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klc to a purified public sentiment. Only let it bo understood that more votes can be ob tained by Negrophilism than by Negropho bia, and Fred. Douglass will be called to ad dress a Ratifying Convention in Tammany Hall, with two or three of Afric’s sablest sons for Vice Presidents.” The next is in reference to the bill to abol ish the slave trade in the District of Colum bia, in which, the editor seeks to “do up” Senators Foote and Downs. This was very unkind and very ungrateful on his part to say the least of it: “Mr. Foote makes up, however, in protes tations of his ardent desire to see the slave pens at Washington broken up, for want of any positive provision in his substitute for the bill to effect that object. Indeed, his bill does not propose to enact directly any of the nu merous provisions which it relates to, but to confer power upon corporate authorities of the District to do so ; and thus he enters into an elaborate argument to prove that by impli cation from the powers granted, they would be authorized to suppress the Slaves pens of Washington, while by the insertion of two additional words the whole tiling would be put beyond a doubt. O! the devious ways into which men are driven bv the resolute de termination to maintain an institution which the very atmosphere they breathe compels them to feel is out of harmony with the age in which they live. “ ‘Persons held to labor,’ ‘two-thirds of all other persons,’ ‘the peculiar institution,’ ‘our excellent system of domestic labor,’ ‘ingress and egress,’ (for the traffic in human cattle,) and other similar euphemisms and rotundities of language, are only so many apologies made by slavery for the fact of its existence. Sla very is not, after all, half so guilty on account its hideousness at it is, in this country and in this age, for being out of place. It commits the sin of incongruity with other things which have the right to take the place of it. No institution ever yet blushed and tried to hide itself under euphemisms and the rotundi ties of language on account of its intrinsical ly infernal character, but only because, for sooth, it finds itself in better company. The Inquisition, the Rack and the Thumb screw were very reputable instrumentalities in their days and didn’t think it worth while to be anything else than what they were—the sim ple machinery of torture; but the time came when they grew vulgar and went out of fash ion, and then they either went out of exis tence or hid themselves under the euphem isms and rotundities of language or other wise. Then the hangman’s noose, ‘the si lent system of prison discipline,’ and various other modern improvements and fashionable practices came in and are having their run. Now the simple fault with slavery is that it is getting a little passe, unfashionable, not adap ted to good society. “Hence it can’t hold up its head and tell its name as it ‘used to could.’ It is perfect ly orthodox and genteel to wring from the sweat and tears of starving seamstresses and famished children an overgrown fortune, and build a palace up-town through the means and appliances of a corrupt commercial system, false principle as ‘the foundations of hell,’ because the machinery of oppression employ ed is purely intellectual and abstract. It is getting unfashionable to strip bare the back of a shrinking woman, and flog her alive, to force a little more work out of her. Let the wealthy planter whistle as much as he will to keep his courage up in these abolition times, and call to mind the traditionary responsibili ty of his family, as proof of his position in the world, the fact is, the world has voted his oc cupation a vulgar one. The venerable lady who stood in loco parentis to ‘Leetle Paul’ Clifford, understood the spirit of the age bet tor than Calhoun, Rhett, Chesnut or Foote. ‘Leetle Paul/ said she, ‘if you want what is another’s try to do without it; but if you can’t do without it take it by insinuation—not bluster.’ That short sermon embodies the whole difference between the commercial sys tem of the whole civilized world, based on the doctrine that ‘value is the limit of price / or ‘a thing is worth what it will bring,’ and chattle slavery. One is insinuation, the other is bluster. Bluster doesn’t now-a-davs become a gentleman. Flogging is voted vul gar, besides in a hot climate it is laborious, and hard labor is not exactly tho thing for gentility. “All this I have said merely to show you why it is that Mr. Foote, who wishes to break up tho slave pens and tho slave traffic at Wash ington, talks about the “ingress and egress” of peoplo of color. Slavery is out of place in this age. It feels the fact, and therefore it cannot hold up its head and tell its name as it ‘used to could.’ “Mr. Footo gavo a reason why the slave pens ought to be abolished, that they bring discredit upon ‘Cur excellent system of do mestic labor.’ Mr. Downs, who lives one de gree further south, and has not spent a whole season at Washington, and consequently does not keep up so well with the world, does not see the force of that remark, lie does not seem to know that slavery is decidedly vulgar, that physical force is unpopular, that intellectual machinery has been invented, which, without so much as soiling your fingers, will suck the marrow out of a man’s bones just effectually as you can ‘fry it out’ over a slow fire. He blurted out, therefore, in the face of the whole world, that every country jail through out the Southern States is precisely the same thing as the Washington slaves pens for which Mr. Foote had expressed such horror, and for which by implication he seemed to say he had such utter detestation, that he would not even mention them in his bill, though he meant them, and nothing else, all the time. “Every Southern jail, said Mr. Downs, ha bitually receive the slaves of any master with out warrant or any other authority than mere expression of the wish of the master, and detains diem in custody until they are called for. This, he added, is one of the ne cessary incidents of tho institution of slave ry, without which it could not exist, and the destruction of which would be the abolition of slavery itself. “Mr. Foote thought the practice did not ex tend to the case of slave traders, who, if you understand slaveholding ethics, you are aware are the escape goats in all slaveholding coun tries—upon whose horns are hung the sins of the whole people.” New Pcreication. —“ Have you,” said an inquiring minded and slightly worldly gen tleman, recently, to an “evangelical book seller” in Broadway, “ have you Christ’s ser mon on the Mount /” Christ’s Sermon on the Mount!” exclaimed the bookseller, with not a little surprise. “ Yes,” said the other, “it was mentioned yesterday in a very charm ing discourse at our church, as an admirable thing; but, perhaps, it isn’t out yet!” Mullony says, he was never hard up for an hundred dollars but once, and then the lender wanted ten per cent, a month, and the privi lege of paying him half the loan in green cotton umbrellas. SOUTHERN SENTINEL. COLUMBUS, GEORGIA: THURSDAY MORNING, OCT. 10, 1850. The Nomination. Our friends in the Country will bear in mind that it is expected that each Captain’s District in the County will, on SATURDAY, the 12th inst., appoint Two Delegates, who will meet in this City on Tues day, the 15th inst., for the purpose of nominating Four Candidates to represent the Southern Rights 3len of Muscogee in the approaching Convention. To Correspondents.