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the southern sentinel Is published every Thursday Morning, IX COLUMBUS, GA. BY WILLIAM H. CHAMBERS, EDITOR AXI) PROPRIETOR. To whom all communications must be directed, post paid. Office on Randolph Street. Terms of Subscription. One copy twelve months, in advance, - - 82 50 “ “ “ “ Not in advance, - 3(H) “ “ Six “ “ “ - 150 Where the stil)*oription 13 not paid the year, 1 5 cents will be charged for every month's delay. No subscription will be received tor less than six months, and none discontinued until all arrearages are paid, except at the option of the proprietor. To Clubs. Five copies twelve months, - - - $lO 00 Ten “ “ “ 16 00 I -fT The money from Clubs must in all cases ac company the names, or the price ot a single subscription will be charged. Kates of Advertising. One Square, first insertion, - - • $1 00 •• “ Each subsequent insertion, - 50 A liberal deduction on these terms will be made in favor •f those wiio advertise by the year. Advertisements not specified as to time, will be pub lished till forbid, and charged accordingly. Monthly Advertisements will be charged as new Ad vertisements at each insertion. Legal Advertisements. N. B.—Sales of Lands, by Administrators, Ex ecutors, or Guardians,are required by law to be held on tlie first Tuesday in the month, between the honrsof 10 in the forenoon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court House in the county in which the land is situated. No tices of these sales must be given in a public gazette sixtv days previous to the day of sale. Hales of Negroes must Ik- made at a public auction on the first Tuesday of the month, between the usual hours of sale, at the place of public sales in the county where the Letters Testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship, may have la-on granted, first giving sixty days notice thereof in one of the public gazettes of this State, and at the door of the Court House, where such sales are to lx- held. Notice for the sale of Personal property must he given : in like, manner forty days previous to the day of sale. Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an estate must be published forty days. Notice that application will lie made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land, must be published for FOUR MONTHS. Notice for leave to sell Negroes must lie published for four months, before any order absolute snail be made thereon by the Court. Citations for Letters of Administration, must he pub lished thirty days—for dismission from administration, monthly six months —for dismission fiom Guardianship, > FORTY DAYS. Rules for the foreclosure of a Mortgage must be pub lished monthly for four months —for establishing 10.-t | papers, for the full space of three months —for com pelling titles from Executors or Administrators, where a Bond has been given by the deceased, the full space ol j THREE MONTHS. Publications will always be continued according to these legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered. SOUTHERN SENTINEL Job Office. HAVING received anew and extensive assortment of Job Material, we are prepared to execute at this office,all orders for JOB WORK, in a manner which can not be excelled in the State, on very liberal terms, and at the shortest notice. We feel confident of our ability to give entire satisfac tion in every variety of Job Printing, including Books, Business Cards, Pamphlets, Bill Heads, Circulars, Blanks of every description, Hand Bills, Bills of Lading, Posters, djv. <SfC. In short, all descriptions of Printing which can be ex ecuted at any office in the country, will be turned out with elegance and despatch. County Surveyor. upHE undersigned informs his friends and the Planters X of Muscogee county, that he is prepared to make official surveys in Muscogee county. Letters addressed to Post Office,Columbus, will meet with prompt atten tion. WM. F. SERRELL, County Surveyor. Office over E. Barnard &. Co.’s store, Broad St. Columbus, Jan. 31, 1860. 5 ly NOTICE. rpHE firm name ot “M. 11. Dessau, Agent,” is changed, J from this date, to M. 11. DESSAU. Columbus, Feb. 7, 1850. 6 tl JAMES FORT, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HOLLY SPRINGS, MISS. July 4, 1850. 27 6m Williams, Flewellen & Williams, ATTORNEYS AT I..WV, CO LUMBUS, GEORGIA. May 23. 1850. 21 Williams & Howard, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, COLT MBUS, GEORGIA. KOBT. R. HOWARD. CIIAS. J. WILLIAMS. April 4, 1850 14 ts J. D. LENNARD, ATTORNEY AT LAW, TALBOTTON, GA. WILL attend to business in Talbot and the adjacent counties. All business entrusted to his care will meet with prompt attention. April 4, 1850. H ly KING & WINNEMORE, Commission Merchants, MOBILE, ALABAMA. Dec. 20,1819. [Mob. Trib.] 15 ts GODFREY A SOLOMONS, Factors and Commission Merchants, SAVANNAH, GEORGIA. JAMES E. GODFREY, E- W. SOLOMONS. REFERENCES. REV. JAS. E. EVANS, REV. SAMUEL ANTHONY, Saranjuih. Talbotton. RIDGEWAY A GUNDY, N. OUSI.Y Sc. SON, Columbus. Moron. July 25 30 6m. THIS PAPER IS MANUFACTURED 15V THE Rock Island Factory, NEAR THIS CITY. Columbus, Feb. ‘23, 1850. 9 ts M Globe Hotel, BUENA VISTA. MARION CO., GA. 15 Y J. WILLIAMS. March 14,1850. 11 NORTH CAROLINA mutual Life Insurance Company. LOCATED AT RALEIGH, X. C. rpHE Charter of this company gives important advan- | Jl tages to the assured, over most other companies. The husband can iupure his own life for the sole use and t of his wite and children, free trom any other claims. Persons who insure lor liie participate m the profits which are declared annually, and when the pre jnimn exceeds S3O. may pay one-halt in a note. Slaves are insured at two-thirds their value for one or five years. Applications for Risks may bo made to ’ u ‘ JOHN MUNN, Agent, Columbus, Ga. • Office at Greenwood V Co.’s Warehouse. Nov. 15,1849. _ ts WANTED. “i A/A AAA RAGS. Cash paid for clean cot 11 H 1,1 M/v* ton or lfTien rags—4 cents per pound, when delivered in quantities of 100 pounds or more ; and 31 cents when delivered in small quantities. For old hemp, bagging, and pieces of. rope, 11 cents, delivered either at Rock Island Factory or at their store in Co lumbus, in the South comer Room of Oglethorpe House. D. ADAMS, Secretary. Columbus, Feb. 28,1850. 