and costliness. No less than ten thousand interments have been made in tlie Cemetery. Os the monuments there are so many worthy of notice that we can hardly particularize. The chief object of interest to visitors seems to be the one rais- ! ed to the memory of Miss Canda, an only and idol ized daughter, who met her death by being dashed from a carriage on her birth-night some years ago. It is truly magnificent, of white marble, and adorned in the most elaborate manner; the sculpture was mainly done in Italy, at a cost, it j s sa id, of SIO,OOO. The work is in the form of a miniature chapel; in a niche is a statue of the deceased, wliieh is called a good likeness, while several figures of angels, most 1 chastely wrought, appear on either side. The I iiot s monument is another splendid achieve- j ment of art. It was erected by the pilots of this port, with characteristic liberality, to one of their j number, Thomas Freeborn. During a severe storm 1 on the 14th of February, 1846, he attempted to j bring in the ship John Mintuni; but notwithstand ing the most strenuous efforts, sha was wrecked upon the coast of New Jersey, and many of the ship’s company perished within sight of hundreds on the shore who were unable to render them the least as sistance. Freeborn was among the number lost, and the name of this brave man, who perished thus in the faithful discharge of his duty, is preserved from oblivion by this splendid monument in Greenwood; j The design is unique and appropriate; on a sarco phagus, of massive base, Msts a ship’s capstan, with a cable coiled around it. From this rises a mast, on the top of which is a beautiful statue of Hope, rest ingl on an anchor, and pointing to Heaven, the Christian’s hope. The front of the sarcophagus bears in relief a ship and schooner, mutilated by the storm, and tossed by the waves. The monument occupies high ground, and from its position may be plainly discerned from the Bay. TV hen it meets the eye of the pilot as he hurries to and fro on his re sponsible duties, it will serve to encourage him amid every danger, and remind him that for those who here below act faithfully their part, Hope ever points to an unending Paradise. But there are other associations beside those con nected with Greenwood; in the immediate vicinity, and as tradition says, partially within its very grounds, took place the first serious conflict ot tlie revolutionary war, on the 26th of August, 1776 —the disastrous battle of Long Island, which temporarily had such a disheartening effect on the patriots of America. — While almost every spot in New England, which is hallowed by associations with that eventful period has been traced, identified and honored with appro priate testimonials, to the shame of our great me tropolis and its sister city Brooklyn, be it said, no at tempt has hitherto been made either by the authori ties or individuals to locate the precise spot of this battle, or keep alive the memory of those who fell amid the carnage. A private subscription is now, I understand, proposed ; and, no doubt, before long, proper memento will be reared iu Greenwood on the very spot where some of our forefathers, fell. A pleasanter excursion than a visit to Greenwood cannot be imagined ; the change from the best and dust of city confinement, to its quiet and beauty, seeming almost like a transfer to Paradise. The nu merous facilities which have lately been opened, by steamboat and stage, have been improved by many hundreds during the present season. No stranger would leave New York without visiting this most at tractive spot in its vicinity. To-night Miss Jenny Lind gives her last con cert in this city prior to leaving for Boston ; by her return the new Concert Hall will be finished and ready for her reception. The recent reduction in prie of tickets lias had the effect of filling the hou ses to overflowing. The songstress seems to givs universal satisfaction, and charms no less by her af fability and pleasantness in the private circle than by her unrivalled powers of voice. Every scat was sold fur to-night’s concert by yesterday noon, and it is ex pected there will be 10,000 persons present. Our weather continues very pleasant. The hotels are full, business brisk, and, on the whole, the city wears a very pleasing aspect. Yours, P. Q. LIST OF PRIZES Os the Mtiieogee A Russel Agricultural Society, to be given at the FAIR, on tlie third Wednesday in No vember next. For the beit acre Sweet Potatoes, silver medal,.. s2 00 “ bushel “ “ Diploma. “ “ acre Turnip*, silver medal, $2 OO “ bushel “ Diploma. “ “ Treatise on making and applying Manure, suited to Southern crop* and cul ture, silver gohlet, $lO 00 Fortlie best Treatise on cultivating Corn in tlie 1-j South. silver goblet, .