—“lC.’’ was received too late for to-day's paper. It will appear in our next. Our correspondent will perceive that we had already no ticed the subject of his communication. New Daily in Charleston, S. C.—We have received several numbers of anew daily paper, pub lished in Charleston, called The Sun. It is a small and handsomely printed sheet, and, better than all, ably conducted by sterling Southern men. Price only $1 per annum. The Fugitive Slave Bill. We publish in to-day’s paper numerous extracts from different journals at the North, indicating the tone of public sentiment there on the fugitive slave bill which has recently passed Congress. This measure has been claimed by Southern men as a triumph of the spirit of justice, and is hailed by our submission presses as an evidence of a disposition, on the part of our Northern brethren , to abide by the compro mises of the constitution. In truth, it is the only one of the healing measures which Congress has passed, that at all looks like justice to the South, and it is wise policy with those who exhort the South to surrender, to make as loud a noise as possible about its glorious provisions, in order to divert public at tention, as well as they can, from the hideous deformi t:es of its fellow passengers in the Omnibus. But we trust tlic South is not to be gulled by appearances. No law can exist in this country without the sanc tion of public sentiment. The mere forms of legis lation cannot invest tlia action of Congress with ef fective authority, nor can the officers appointed for the execution of such laws, enforce them in opposi tion to decided popular will. Os what value to the South is the law just passed for tlic recovery of her stolen property when tested by these truths? The almost united voice of the North is heard in condemnation, deep and bitter, of those representatives who were so fool-hardy as to vote in favor of the bill. They now threaten their denunciations, not only against those representa tives, but against any man who ahall accept the post of commissioner for the execution of its pro visions. They declare that they will more than ev er discountenance and defeat the efforts of Southern ers in pursuit of their refugee slaves. Such a law, in the face of such facts, is a dead letter upon the statute book, and he who takes it as an atonement for the numerous wrongs which have been inflicted upon the South, must be hard pressed, indeed, for a pretext with which to screen his cowardice or his treachery. The Settlement. llow perfectly infatuated are those men at the South who expect peace to ensue from the settlement of the questions before the last session of Congress. Already has the cry of repeal been raised in every free State. At the very next Congressional (.lection throughout the North, the test will be made, and we venture the assertion that not one member will be returned from New England, New York or Ohio, who does not pledge himself to vote for a repeal of the fugitive slave bill. But they stop not here.— The Wilmot Proviso is to be revived, and slavery is to be forever prohibited in every Territory of the Union. Not content with the proviso which, as Mr. Webster says, the God of nature has made, they must render the outrage doubly sure, the insult doubly deep. Nor is this all. Slavery is to follow the slave trade in the District of Columbia, and in the very next Congress abolition then will have accom plished its boasts. And yet the questionsare settled; peace is restored ; the Union is saved, and the honor of the South is satisfied. The very men who now seek to quiet our apprehensions by these assurances, will exhort us to peace when abolition stalks into our very bombs. Then as now, they will see no grievances to redress, no inroads to repel. Then as now, the faithful sentinels of our rights, will be de nounced as agitators, disunionists, fire-eaters. We ask Southern men, do they honestly believe that the slavery question is settled ? Do they think we shall have no more agitation? Do they hope that the South will be called on to make no more concessions ? If we believed so, wo should immediately close our lips on this subject. Heaven knows wo would not wontonly destroy this government, and if we could imagine, as some men say they do, that wc are no longer in danger from the attacks of Northern fa natics, we would to-morrow help to swell the cry of Union. But we believe no such thing. We know this question is not settled, and we know it never will be settled until slavery throughout tho South is abolished, or the Southern and Northern States form separate confederacies. And this is what we mean when we say that the true issue before the country is disunion or abolition. We do not say that either will come this year, or the next, or in a dozen years, but that one or the other must and will come at no dis tant day, sensible men will not deny. It is only a question of time. That wc must meet and deter mine this issue, at some time, is inevitable. The question is, shall we meet it now or postpone it ? To the answer we shall invite the attention of our read ers at another time. The Slave Trade in the District. W e fear the people es the South have not proper ly estimated the importance of the measure which has just become a law under the title of a bill to suppress the slave trade in the District of Columbia. The fact that Georgia and other Southern States have had laws prohibiting the introduction of slaves within their limits for the purpose of sale, may have blinded us to the real consequence of the provisions of a similar law passed by Congress for the District. The au thority to enact such laws in the State Legislatures and in Congress, rests upon totally different gronnds. The State Legislatures are the representatives of the sovereignty of the people, and may constitutionally pass any law, which, in the exercise of a sound dis cretion, they think the good of the State demands. The Congress of the United Slates on the other hand, is but the embodiment of certain delegated powers, and can only enact such laws as come within the range of those powers. Thus, if the Legislature of Georgia deemed it best for the interests of the State that the