0 tf’ TO RENT, TILL the first day of January next. The old printing office room of the “Muscogee Democrat “ Apply at this office. Id ts. JUST RECEIVED, A LARGE lot of Miscellaneous “and School Books. Also a large and beautiful assortment of Stationery, fine Letter and Note Paper. Envelopes. &e. deGRAFFENRIED & ROBINSON. Anril IS VOL. I. Northern Sentiment ON THE FUGITIVE SLAVE BILL. Rut we have not room, nor the heart, to | dwell on the outrageous provisions of a law which completely eclipses even the bloody code of Draco—a law which imposes on the free men and women of America, a legal obligation to disregard every prompting of Christian kindness towards the most unfor tunate of their race, and to turn blood-hounds whenever a pursuing slaveholder demands their aid to rescue his human prey. We ash the people of New Hampshire to read the law; and then remember that it stands upon the statute by their votes—that two of their representatives, Messrs. Peaslee and Hibbard, helped enact it. We ask them to say if this law meets their ! approbation ? Arc the free men and women of our Granite hills ready to carry its inhu man provisions into effect ? Are they ready to close their houses and hearts against the poor panting fugitive mother, as with her babe in her arms, she asks to lie sheltered from the pursuit of her heartless oppressor l Are they willing to hold their own and their children’s liberties at the mercy of any com missioner who may hold an appointment from any judge of auv district in the United States? Such is the position of every man in the free States. Before these omnipotent slavc-jus tiees, who are to cover our land like the frogs of Egypt, all State Constitutions, and the provisions of State Constitutions, are as burnt flax. The right of trial by jury, ha- I hens corpus, and every other guaranty against “ unlawful seizures” and unlawful depriva tions of liberty, are struck down. No au thority, no court, no executive officer, no magistrate, can interfere with, rejudge or de lay the judgment of the slave-catchers, pro vided by this act. We repeat, a more infamous invasion of tlie rights, liberties and franchises of the peo ple, never existed upon the statute-book of I any nation under heaven. No legislators, not either slaves or the tools of slaveholders, could ever, for a moment, have given the slightest countenance to it; or ever have looked at such an act without abhorrence and detestation. Such we must regard the two New Hampshire representatives, who gave the hill their countenance and their votes. Besides themselves, not fifty men in the State could have been found to do the in famous deed. They have done it. To God and their constituents they must answer for it. To that tribunal we commend them— fully assured that, now or hereafter, they will be held to a fearful reckoning for their wick ed betrayals of the most sacred interests ever entrusted to men.— lndependent Democrat. The snake is scotched, not killed. The Fugitive Slave Rill is a monster, too hideous for the people of the free States to quietly and lovingly embrace. The territorial ques tion is by no means dead. Among the peo ple the principle of freedom is as strong as it ever was. We know that politicians in Washington can, by their position and influ ence, accomplish much, and the cry of I “ Peace,” and of “ Union,” and of “ Broth erhood,” Can accomplish much more. Rut, after all, permanent peace, real union, and true brotherhood, have their basis upon the rock of justice, and receive their life and beauty from the warm gushing affections of the manly heart; and we contend that of these peace “ measures” recently passed by Congress, a portion of them have been in di rect opposition to the best sentiments and the best feelings of the vast majority of the peo ple of the free States. The day will come when Northern rights will be regarded, and the Northern people make themselves felt in the councils of the nation—not to oppress, not to assume undelegated powers, not to in terfere with the rights or property of the South, but felt in the maintenance of their proper position, and in doing something for the glorious cause of human liberty and OF RIGHTFUL PROGRESS IN THE WESTERN world. —Boston Allas. The general features of the bill are well understood. It is precisely what the most rabid slaveholder and man-stealer desired. It is the foulest libel upon our vaunted “ free institutions,” that ever blackened the statute book. It smothers the sacred impulses of Christianity and humanity,and transforms the loveliest virtues into felonies. It sanctions the vilest outrages, and visits with chains and penalties, the heathenish culprit who dares obey the plainest injunctions of Holy Writ. For the honor of our country, we should have wished this bill had been defeated. For the good of the cause of Freedom, we re joice over its passage. The barefaced ini quity of the thing will inevitably frustrate its object, its brutal atrocity will redden even cheeks of dough with the blush of shame. Every kidnap, authorized by it, will raise up five hundred strong and determined foes of slavery.