$lO 00 For the best Treatise on the cultivation of Cot ton, including the picking and packing silver goblet,... $lO 00 For the licet Treatise on the Farm, by a youth of Muscogee or Russel, the Birmingham medal,... $5 00 For the best bag Cotton, grown in Muscogee or Ru-sel. silver gohlet $ 8 00 For the second best Diploma. For the best bushel Wheat, raised in Muscogee or Russel Silver Medal. For the second best, “ “ STOCK. For the best fine wooled Sheep Silver Medal. “ “ Mutton “ “ “. “ Ox, fur the butcher, “ ““ “ “ Cow. “ “ “ For the best Georgia and Alabama raised Jack, exhibited on the day, Silver cup, $ g 00 Fur the 2d anti 3d best,. Diplomas. For the best Mule, age considered, silver medal.. 200 For the best Stallion, four years old and upwards, silver goblet, jooo For the best 2 year old colt or filly, silver cup... 800 lor 2d and 3d best Diplomas. For tlie best brood Mare, with or without colt, silver cup £ Q 0 Fur 2d and 3d best, Diplomat. Fur the best Bull, (age considered.) silver medal, 200 For 2d and 3d best, Diplomas. For the best Cow. (age considered,) silver medal, %00 For 2d and 3d best, Diplomas. For the heaviest Hog, not oyer two years old, silver medal, g 00 For the best Boar, silver medal, 2 00 For the heaviest Pig, from 6 months to a vearold, silver medal 2 00 For the best breeding Sow, silver medal 2 00 TO THE MANUFACTURER AND MECHANIC. For the best Plow for southern culture, and of southern make, silver cup, g g qq For the best Road-waggon, Muscogee or Russel make, silver cup,. g 00 For the largest collection of Agricultural impinel r , me " ts >- .Silver Medal. ror the best two horse Waggon, do. do. make, silver medal, 2 00 For the best f> pairs of Negro Shoes, Geo. “or Ala". make, silver medal 2 00 For the best piece of Factory Osnaburgs, silver medal,... . 2 00 For the best piece of Factory Sheeting or Shirt ing, silver tnedal, 5 qq For the best piece of Linsey-woolsey, silver medal, g qq For the best Churn, silver medal, 2 00 HORTICULTURE. For the best Treatise on raising F’ruit of all kinds in this seciion of country, silver goblet, s]o CO For tlie best specimens of Fruit for the season, For the largest collection of Vegetables, silver medal, 2 00 For the liest Boquettof Natural Flowers, silver medal, j j qq For tlie largest collection of Pot Plants, with names, silver cup, 8 00 For the best Treatise on the culture of Flowers* by a Lady of Muscogee or Russel, silver cup,..’ 800 DAIRY. For tlie best specimens of Muscogee or Russel _ Butter, not less than 5 lbs., silver medal 2 OQ For the best sample of cheese, of Southern make silver medal, ’ gOO For the best t reatise on tlie management of the Cow in the South, silver cup, 8 0Q REGULATIONS OF THE FAIR. All members of the Society, and all who shall be come members previous to or at the Fair, will be fur nished with badges, which wiil admit the person and the ; Ladies of his lamily to ihe Exhibition at all limes during the continuance of the Fair. Tickets to admit a single j person. 25 cents. 6 I , Al j, Exhibitors at the Fair must become members of the Society, and have their animals or articles entered at tlie business office, before taking them into the enclo -B!,re Ladies’ work—this will in all rases be ad muted free. CHAS. A. PEABODY, Corresponding Secretary. [From the riugu.rta Constitutionalist.] National Parties. The Washington Union makes the following comments upon the result of the recent elec tions in Missouri, in which the Democrats lost their long established ascendancy by reason of their division between Bentonites and anti- Bentonites. “Thus it would appear that Missouri sends four Whigs to the next Congress, and one Ben-, ton man in the person ot Mr. Phelps. Such is the effect of discord in the Democratic party, and such will probably be the effect in some of he Southern States, where our party may bo divided in a similar manner, or are not suffi ciently organized for competition with the Whig party, untess more forbearance, and moderation, and discretion should Fie infused into its ranks. Mere purblind extremists, who are crying out for a dissolution of the two great national par ties, in order to concentrate their whole force upon the slavery question, are preparing for a startling defeat of onr party. They are its worst and most suspicious enemies. If this sectional cry be kept up, some of the Democrats may prepare to lose their Districts. We throw out the suggestion for the benefit of the parties concerned.” We do not expect “ some of the Southern States'’ will distress themselves very much in future with the question, as to the relative, chance of IV higgery or Democracy , in its party sense, to carry this or that Congressional District in future. Looking to the recent action of Con gress, it would puzzle a Southern man to tell what benefit the South has obtained from either