importation of slaves for the purpose of sale should be prohibited, it clearly had the right to do so. On the other hand, when a similar question is raised in Congress, that body must first consult the terms of the constitution, and if it finds there no au thority to enact such a law, its power is at an end; it can pass no law on the subject. The truth of this position will not be questioned, and now let us inquire under what clause of the constitution Congress de rives authority to legislate as it has on this point? \\ e are pointed to the clause giving to that budy the power of exclusive legislation for the District. What is the plain import of this grant ? Are we to under stand front it, that Congress has power to make all laws which it may sec fit for the District ? Or does it not mean that no other legislative body shall have power to make laws for the District ? Plainly the latter. While Congress, therefore, has exclusive ju risdiction. it has not omnipotent authority in the Dis trict. It can not establish a monarchy there ; it can not establish a religion, or prohibit the freedom of the press. But why not ? The answer is apparent, be cause in so doing it would violate the spirit of the Union. These are subjects on which Congress can not legislate, and it is exactly so w hh the subject of slavery. If Congress lias power to prohibit the slave trade, it unquestionably has power to abolish slavery. But this measure involves not only n disregard of the spirit of the constitution, but it contains under a fraudulent cover, the seeds of a most dangerous usur pation. Mark well the terms of that law, and it will bo found to be not merely a bill to suppress the slave j trade, but also to manumit slaves, in the District of j Columbia. It provides that any negro brought into the District for sale shall be immediately declared free, as a penalty to the owner. In all similar laws in the States, the penalty is either a fine or imprison ment, and when this measure was before the Senate, it was moved to amend it by striking out the clause which liberated the slave and substituting therefor a penalty of a fine or imprisonment. This amendment was voted down, clearly indicating on the part of Senators a determination, not merely to suppress the trade, (for the penalty proposed would have effected that object,) but to do something mole. By the op eration of this law, therefore, slaves are turned into freemen, and that by the act of Congress. The right to change the condition of slaves is therefore clearly admitted. But it is answered, this is only as a pen alty. Can the purpose for which it is done ulfect the power to do a thing ? If Congress can set all ne groes free who are brought into the District for sale, can it not equally set all those free who are brought there for use ? The objection is a ridiculous one, and the truth is apparent, that those who voted in favor of this bill, not only voted to suppress the slave trade, but absolutely conceded to Congress, the power to abolish slavery itself. And it is thus the rights of the South are invaded ; not by open and direct attacks, butsilently and insidiously. We have to encounter a foe who has neither the courage nor the honesty to as sail us openly, whose game is fraud, and whose pow er is deceit. Our last Legislature by a majority unusually large, passed a bill authorizing our Governor to summon a convention of the people of the State, upon the hap pening of certain events. One of those contingen cies, the admission of California, has already trans pired, and Gov. Towns has already issued his pro clamation ordering an election on the 25th day of November next. Now, what does this mean? Our legislators intended, and the world so understood them, that the State of Georgia would hold the passage of any one of the measures contemplated, an outrage upon the rights of her people, and the con vention was ordered for the purpose of maintaining those rights. We are committed, then, in the face of friends and enemies to this declaration, and we now stand where we must either resist an acknowledged wrong, or quietly back out from our position. It is too late now to talk about honorable acquiescence. Mr. Toombs or Judge Wellborn may be so blind to our rights as not to see how they are outraged by any tiling Congress has done, but our Legislature thought differently, and it lias proclaimed to the world that the admission of California would inflict an injury upon the rights of the South, and a stain upon her honor. Now, who is authorized to represent Georgia, these gentlemen or the Legislature ? Which will the people believe ? The matter rests with you, Georgians ; you may either vindicate your State, or you may subject her to the ignominy of having cow ardly retracted her solemnly made declaration. Mississippi. It will be seen that Gov. Quitman lias convened an extra session of the State Legislature for the pur pose of considering the present relations between the South and the General Government. The session is to commence on the 18th of November next. Would that every Southern State had a Quitman at its head, and every executive a constituency such as Quitman lias. We should then hear no more taunts from the North ; we should be troubled with no more traitors at homo. Gov. Quitman is a gallant man, noble, high-minded, keenly alive to the wrongs of the South, and fearlessly determined upon maintaining her rights. And the people of Mississippi are worthy of their Chief Magistrate. Their sons and brothers contributed more than the men of any other State to the brilliant achievements of the late war, and they will not be robbed of all the hard-earned fruits of tlieir victories. If Georgia should lead in resistance to Northern wrong, Mississippi will be by her side; should Mississippi move first, Georgia will be ready to second her. Bishop Andrew. This venerable divine, for whose character as a Christian gentleman, and whose opinions as a theo logian, we claim to entertain unsurpassed respect, has addressed to the Southern Christian Advocate, a let ter on the subject of Southern Independence. The Columbus Enquirer has transferred it to its columns and heralds it to its readers as an evidence of the sympathy of the great and good man whose name is affixed to it. We can better imagine than describe the mortification which Bishop Andrew must feel should he know that his opinions had been quoted as authority for shameless submission to wrong. That he is opposed to secession, except as a dernier re sort, his letter very clearly indicates, but it with equal distinctness declares his conviction of the ne cessity for redress of some sort for the wrongs which have been inflicted upon the South. Mark his words : At any rate, let us resolve, as Southern men, to proceed calmly, deliberately, justly, patiently, in our resistance, to what we deem the unjust