— Madison County Journal. The Law for Catching Men. —The Fu gitive Slave Bill, so called, has passed both j Houses of Congress, and we suppose lias be- j come a law, so far as iniquity can be law. I Against this outrage upon the statutes of j Heaven and the rights of humanity, we re- j cord our protest, and pledge our uncompro mising opposition, as strong as the powers of life, and as lasting as the day of probation, i unless the foul blot be sooner wiped from the 1 disgraced records of the nation. Our oppo- J sition to the new law for hunting and catch ing men, is not grounded so much upon the supposed additional facilities it will furnish j for re-capturing and re-enslaving fugitives 1 from the house of bondage, as upon the prin ciple involved. Men and nations are often more guilty for what they only attempt to do, than they are for what they actually accom- I plish, and such, no doubt, will prove to be the case with the passage of the Fugitive I Slave Bill, by the Congress of the United ! States, in the year of our Lord one thousand \ eight hundred and fifty. It may avail, in a few instances, in catching a fugitive slave who would otherwise escape ;it may be en i forced upon a few who have moral honesty | and courage enough to violate it, in the shape of a fine or imprisonment; it may subserve | the purpose of kidnappers in a few cases, enabling them to seize and carry off freemen j to the chains, and whips, and death of South ern plantations; but we have not the least i idea that it will, or can be generally enforced. Public sentiment is too powerful in the North for such laws, and it is growing stronger and I stronger every day, and must soon tower above them and bear them down, and pro- claim their violation a virtue, and render the penalties they impose, to him xvho endures them, a passport to the sympathies of all the good and true. It is not, then, the practical evil that alarms us; it is not the additional number of slaves that will he re-captured; but it is the deep and damning disgrace and guilt that has been recorded upon the nation’s statute book, the insult that has been offered Heaven, and the outrage attempted to be perpetrated upoa humanity. We believe the law in question is in direct violation of the law of God, and he xvlio obeys it, or voluntarily aids in its execution, is a sinner. We believe it is no less an outrage upon the Constitution of the United States; that the slave influence has perverted the Constitution, and lead Congress, in this matter, to assume legislative power which that document does not confer. These being our honest, anu deliberate views, we can do no less than to denounce and oppose the infamous enactment, and this we shall do as already stated. Let every Northern man who voted for it, and all who were not in their seats to vote against it, be forthwith indicted and arraigned at the bar of public opinion, and made to render an account for their evil deeds; and let the political power and influence of the President, whose right hand signed the bill, wither and rot upon the body of his party. Let every officer, and every attorney, and every private citizen, who shall attempt to aid to enforce the law, be looked upon with the eye of public contempt, until the blush of shame shall burn upon their cheeks, and let them and the party to which they may be long, and that shall put such craven-headed persons in nomination, be remembered at the ballot-box, as honest men and patriots should remember the enemies of God and their country. Let the cry of Repeal be raised, let it be heard from Plymouth Rock and from Bunker’s Hill; let it come as conies the north eastern storm from the snowy land and wide spread coast of Maine; let it be heard on every Rocky cliff’ of New Hampshire, and from the Green Mountains of Vermont, let it roll along the shores of the St. Lawrence, and all the lakes and rivers and canals of New lork, sweeping westward until it shall meet with tlie responsive echo coming from the new empire looming up from the Pacific shore. Let every man who fears God and regards the rights of humanity, by all rea sonable means oppose, resist, and seek the repeal ol such an infamous statute, as an indispensable condition of eternal life. Let the press speak, and especially the religious press, and let that portion of it that will not speak be looked upon as cowardly pro-slavery, and recreant to the claims of God and man. And let the pulpit speak, and let the ministers of the sanctuary teach, that opposition to such laws is obedience to God. We now declare that it is our purpose so to write and so to teach, so long as we can hold a pen, or utter words in the ears of men. If we live not to see it repealed, we will teach our child ren to oppose it after we are dead, and en join it upon them to engrave it upon our tomb-stone that we lived and died in opposi tion to the Fugitive Slave Law of eighteen hundred and fifty.— True Wesleyan. We care nothing about names—we dream not of parties ; we speak to every man who is free, and for Freedom, and say to him: If you are for resistance, we are with you. Not physical resistance. We mean not that. Not a narrow or fanatical resistance. We abjure that. But a resistance which, based upon moral considerations, and every feeling of manliness and pride, will oppose this usurpa tion by ballot and tongue until it shall be mastered. It can be mastered, and if the people have nerve, they will master it. We desire no passion : no heaving of the public heart: no sudden outbreak, to be as suddenly abandon ed. When men are stirred against wrong, they are quiet in their resolves. The will, when deepest set against usurpation, is still. And then it is that courage, clear in its vision as to the extent of the difficulties to be over come, is no brute impulse, but a living prin ciple of the soul—steady as the die—as rea dy to peril life as property for the cause. This resolve and will—this courage growing out of them, is what we want here, and now: what we must have; and what, if there be any grit or life in the North, we will have. Very soon —in two or three days—we shall have the official proceedings of Congress, and, we trust, immediately thereafter, a so lemn address from the anti-slavery men in Congress to the people of the country, ex hibiting what has been done, and calmlv, but plainly pointing to each freeman the duty he has to perform.— Cleveland True Democrat. The Fugitive Slave Bill.— There can not be a more humiliating circumstance in the life of a journalist than that which inex orably compels him to chronicle the disgrace j of his country. The love of country has ; always been considered as amongst the lof tiest of the human sentiments. Amongst the j ancients it was regarded as amongst the most sacred. It was so powerful and comprehen sive that all other loves,.such as the love of home, friends and kindred, were reckoned subordinate to it, because it included them all; and even the heart of the most cosmopo litan modern stirs within him, till he exclaims “ this is my own, my native land.” It has been the aspiration and aim of every American patriot, since the days of Washing ton, to exalt his country; to win honors for himself that he might place them amongst the glories that encircle the brow of his fatherland. In their modes of doing so, American patriots have varied; and many of them in those modes were, we believe, mis taken ; but they were all true to their patri otic instincts; they would have been startled at the charge of recreancy and dishonor. We have at last, however, reached a period in our country’s history when our “ greatest” men seem only to aim at debasing themselves and disgracing their country ; when oblivion of our proceedings as a nation would be a blessing, when every stroke of the historian’s pen chronicles an inglorious action. On Thursday, the l‘2th of September, the Slave-Catching Bill was passed by a large majority in the House of Representatives; one hundred and nine members voted to make the United States a human hunting ground, and only seventy-five voted in the negative. We could despond in view of this disgrace ful concession to injustice and slavery, did we not know that the great heart of the North beats twelve millions of negatives to such a law. This piece of parchment will COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 10, 1850. not catch the fugitive; and the official red tape that binds it will not be able to bind him. The idea in the North is firmly rooted that he who is running towards freedom, ought not to be prevented from doing so. This act conies into collision with this idea; we shall see which is stronger. This is a republic; this is a national sovereignty; and the members of the legislature must and shall be taught that they are not law-givers; they are not an independent despotism; but the servants, the paid servants of the coun try, and that they shall not with impunity defy and insult the moral sense of the com munity, to whom they are responsible.—Bur rill’s Christian Citizen. The Fugitive Slave Bill. —This atro cious measure has passed Congress by 109 to 75 votes, many of the representatives from the free States “ dodging” the vote. This bill constitutes Commissioners, Collectors and Postmasters judges, and imposes a fine of SIOOO and six months’ imprisonment for secreting, harboring or aiding a fugitive slave. We venture to sav that the measure will hardly answer the bloody purposes aimed at. It will, doubtless, excite the fears of our colored population, as it facilitates the kid napping of colored persons, free or slave. Many of the poor colored fugitives, scattered over the free States, may be forced to take up the Jong and weary march to Canada, to escape the human blood-hounds from the South and the spaniels from the North. We hope the people of the free States will not close their hearts against the calls of humani ty, because the unprincipled demagogues at Washington have passed this bloody measure. It a poor, bleeding, weary, panting fugitive from the South should ask us for a cup of cold water, a crust of bread, or a shelter from the pitiless storm, while we have either we will share it with him. And if any Southern blood-hound or Northern spaniel crosses our threshold in search of him, he will be kicked out as we would serve any dead dog. —Boston Republican. The “ Fugitive Slave Bill,” a measure de servedly offensive and odious to a vast ma jority ol the people of the free States, has been passed by the House of Representatives, and will become a law, if it receives the sig nature of the President. Words are almost inadequate to express our mortification and disappointment at this result. In a House which the Representatives of the free North ern States have a large majority, a measure which plainly tramples in the dust some of their most sacred rights, a measure which sets at naught the right guaranteed to every Northern citizen, of trial by jury, and the right of habeas corpus, has been passed to be enacted by thirty-four majority! We have seldom, if ever, been called upon to record a more painful, or, in our view, a more unfor tunate result. It intended as a measure of conciliation, it will, we believe, most signally fail of its object. Instead of allaying, it will excite and create agitation. It is a measure so utterly in defiance of public opinion that even its advocates can hardly expect it will be enforced.