aggres sion of our Northern brethren. Let us exhaust ev ery other argument, and try every other means of redress before we indulge for a moment the idea of dissolving the union of these States ; and when this catastrophe comes, if come it must, let it find us at the last ditch, having tried every peaceable REMEDY, READY WITH ARM AND HEART TO DEFEND OURSELVES. It seems that the Bishop thinks the South has some grievances; some cause of complaint; and should demand some kind of redress. But what says the Enquirer ? Mr. Toombs thinks we have no wrongs to remedy, and of course the Enquirer thinks so too. Our neighbor’s authority then proves too much for his side of the question. There are many Southern Rights men in Georgia who agree exactly with this view of the case. They see that the rights of the South have been outraged, and like true hearted Southerners they would demand re dress. As to the mode and measure of that re dress, wc differ, and hence the necessity for a con vention of the people ; not to determine whether we shall resist at all, but to agree upon the time, the manner, and the extent of that resistance. But Bishop Andrew does not stop with a barren declaration that we have been wronged and should seek redress :i he goes on to point out the mode of that redress. He is for a species of non intercourse. He has not yet spoken of commercial non-inter eoursc, but the recommendation which he makes in volves the identical principle contended for by those who favor this idea. He advises that Southern men should keep their children at the South for purposes of education; that they should employ none but Southern teachers ; use Southern text books, and patronize Southern newspapers and periodicals. And what is this but non-intercourse ? What is it but the first step in a series of measures looking to the j ultimate and complete alienation of the North aud South? Now, there are some men who may fancy a \ Union in which the parties have nothing to do with \ each other, and the Bishop may be one of that class, but we confess that when the time comes when all community of sentiment and feeling and trade shall cease between the two sections, we are unable to see ! an} - very good reasons frr preserving the Union. We 1 will not quarrel, however, with any of our friends about the manner in which we are to resist “the un just aggressions of our Northern brethren.” Resist ance of some kind is what we ask, and we promise to be content with any mode which the people of Georgia may adopt. The Enquirer goes on, however, to connect with this letter some very sage and feeling remarks about the causes which led to the separation of the Meth odist church, and concludes with a few Solomonic aphorisms about the impropriety of connecting church and State. Perhaps if our neighbor should inquire more diligently into the history of that affiiir, he might be stirred up to a little honest indignation at the course of the North. It is to be presumed that a Christian church is cemented by ties more hallowed and sacred than those which unite political commu nities ; and yet the Methodist church was severed because an attempt was made to degrade Bishop An drew from the Episcopacy for the sin of lidding slaves. We suppose this with our neighbor would be regarded but a “light and transient cause,” for so grave a step. And now how does this compare in enormity with the outrages which have been put ap on the South ? “We have been excluded from an equal participation in the common property of the Union, for the sin of holding slares, and we have been denied the right to carry our property for pur poses of trad* into the District of Columbia. These are among the “light and transient” grievances of which the South complains, and Bishop Andrew has bad the heart to feel and the head to know that the South cannot with honor or safety submit'silcntly to them. [NIW TORE CORRXSrONPF.NCE.] New York, Oct. 1, ISSO. Equinoctial Weather—Sailing of the Pacific — Ac cident— Working of the Fugitive Sim re Lmte — The Art Union Gallery—lnducements to Sub scribers— Theatrical and Musical Matters—Lit erary News, (J-c.. “Well, the sun has crossed “the Penobscot,” as we used to say when we were a shaver, and still re i mained in blissful ignorance of that long word ! equinoctial ; and has brought with him an invigor ating briskness of atmosphere which in sunny Geor gia might even be denominated cold. Our Southern visitors, with whom but a short week since the ho tels were overflowing, wrap their cloaks about them, and are hurrying away daily. There are signs of winter, too, in the turning and falling loaves. The equinoctial passage brought with it the usual rain, and was succeeded by two days which were marked by considerable blustering on the part of old Boreas. The late splendid passage of the Pacific, ten days and five hours from Liverpool, has delighted those who feel a pride and interest in the American line's taking the palm from its British rivals. Thus far the Atlantic and the Pacific, though closely pressed by the Cunarders, have maintained a decided superiori ty, and it is probable that in the two new vessels shortly to be placed on the route, this superiority will be still more apparent. The interest of the peo ple is manifested in the crowds which assemble at the wharf on every arrival or departure of these no ble vessels. Wc regret that we have to record an accident which occurred on Saturday last, as the | Pacific was about starting. A crowd of several hun ! dred persons had gathered on the wharf where she j lies, over a large portion of which a high and I heavy slied had been built, for the purpose of pro | tecting freight from inclement weather, during load ing and unloading. As the vessel was backing out, her guards caught against the supporters of the shed, and though her motion at the time was very slow, and her wheels were instantly reversed, they were carried away and the shed fell. The terror and con fusion that ensued may be better imagined than de | scribed. The ruins of timbers and boards soon be gan to be removed, and those who were under them were taken out; many wsre injured, more or less severely ; some had broken limbs, some others were senseless; two were dead. About twenty persons were pushed overboard amid the bustle, but they were rescued by the bystanders. No blame, as usual, can I be attached to any one. The hands of the vessel, as well as her officers, rendered all the assistance they could, and the departure of the Pacific was postponed till the following morning. The first ease under the fugitive slave bill which recently passed Congress, occurred last week, and resulted in the restoration of a negro who had es caped some time before from his owner in Baltimore. As your readers may not be acquainted with the ac tion of the law, I will briefly enumerate its succes sive steps. The prosecutor in the free State may be either the owner of the fugitive himself, or a person holding a power of attorney from him. On making an affidavit of ownership, the master or liis attorney ia authorized to take’ the fugitive, wherever he may find him, and bring him bafore a United Statea Judge or Commissioner, who shall at once proceed to an examination, and, in case sufficient or satisfac tory evidence is presented, shall deliver the fugitive’s person to the custody of claimant. If the latter ap prehends a rescue, he makes affidavit of the fact, and the Commissioner is then obliged to order the U. S. Marshal to convey the slave to whatever part of the United States the owner resides in—the expense of such transfer to be paid by the United States. These successive steps were taken in the case mentioned above, by the attorney of the Baltimore owner; a rescue was apprehended, though not attempted. The Art Union Gallery has reopened after the summer interim, and is quite an object of interest.