— Boston Atlas. Fugitive Slave Bill, —The bill which has passed both House of Congress to facili tate the reclamation of fugitive slaves, has very little beyond its repulsive title to render i it obnoxious to the North, beyond the laws j already existing. The right of trial by jury I is maintained, and the right of a man,*black i or white, to liberty, is recognized, until it is ! proved that he has no such right. We look j upon the bill as a kind of peace offering to ; the South, and not as a law which will be apt | to mend a single broken fetter, or bind up a j single one of those “bleeding wounds”! which the South, in the imagination of her Quixotic members of Congress, has been agonizing under, more or less, since “ the memory of the oldest inhabitant.” It is al most wrong to say that, under a government of laws, made by the people, through their Representatives, and impressed with all the solemnity of each sovereignty, any enact met can be a dead letter upon the statute book, and yet, as every body knows, there are such dead laws, and probably always will be, until human nature meets with some radical change for better or for worse ; for better, in that the people of every section may feel it j a duty to adhere to salutary legal restraints, or for worse, in that they shall abrogate all law except the great scoundrelly law of the strongest. There is a good deal of consola tion, however, when we say that the slave catching law will prove inoperative, in the reflection that its violation will be caused, not by a rascally public sentiment, but by the ! intrinsic wrong of the institution which has made such a law necessary or expedient, or indispensable under the constitution. The more the law is violated, or rather the less it is heeded, the brighter will the better impul ses of human nature shine forth. All the laws that have been, or can be enacted —all the codes for catching slaves that pave the road from Madawaska to Corpus Christi— will not induce a Northern man with North ern feelings to assist in returning such fugi tives to their master, unless absolutely com pelled so to do by official position. The whole feeling of the North is, that “if a man is running for his liberty, let him run!” and, if need be, help him on his way. And if there are cases where exceptions to this feel ing may be found, it will always, also, be , found that pecuniary motives are at the bot- I tom of it. How manj- Northern people may be bribed to become slave-catchers, we can not say, and would not willingly say it, if we could; but a willing slave-catcher—a dis interested slave-catcher—a slave-catcher from principle—there are none at the North; or as the blue-nose recently said of his sound : potatoes; not one. — Boston Daily Mail. But, after all, suppose the bill to be ever so ; stringent, do the slaveholders suppose that j the Northern people will facilitate the capture of their fugitives more than heretofore ? We imagine they are greatly mistaken, if they think the people of New England will enter i upon the laudable business of slave catching | with increased alacrity on account of the passage of this bill. We believe Commis : sioners before whom fugitive slaves are to be brought, are to be appointed throughout the free States. The office will hardly be accept ed by a decent man, and whoever takes it will bring upon himself the contempt of the community. It seldom happens that a fugi tive slave is claimed in New England, but whenever such a claim shall be made, we , shall test the stuff that the new law is made oL—Ncw Bedford. Mercury % The people of the North will not submit tamely and quietly to the increase of the slave representation on the floor of Congress. That disgraceful inequality is sufficiently great already. It must not be extended. It shall not be. The corrupt party tricksters, who flatter themselves, that the disgraceful bargain which they have made, will be quietly acquiesced in by the people, will find that they have been “reckoning without their hosts.” “No more slave States,” is a senti ment of the people of the North, out of which they cannot be frightened by empty bravado, and which they will not barter away for the sake of the spoils of office. The territory which has been wrested from New Mexico, will, doubtless, in a few years, be erected into one or more separate States, which will present themselves for admission into the Union. The application of New Mexico to be admitted as a State has been laid upon the table, most unquestionably be cause she had declared for freedom in her Constitution. The hope and belief of the slaveholders are that they shall lie able yet to get a foothold in that Territory, and secure the adoption of a constitution tolerating slavery. They have the same hope in regard to Utah; and they are justified in this hope by the fact, that the Mormon constitution, adopted last fall, did permit slavery. Sooner or later, these several States will present themselves for admission into the Union; and then, if either of them tolerate slavery, the contest, which has consumed so much of the time of the present Congress, will have to be,.must be, removed. The corrupt menials of the slave power, who have assisted in con summating the present disgraceful arrange ment, will find that their “ bargain” is repu diated—that the question is not settled—that the voice of justice and humanity is not stifled —that freedom will assert and maintain her own, “at all hazards, and to the last ex tremify.” The very next Congress will, in all proba bility, witness the renewal of this struggle. The application of New Mexico for admis sion into the Union as a free State is now upon the table in Congress. Her population is sufficient for such a government; her or ganization is complete; her Senators and Representatives will present themselves and demand their seats. This demand will he re sisted by the slaveocracy, and supported by the friends of justice. No effort will be spar ed, is not now spared, to disparage and un derrate the capacity of the people of New Mexico for self-government. Already have the pens of the slave toadies been employed in circulating false and malicious reports to effect this object. But the character and capacity of the people of New Mexico will lie found to sustain her right to the free self government which she has established, and her right to exclude from her limits that curse of curses, human slavery. The renewal of the struggle would have been obviated, had Congress, in the bill to establish her Territorial Government, follow the Jeffersonian example of declaring that “slavery or involuntary servitude, except for the punishment of crimes, should never exist within the territory.” But not only have they left undone those things calculated to quiet the agitation of the country, but they have done that which is calculated to give increased force to that agitation. The bill to tax the people of the free States ten millions of dollars for the benefit of slaveholding Texas, and the bill to compel the people of the North to become the slave ry watch-dogs of the people of the South, are foul blots upon tlie statute books, which must be erased. They are laws too deeply humiliating and oppressive to each individual freeman of the North to lie borne, unless, in deed, they are prepared to become the most abject of slaves. The cry of “Repeal, Repeal,” will be raised in the North, and will be joined in by every freeman. These laws must be repeal ed, if possible— expunged from the statute hook. They are a disgrace to the age and to the country; and tlie men of the North who have assisted in their passage, have done a deed which covers them with an infamy which no time or no cosmetic will ever be able to wash out—a deed which will consign them to an obscurity from which the hand of political resurrection will be unable to drag them— which will place their names with those of Judas and Arnold, and damn them to a fame of eternal contempt. Freemen of the North ! you whose better feelings are not blunted and stiffed by a lust of office and a craving for spoils—who dare to sympathize with the oppressed—to desire freedom for man—to hope for the spread of justice and humanity—to pray for the univer sal predominance of Christianity, and the practice of those principles of justice and mercy which distinguish your religious faith; it is for you to say whether the bargain re cently made between your representatives and the “ oppressors of the immortal race of man,” shall stand ns your decision, or wheth er it shall be repudiated. Will you submit to he taxed for the support of an institution which you detest; to be fined and imprison ed for sympathizing with a fellow-man who seeks to escape from chains and slavery; and to the increase of States from which the school-book and the Bible, the teacher and the minister, are excluded. These are the questions which address themselves to you, individually and collectively, which you can j not evade, which you must answer, and which ! you will answer at the very next election. Will you answer like freemen and Christians, or like slaves and hypocrites? —Peninsular Freeman. W ORTH Telling Again. —When Nicho las Biddle—familiarly called Nick Biddle— was connected with the U. S. Bank, there was an old negro named Harry who used to be loafing around the premises. One day, in social mood, Biddle said to the darkey— “Well, what is your name, my old friend ?” “Harrv, sir—ole Harry, sir,” said the oth er, touching his sleepy hat. “Old Harry!” said Biddle, “why that is the name that they gave to the devil, is it not?” “Yes, sir,” said the colored gentleman, “sometime ole Harry and sometime ole Nick.” A cow in Wyoming co., Penn., made a Sam Patch leap off a precipice, one hundred and thirty feet high, into the water below. She then swam to the shore, and was rescued unhar med. The Missouri Restriction. Vote of 1820.—1n the late debate in the United States Senate, repeated references were made to the sectional character of the vote in Congress, on the adoption of the Missouri Compromise, in 1820. Senators, on both sides, quoted from memory, and made great mistakes; none of them appear to have looked with any attention into that part of the history of the transaction. We have had the curiosity to hunt up the list of yeas and nays on the critical divisions, and our readers may be interested in an analysis of the vote. The controversy, it will be remembered, did not arise on the question of admitting the State of Missouri in the Union, but on the preliminary bill authorizing the inhabitants of the territory to form a constitution and State Government. To that bill an amend ment was moved in the House of Represen tatives, in the nature of a mandate to the new State, that it should, in its constitution, “ ordain and establish that there should be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the new State, otherwise than in the punish ment of crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convictedwhich are the terms of the North-western ordinance of 1787. The chief champions of the restriction were Mr. John W. Taylor, of New York, and Mr. John Sargeant, of Pennsylvania, in the House of Representatives, and Mr. Rufus King, of New York, in the Senate. After a stormy debate, which convulsed the whole country, and a multitude of amendments and propositions which failed, the House of Rep resentatives passed the proposed restriction, and sent the bill containing it to the Senate. The Senate had discussed the same question contemporaneous!