— Subscribers for the present year are to receive an engraving, two and a half by sixteen and three-quar ter inches, from Leslie’s celebrated picture of “Anne Page, Slender, and Shallow;” and, also, a set of fine line engravings from pictures by five of our most em inent artists. The Monthly Bulletin, published by this society, and which has now become a paper of considerable size, is an item of some importance, tar nishing members with as complete a compendium of *rt and artists as they can obtain in this country.— Three hundred paintings have already been pur chased for the annual distribution, which is to take place on the 20th of December next. Some of these are by able artists, but many of them are of a char acter that should not be allowed to disgrace the insti tution. The people of New York who have an op portunity of visiting the Gallery, are beginning to think a better investment of $5 may be made than in buying a share of this institution ; and those who inspect a list of the members will find that a very small proportion of them belong to this city. If one makes up his mind that the Bulletin and the en gravings are worth $5, very well; but if he sub scribes with the view of drawing a good picture, he stands a very fair chance of being disappointed. The theatrical and musical season has now fairly commenced. The Astor Place Opera House, which really seems to be doomed to ill-luck, and in which poor Bass, during liis management sunk so much, has been opened by Max Maretzck, with an attractive ballet company. The Ravels are at Niblo’s, where their unique and admirable performances have drawn i crowded houses; it is believed that Mr. Nibbo will | keep his saloon open throughout the winter. The Broadway Theatre has opened with “the legitimate,” its manager having effected an engagement with Mr. Murdock, the tragedian. Tripler Hall, the new musi cal saloon which, it is said will compare favorably with any other similar building in the world, is to be opened a few evenings hence by Madame Anna Bishop, in a series of concerts. It was supposed that this new hall would have been opened under the auspices of Jenny Lind; but Madame Bishop has for once stolen a march on the usually wide awake Barnum. A curiosity to see the building will no doubt lead many there at the first few concerts. My late letters have not contained much literary news, because the summer seemed to put a general quietus on all literary enterprises. Messrs. Harper have been making great exertions during the summer to push their new Monthly Magazine, and have suc ceeded in raising it to a circulation of 50,000. They have also issued a very interesting work by R. Gor don Cummin, entitled, Five Years of a Hunter's Life in the Far Interior of South Africa ; it is full of thrilling adventures, and embodies much useful in formation respecting the various native tribes. — Springer and Townsend have in press Mrs. Grey’s new novel, An Old Country House, and will also soon publish several translations from the French.— Hon. Wm. H. Styles, late United Sjates Charge at the Court of Vienna, is now preparing, and will soon have ready for press, a work on Austria. It em braces many historical details, and will be particular ly full in all that relates to the late revolutionary out breaks. As Mr. Styles was an eye-witness of these scenes, and has every opportunity of consulting au thentic records, the publication of his work is looked forward to with much interest. P. Q. [yahkii coKKEsroxnixci.] Boston, Sept. 29, ISSO. Jenny Lind—Jenny Lind and Ossian E. Dodge — Jenny Lind—Jenny Lind—Jenny Lind—Thun der and Lightning — A Dithyrmmbie Ode n the Nightingale. Carle, now the Lir.d’s come ; Carle, now the Lind’s come ; Thou shah dance and I will sing, Carle, now the Lind’s come! Old England held her long and fast, And Deutchland had a joyful cast; Jonathan’s turn has come at last! Carle, now the Lind’s come ! I can scarcely tell the news in prose. But, ’tis a fact; Jenny Lind is here! People meeting at the corners of streets, congratulate each other on it. Some are even known to sit up in their sleep, and cry out, “Jenny Lind in Boston;” just as Artaxerxes, the great King, used to jump up in his bed, at T.ardis, and shout, “I have got Theinistoeles, the Atheni an !” Fact, sir-ree ! Here we ar# and here we go ! as Trotty Yeek says. But, to descend to the sober level of historic nar ration. On Friday morning Jenny Lind arrived in Boston from New York. The day was wet, and the crowd that waited for her at the railway terminus, was very small indeed, compared with that which welcomed her to the Empire City. To avoid the many, the car in which she came, was shifted to an other track, and by that means a great number of the expectants were disappointed in their endeavors to get a cheap look at the Nightingale. She, Barnum and her other friends, passed rapidly and without noise to the Revere House, where, putting another ruse in practice, they slipped comfortably in, by a side entrance. Here Jenny admired the splendid manner in which her suite of four rooms was fitted up. But first and foremost she ran to the window which looked upon the Square, (in which the democ racy of Boston were soaking in the rain, and calling at intervals for Jenny Lind, ore rotunda .) and draw ing the curtains, shone upon the watery people—once —twice—thrice—and again! There were great shouts, and then a subdued growling of satisfaction, as the many-headed monster went about its business. Next day the Mayor, Bigelow, and several of his friends paid her a visit. His honor made her a set speech of welcome, in which he praised her musical and moral qualities very highly. Jenny, however, interrupted him, and said—“Ah, sir, you praise me too much. Indeed, I am no better than other peo ple !” She said this with a look of honest sincerity’, that showed flattery was no