}’, and there, too, numerous attempts at compromise had been tried un availingly. Among them was one, to settle the question by removing all restrictions from the Missouri bill—relinquishing all attempts to restrict States, and dividing the territories of the United States at 36-30, prohibiting the existence of the line. All the territories south of that line were then de facto slaveholding, and declining to legislate was equivalent to an agreement that slavery should never be disturbed there. This, though it failed several times, is what afterwards passed, and is now known as the Missouri Compromise. The author of the proposition was Jesse B. Thomas, a Senator from the State of Illinois. Mr. Clay is gen erally reputed to be the author, and it is diffi cult to alter that impression in the popular mind. But Mr. Clay has repeatedly dis claimed it, and assigned to it the true source. Mr. Clay supported it most strongly by his influence and oratory in the lower House, but it failed there, and first succeeded in the Sen ate. Mr. Clay’s power of leadership in the work of pacification were most conspicuous in the next Congress, on another controversy, arising out of the Missouri case, which at that time threatened very dangerous conse quences. Missouri presented herself to Con gress with a constitution which directed the State Legislature to pass laws excluding free negroes and mulattocs from the State. There was an attempt to keep her out of the Union, unless she altered this part of her constitu tion ; which the free State members constru ed as an interference with the right of citi zenship under the constitution. It was on this distracting question that Mr. Clay ob tained the appointment of his compromise committee, and reported from that an amend ment which was so ingeniously worded as to save the point of pride with both parties, and leave the details of the question with the Judiciary. The restrictive amendment to the bill of 1830 was, as we have stated, passed in the House, and sent to the Senate. In that body the successful effort was made to free Mis souri entirely from restriction, and to adopt the line of division of 36-30, for the territory. Mr. Barber, of Virginia—March 2, 1820— moved to strike out the whole proviso, re quiring the State to interdict slavery; it was carried—yeas 27, nays 15, as follows : Yeas —Messrs. Parrott of New Hampshire, Hunter of Rhode Island, Lanman of Con necticut, Thomas and Edwards of Illinois, Barbour of Virginia, Brown of Louisiana, Eaton of Tennessee, Elliot of Georgia, Gil lian! of South Carolina, Horsey of Delaware, Johnson of Kentucky, Johnson of Louisiana, King of Alabama, Lloyd of Maryland, Lo gan of Kentucky, Leake of Mississippi, Ma con of North Carolina, Pinkney of Mary land, Pleasants of Virginia, Smith of South Carolina, Stokes of North Carolina, Van Dyke of Delaware, Walker of Alabama, Walker of Georgia, Williams of Mississippi, Williams of Tennessee—27. Nays —Messrs. Burrill of Rhode Island, Morrill of New Hampshire, Otis and Mellen of Massachusetts, Dana of Connecticut, King and Sanford of New York, Dickerson and Wilson of New Jersey, Lowrie and Roberts of Pennsylvania, Ruggles and Trimble of Ohio, Noble and Taylor of Indiana—ls. Absent. —Tichenor and Pahnen, of Ver mont. It will be seen that this was a sectional vote with the exception that five Senators from free States voted for striking out the re striction. There were Parrott of New Hamp shire, Lanman of Connecticut, Hunter of Rhode Island, the two Illinois Senators, Thomas and Edwards. The Union, then, consisted of twenty-two States, and they were equally divided into slaveholding and non-slaveholcling States. After striking out the restriction in the Senate, the compromise proviso, as to the territories, was adopted without division, and the bill was returned to the House for con currence. On the same day the House considered these amendments and adopted them both. The first, striking out the restriction on the Missouri, was concurred in by a very close vote —yeas 90, nays 87—majority 3. We have no room for a full list of the yeas and nays. The point of interest is the sectional character of the vote, and the names of the persons who decided the question by voting with the South. The whole number of Rep ; resentatives from the Southern States voted i for concurrence, with fourteen members from ! non-slaveholding States. These were Mason, ! Hill, Shaw and Holmes, of Massachusetts ; Foot and Stevens of Connecticut; Eddy of Rhode Island; Bloomfield, Kinsey and Smith of New Jersey; Meigs and Storrs of New York; Baldwin and Fullerton of Pennsyl vania. With these exceptions, every vote from a free State was cast against concurring, i of which the effect would have been to re tain the prohibition of slavery in the State of Missouri. The closeness of the vote may be further judged by the fact, that there were eight ab sentees, of whom five were estimated to be against concurring, and three for it. The actual majority in a full house, against im posing, by act of Congress, restriction upon the admission of slavery into the State, Was only one, excluding the speaker, Mr. Clay, who was not entitled to vote. After the restriction was expunged, the Missouri Compromise line was adopted by a large majority, 134 to 42. Thirty-seven Southern men who had voted to strike out the restriction, voted against inserting the compromise proviso. For Southern ieo (a majority) voted with the North to impose the territorial restriction north of 36-30. Only five Northern members voted in the nega tive.