fit pabulum for her mind. After some general talk, she heard the crowd in the street, and said she was very sorry they came to look at her at all; they were all wet and weary. If this simple-minded Swede could do as she pleased, with out injuring Barnum’s interest, she would ask them all in, or go out among them and gratify their curios ity. Her plainness of manners, in the midst of so much calculated to turn the strongest masculine brain, is really worthy of all praise and admiration. The seats for the first concert were all sold by auc tion, on Thursday. The bidding for the first seat, as it is called, or the first choice of any seat in the house, whether suspended from the ceiling of the Tremont Temple, on the top of the organ, or simply some where on the floor, was very spirited indeed. Genin, the hatter, of New York, as all the world knows, paid somewhere about S3OO for first ticket, and im mortalized himself for a very long time. But Genin I must hide, and has hidden his diminished head and hat. before the predominating genius of Yankecdom, personified by Ossian E. Dodge, of this city, a high ly popular comic vocalist, and one of the best good fellows in the world. Dodge has given $025 for one night’s enjnyment of Jenny Lind’s larynx ! lie pre served the first ticket from the hatters and other out side barbarians—kept it in the profession, and cover ed himself with glory. The press here has paid him the handsomest acknowledgements for the way in which he lias sustained the pretensions of Boston to the best style of doing sny thing ; and whsle audi ences, at the Tremont and elsewhere, rise up on the ontranee of Ossian E. Dodge, as the ancient Romans were accustomed to do when Cato came to the thea tre ! Talk of Genin, of New York, after this ! Why, Dodge at this moment ranks next to Lind—Lind is the first vocalist, Dodge is the second ! The force of glory can no farther go! But Jenny Lind comes hastily and anxiously to the edgs of the stage at the Tremont Temple, (on Fri day evening,) and the house is taken by storm ! The old story—inordinate hurraing and white handker chiefs ! But she courtesies to the floor, pale and grave, and then sings ! “There is silence deep as death, And the loudest holds his breath For a time!” And what shall I tell you of this voice, that lias s*nt its echoes to all parts of the civilized world ? You have read hundreds of critiques, and all that has been already said, must he said again. For peo ple are nearly unanimous about the powers of Jenny Lind's voice—a pure, powerful, grandly sustained and easily modulated organ. From the first moment you know that no other songstress is like Lind. Every thing is wonderfully fresh and novel. What strikes 3’ou among the first impressions, is the absence of ef fort—no heaving of the chest—no management of the breath—nothing operated—nothing operatic. Out comes the clear, round melody—swelling to its broadest compass, or rising up. up, with undiminish ed clearness and roundness, above the clouds, and then coming back with a miraculous ease that inva riably throws audiences into an uproar! Then her manner! So quiet, so kindly, so sisterly ! And she smiles with such a happy look of goodness upon the people, as if they were all merely a very large fami ly together—that they, the large family, feel like run ning up to shake hands with her ; but seeing that to be out of the question, they only fall into another par oxysm of amiable feeling, and almost blow the roof off the house with approbation. There is nothing hackneyed or conventional about Lind. She falters when she comes before a strange audience, and so spoils the first impression and the first song. The first part of Casta Diva, was as im perfectly delivered here as at New York. But she got up her pluck in the second part, so naturally. She has a Swedish Herd song in her programme, which sets the people raving. They go about imita ting cows— “Huah, huah, huah, huali, huah!” for tins is one of the lines of the song. But the way in hieh slie modulates these words, is passing rare. An echo answers them sweetly and remotely, as it were, from the heights of Alpine scenery, and then she bursts into such a contagious, silvery little laugh, that—that the large family are off again ! Then the Lute Song, in which she imitates that instrument— : the large family are fairly electrified. Looking at her you feel that the names of Nightingale and Warbler, \ are highly appropriate, and find yourself muttering i the words which Shelley addressed to the Sky Lark— “ Tell me, sprite or bird, What sweet art is thine 1 I have never heard Praise of Love or Wine, Tkat pmfed fbrtJi a ibrod of rapture so 4 rid re f* But one of her arts is, palpably, a rare and exquis ite sort of ventriloquism, as it is called. In a lady’s case, I should rather call it pulmonaloquism. to coin a clumsy word for this delicate occasion. Her echo tones, in the Herd Song, come from the interior, and her full throat and full chest are’ large enough to accommodate them. Altogether, she has a noble base and capacity for her unrivalled notes, in her chest—a wonderful piece of machinery, which one hand alone could erect! Bayard Taylor’s song is a nuisance, in the pro gramme of Jenny’s performances. The music of it is good-for-nothing, and the words are more good-for nothing still. Jenny would not conclude with it, on Friday evening, as heretofore; it would leave too bad an impression on the minds of the departing audience. She wound up with the Herd Song. That “Greet ing Song” must be nullified and abolished. In every way this first Lind concert in Boston, was remarkable. While the people were thundering in the Tremont, the elements were thundering without. “Jove thundered on the left”— intonuit latum— which was a happy omen in the old Latian days. The thunder came from the left, (the wind was from the West,) as Jenny sung one of her enchantments, and the lightning splashed through the house! There were $20,000 represented at that concert. The next (which has already undergone preliminary auction,) will bring $15,000. The commonalty are grumbling at these auctions, and wondering when can a poor man got a sight and a sound of the Swe dish cantatriee. Everyone who saw Jenny, said: “why, the por traits hare not made her as good-looking as she is.” She looks much better on the stage than in any of her pictures in little. She is altogether an excellent creature, and has turned all our puritanical heads. One of our critics here says, accounting for his un wonted vivacity of feeling, that Sweden is the New England of Europe, and therefore— “ Come to our bosoms, thou musical dear !’’ and all the rest of it! Why, your own correspon dent, one of the gravest and most atrabilarious of be ings, lias been goaded into the frenzy of rhyme on this occasion. Nothing low would answer ; it should be something after the model of a lofty ode—Campbell’s “Ilohenlinden,” for instance; and so it was, in faet, and here it is: JENNYLINDEN. (?tOT HOJIENXIXDHIY.) The Linden, when by high and low, Her gongs were cheered, some time ago, Was Queen of Song, and all the go, In England and in Germany. But Linden felt anew delight When Barnum sent her his invite, Beseeching her to bless the sight And ears of this democracy. With sails and paddles then, to aid. Her quickest speed the “Atlantic” made; And joyous passengers, they said— “We soon shall see the Battery !” Then shook New York from street to haven ; Then flew the crowds at six and seven ; Jenny and Barnum both are driven To Irving’s in a hurricane ! But louder yet that same did blow, When Jeuny, trembling, eourte*eying low, Sung—oil, more sweet than long ago, In England and in Germany. The interest deepens: on, ye rich, Who rush to see the Swedish witch ; Pitch, Yankees, at the auction, pitch Into each other, liberally! ’Tis night: but scarce yon maiden’s gaze Can pierce the bright cloud of bouquets, Where women’s ’kerchief*, men’s huzza*. Trouble her nerves tempestuously. Oh ! few shall part where many meet. Without some hoarseness and some heat; While many spring up to their feet, To give applause more lustily. There! Jenny Lind must be a Tenth Muk, to put such metrical inspiration into your prosaic, YANKEE DOODLE. The National Whig Party of New York. At the recent convention of the Whig* of New York held at Syracuse for the purpose of nominating candidates for State officers, the following among other resolutions wa introduced and adopted by a rote of 75 to 40: il ßesolved, That our thanks arc especially due to the Hon. Wm. 11. Seward for the signal abil ity and fidelity with which lie has sustained in the U. S. Senate those beloved principles *f public policy so long cherished bv the Whigs of the Empire State, expressed in State and county conventions, as well as in the votes and instructions of our State Legislature. Those principles are •niinently national and republi can because they are just and equitable.” The forty Fillmore delegates, regarding the pass age of this resolution as an indirect reflection upon the Administration, retired in a body. The Albany Evening Journal, the Whig organ of the Stats, thus comments on the conduct of the minority: We ask the attention of the Whigs of New York to the resolutions adopted by their State convention. We ask it with an undoubting con viction that these resolutions will find a hearty response from all parts of the State. Until the delegates who withdrew from the convention shall have assigned their reasons for doing so, we forbear remark upon what will be deemed a most extraordinary course. Nearly two-thirds of the delegates to the con vention were steadfast in the conviction that the Whig party must stand where it has stood in its past conflicts and triumphs. Any departure by that convention, from cardinal principles— any faltering in the path of duty—any compro mise of the cause of freedom, would have left the Whig party defenceless and naked, to the pity of its friends and the contempt of its foes. But thanks to the firmness and fidelity of an indomitable majority, representing a constituen cy to which the Whig party is ever indebted for its strength and its stability, there was, in our State convention, no wavering in faith, no fal tering in action. We stand firmly on the plat form of 1848. We go into the election uphold ing the banner under which Gen. Taylor and Millard Fillmore were elected President and Vice President. There is not, in the resolutions of the State convention, a sentiment, a sentence, ora syllable, which does not belong to the Whig creed, and on which our Whig President, Whig members of Congress, Whig Governor, Whig State officers and State Legislature were elected. Nor is there a sentiment or a word in these reso lutions to which the Hon. Mr. Dueris not open ly committed and publicly pledged. Why then have these gentlemen bolted? We will not attempt to anticipate their answer. Nor will we indulge any reflections upon their course. Time and reason is not unlikely to call some of them—perhaps all—back to the Whig party.— Let no door be closed to their return. But this is a question of importance to them selves only. No forty gentlemen, however high in office or distinguished in character, can, by their defection, arrest the onward course of a great party. As well might the same number of passengers attempt to stop the revolutions of a locomotive by throwing themselves upon the track before it, as to suppose the dissent of forty voices will be heeded by more than two hun dred thousand Whig freemen. The eyes of our deluded friends will be un sealed in forty-eight hours. Nothing but that “madness ’ which precedes destruction can keep them blinded. Strong men row rapidly with the tide—to pull against it is a hard and slow pro cess. Leaders, too, are strong when they act in sympathy with the masses; but powerless when they attempt to mislead. The District Slave T ade Bill- The following is the bi!i ‘( suppress the slave trade iu the District of Columbia, as it passed the Senate: Section 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Vnited Stales of America in Congress assembled , ‘That from and after the first day of January next, it shall not be lawful to bring into the District of Columbia any slave whatever, for the purpose of being sold, or for the purpose of being placed iu depot, to be subsequently transierred to any other State or placo, to be wold a* merehaedrse. And ‘ if any slave shall be brought into the said Dis trict by its owner, or by the authority or consent of its owner, contrary to the provisions of this act, such slaves shall thereupon become liberated and free. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted , That it shall and may be lawful for each of the corporation* of the cities of Washington and Georgetown, from time to time, and as often as may be neces sary, to abate, break up, and abolish any depot or place of confinement of slaves brought into the said District as merchandise, contrary to the provisions of this act, by such appropriate mean* as may appear to either of the said corporation* expedient and proper. And the same power i* hereby vested in the levy court of Washington county, if any attempt shall be made within it* jurisdictional limits, to establish a depot or place of confinement for slaves brought into the said District as merchandise for sale, contrary to thi* act. LIST OF PRIZES Os tbs Muscojjfie & Kue! Aeriouhural Society, tab* jiveu at the FAIR, on the third Wednesday in Ne il ember next. For the best acre Sweet Potatoes, silver medal,..s2 0* “ bushel “ Diploma. “ acre Turnips, silver medal 00 “ bushel “ Diploma, “ Treatise on making and applying Manure, suited to Southern crops and cul ture, silver goblet, $lO 00 For the best Treatise on cultivating Corn in the South, sliver goblet, $lO 00 For the best Treatise on the cultivation i.f Cot ton, including the picking and packing silver goblet $lO 90 For the best Treatise on the Farm, by a youth of Muscogee or Russel, the Birmingham medal,...ss 00 For the best hag Cotton, grown in Muscogee or Rinsel, silver goblet, $ 8 00 For the second best Diploma. For the best bushel Wheat, raised in Muscogee or Russel Silver Medal. For the second best, “ “ STOCK. For the best fine wooled Sheep Silver Medal. “ “ Mutton “ “ “ “ Ox, for the butcher, “ “* “ “ Cow, “ “ “ •* For the best Georgia and Alabama raised Jark, exhibited on the day. Silver cup, $ 8 0* For the 2d and 3d best Diplomas. For the best Mule, age considered, silver medal,. 