—Picayune. [From the Afussissippian.] The Course of the North—The Future. We have long been attempting to convince our friends at the South of the bitter and un relenting hostility of the North to the institu tion ol slavery. It has been successfully at tacked as a political institution, by the recent acts of Congress excluding it from all the territory acquired from Mexico, and to be ac quired from Texas. The next step will be to exclude it from the District of Columbia, then to abolish the slave trade as between the States, next to amend the constitution changing the three-fifths basts of representa tion, and finally to abolish it in the States, and by “calling out the militia,” on Mr. Fill more’s plan, whip all opposition into submis sion. This is the consummation of the scheme now being carried out, and which we prophesy will be completed in less than ten years. Let Oregon, Minesota Nebraska, New Mexico, Utah and one new State to be carved out of California on the Pacific, with the large State about to be wrested by bri bery from Texas, be admitted into the Union, (and they will all be knocking at the doors of Congress for admission in two or three years more,) and the free States will then have the constitutional majority, with power to change the constitution at pleasure, and to vote the supplies necessary to carry on the war upon the South, should she dare to resist. This will all be bad enough, especially ss the South will then be powerless to resist, and could the evil only fall upon the heads of those in the South, who have, by their course, invited and cheered on the North in her first steps in these series of aggressions on the South, then it would be but a just retribution. But it must and will fall alike upon alb as well upon those who would have saved the country by showing a bold and united resis tance to the acts of the majority in Congress, as upon those who have cried out for the Union, at the expense of the constitution.. But the difficulty between the North’ and the South is not strictly a political one,, it is becoming a social evil, and efforts are now making at the North, (not to disgrace every slaveholder, for that has been done long ago,) but to put down all distinctions in races, to place the negro, in every sense, upon an equality with the white man, to introduce the black rascals into the society of white ladies, to give them seats in their pews, places at their tables, and, in all respects, to put them upon terms of social equality. We are in the habit here of laughing at these things as being confined to a set of crazy fanatics. So we were at Abolitionism, Free-soilism and Fourierism, when they first started into being, but they have become substantial realities, having already acquired an importance of the most ominous character. We give below a couple of extracts from the New York Tri bune of the 11th, which is a paper most ex tensively read and patronized by the whigs of the South, (and it is only one out of a thou sand such articles that disgrace its columns,) which will give our readers some insight into the way in which wo are viewed by the Edi tors, and, of course, their supporters at the North. Let our submission friends ponder well upon these things, and in them they vrill see “the beginning and the end.” We make no appeal to their patriotism, hut henceforth will rely upon their fears, to prompt them to stand up in defence of the South. NO. 41. The day is close at hand, (mark the pre diction,) when a man going from this coun try to the North will only find a passport in to good society there, and be recognized by that class who call themselves gentlemen, by the declaration that he is not only not a slave owner, but that he permits the black man to eat at his table, and to become the compan ion of his wife and daughters. In one of Mr. Greeley’s up town rambles, a negro woman applied for admission into the omnibus and was rejected, (which, as the weather was very hot, we think exhibited a very commendable degree of regard for tlio comfort of the passengers, particularly those who were not blessed with smelling bottles,) upon which the editor comments as follows : “Who drove that helpless woman back up on the side-walk, in an agony of chagrin and mortification ? “Not the conductor—he was but the pas sive instrument of others—not the Company —they would have been willing enough to pocket her six-pence, if the public would have permitted it. But a base and wicked popular prejudice, the offspring of slavery, fostered and stimulated for selfish ends by a deluding and counterfeit party Domoeracy, countenanced and upheld by our empty and cowardly fashionable Christianity, with ne gro pews in its churches, and negro quarters at its communion tables—these are the real culprits who subjected that unoffending wo man to insult and ignominy in a street of this Christian Republican metropolis. “Must this class of outrages be perpetua ted? “We think not. Nay”, we trust they are already outgrown. True, the negro pews are still maintained in most of our churches, es pecially the most costly and stylish, and the Negro phobia is studiously fomented by our swindling Democracy, so that if a dozen black men should venture into a Democratic City Meeting to listen to the eloquence there pour ed forth in glorification of human freedom and equality, they would be kicked down stairs in short order—yet still, we believe pub lic sentiment is fast outgrowing the Pagan ism of the Church and the aristocracy of De mocracy. We believe our railroads and sta ges might now resolve to carry neat, decent ly dressed black and copper-colored persons the same as white ones, without any material damage to their interests—that they would hardly lose more passengers than they would gain by so doing, and that after a year or so they would lose none at all. Africans are carried now the same as whites throughout the greater part of New England, though twenty years ago trie mean prejudice of caste and color was as rank and brutal there as it now is here. And if the railroads and stages should once get christianized in this respect, there would be hope that the churches might in time be shamed into following the exam ple. As to what vaunts itself ‘Democracy,’ that is more incorrigible, but it, too, will kuuc-