200 For the best Stallion, four years old and upwards, silver goblet, 10 00 For the best 2 year old colt or filly, silver cup,.. B*o I or 2d and 3d best. .Diplomas. For the lest brood Mare, with or without colt, silver cup, 8 0* For 2d and 3d best, .Diplomas. For the best Bull, (age considered,) silver medal, tOO For 2d and 3d best, Diplomas. For the best Cow. (age considered,) silver mednl, 200 For 2d and 3d best,. ..Dipl umas. For the heaviest Hog, not oyer two year* old, silver medal, 200 For the lest Boar, silver medal, 2 OO F'orthe heaviest Fig, from 6 months to a year old, silver medal 2 00 For the best breeding Sow, silver medal 2 00 TO THE MANUFACTURER AND MECHANIC. For the best Plow for southern culture, and of southern make, silver cup, $ 8 00 For the last Road-waggon, Muscogee or Russei make, silver cup, g 00 Forthe largest collection of Agricultural impleme- Silver Medal. For the best two horse Waggon, do. do. make, silver medal, j of For the best 6 pairs of Negro Shoes, Geo. or Ala. make, silver medal 2 00 For the best piece of F'acinry Ostmhurgs, silver medal, 200 For the best piece of F’actory Sheeting or Shirt ing, silver medal, 2 00 For the best piece of Linsey-woolsey, silver medal, 2 00 For the best Churn, silver medal 2 OO HORTICULTURE. Forthe best Treatise on raising Fruit of all kinds in this section of country, silver goblet, $lO 0* For the best specimens of F’ruit for the season, _ ••••••• Silver Medal. For the largest collection of Vegetables, silver medal, 2 00 F’orthe best Boqiiett of Natural Flowers, silver medal, 200 For the largest collection of Pot Plants, with names, silver cup, g qq Forthe best Treatise on the culture of Flowers, by a Lady of Muscogee or Russel, silver cup,.. 800 HAIRY. For the best specimens of Muscogee or Russel Butter, not less than 5 lb*., silver medal 2 00 For the best sample of cheese, of Southern make, silver medal, 2 00 For the best Treatise on the management of the Cow in the South, silver cup 5 to REGULATIONS OF THE FAIR. All members of the Society, and all who shall he cqine members previous to or at the Fair, wiil be fur nished with hadges, which wiil admit the person and tha Ladies of his family to the Exhibition at all limes during the continuance of the Fair. Tickets to admit a sinrls person, 25 cents. 6 All Exhibitors at the Fair must become members of the Society, and have their animals or articles entered at the business office, before taking them into the enclo sure -except Ladies’ work—this w ill iu all rases he ad mitted free. CJIAS. A. PEABODY, Corresponding Secretary. Harris County Meeting. The citizens of Harris county m*t in th Court-House on Saturday, the 28th inst., whsn upon m*ti*n, James Pollard, Sr., Gen. H. 11. Lowe and Jesse Gunn, Esq., were unanimously called to pteside over the meeting-, and Thoms’* Williams and D. P. Hill, to act as secretaries. Col. Ingram then moved that a committee of thirteen be raised to present suitable resolutions for the consideration of the meeting. The fol lowing gentlemen constituted the committee: I orter ingrain, Esq., Daniel Hightower, George A. B. Dozier, Charles Denobv, Esq., Thomas A. Williams. Henry Dean, Stephen Hanks, A. B. Hughey, Abel Nelson, Britton Williams, and John Smith. The committee retired, and after a short absence returned and reported the fol lowing preamble and resolutions: Whereas, the last Legislature of the State of ueorgia, with great unanimity, passed an Act making it the duty of the Governor upon the happening of a certain contingency to call a convention of the people to deliberate upon the issues involved in the frequent aggressions made upon the institutions of the Southern States.— And whereas, the said contingency has happen ed, and the Governor has called upon the people to elect delegates to said convention. And be lieving as we solemnly do, that we have lieen un justly and unconstitutionally deprived of our just rights in all the territory of California by the action of the General Government, and that such action has been induced by Fanatical and Abolition influences in the Northern States, and that the same influences ar# threatening still further and more serious aggressions in the fu ture upon our rights. We, therefore, the citizens of Harris county, fee! imperiously called upon to recommend the adoption of such efficient measures as will se cure to us and to those who may come after us, such rights as are now left to us under tho constitution. flierefore, be it Resolved, That we believe with the last Legislature of the State, that the admis sion of California as a State into the Union, with its boundaries and constitution as adopted by her, with all the anomalous circumstances at tending the formation of their State Govern ment, was an act of such deep and alarming ag gression upon our rigiits as to sanction the sol emn act of convoking the sovereign people of the State in convention to take counsel together in order to provide lor their future safety. Resolved, That the magnificent territory of California, with all its glittering treasures, was purchased with the common blood and treasure of all the States; and that we had an equal right with all the other States to go into said territory with all our property, and that we have been deprived of that right by the action of the General Government, and that action was in duced by the influence of abolition pressed upon the government—and that the same influences threaten still further and alarming aggres sions in the future upon our rights and our lib erties. Resolved, That we commend the wisdom and foresight of the Legislature in providing for said convention, and the Governor for the prompt discharge of his duty in convening the same.—■ And that in view of past invasions of our rights, and threatened aggressions in the future, it is the judgment of this meeting that the sovereign people about to meet in convention, should ad opt such vigorous and efficient measures as will bring back the General Government to an observance of the guaranties of the constitution is protecting our rights of property, and in