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TIIE SOUTHERN SENTINEL Is published every Thursday Morning, IX COLUMBUS, CA. BY WILLIAM H. CHAMBERS, EDITOR AXD PROPRIETOR. T* whom all communications must be directed,post paid. Office on Randolph Street. Terms of Subscription. One copy twelve months, in advance, - - $2 50 “ “ “ “ Not in advance, -3 00 “ “ Six “ “ • “ - 150 tsr. Where the subscription is not paid during- the | year, 15 cents will be charged for every month’s delay. No subscription will be received tor less than six months, and none discontinued until all arrearages arc paid, except at the option of the proprietor. To Clubs. Five copies twelve months, ... $lO 00 Ten “ “ ... 16 00 rir The money from Clubs must in all cases ac company the names, or the price of a single subscription will be charged. Rates of Advertising. Qs<* Square, first insertion, - - - $1 00 “ “ Each subsequent insertion, - 50 A liberal deduction on these terms will be made in favor f those who advertise by the year. Advertisements not specified as to time, will be pub lished till forbid, and charged accordingly. Monthly Advertisements will be charged as new Ad vertisements at each insertion. Legal Advertisements. N. B.—Sales ol Lands, by Administrators, Ex ecutors, or Guardians,are required by law to lie held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10 in the forenoon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court Mouse in the county in which the land is situated. No tices of these sales must be given in a public gazette sixty days previous to the day of sale. Sales of Negroes must be made at a public auction ion the first Tuesday of the month, between the usual hours of sale, at the place of public sales in the county Where the Letters Testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship,indy have been granted, first giving sixty bays notice thereof in one of tliv public gazettes of this •State, and at the door of the Court House, where such sales are to be held. Notice for the sale of Personal property must le given in lik manner forty days previous to the day of sale. Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an estate must be published forty days. Notice that application wilj be made to tho Court of Ordinary for leavo to sell Land, must he published for FOUR MONTHS. Notice for leave to sell Negroes rnu-t be published for reun months, before any order absolute shall be made thereon by the Court. Citations for Letters of Administration, must be pub lished thirty days—for dismission from administration, monthly six months —lor dismission fiom Guardianship, forty days. Rulis for the foreclosure of a Mortgage must be pub lished monthly for four months —for establishing lost papers, for the full space of three months —for com pelling titles from Executors or Administrators, where a Bond has been given by the deceased, the full stace of , three months. Publications will always be continued according to I these legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered. SOUTHERN SENTINEL Job Office. HAVING received anew and extensive assortment of Job Material, we arc prepared to execute at this office, all orders for JOB WORK, in amanner which can not be excelled in the State, on very liberal terms, : and at the shortest notice. We feel confident of our ability to give entire satisfac tion in every variety of Job Printing, including Ifoohs, Business Curds, Pamphlets, Bill Heads, Circulars, Blanks of every description, Hand Bills, Bills of Lading, Posters, dpr. djv. In short, all descriptions of Printing which can be ex ecuted at any office in the country, will be turned out with elegance and despatch. County Surveyor. r pHE undersigned informs his friends and the Planters L of Muscogee county, that he is prepared to maka official surveys in Muscogee county. Letters addressed to Post Office,Columbus, will meet with prompt atten tion. WM. F. SERB ELL, County Surveyor. Oflico over E. Barnard & Co.’s store, Broad St. Columbus, Jan. 31,1850. 5 ly NOTICE. rpHE firm name of “M. 11. Dessau, Agent,” is changed, _1 from this date, to M. H. DESSAU. Columbus, l’eb. 7, 1850. 6 ts JAMES FORT. ~ ATTORNEY AT LAW, lioLtr srr.iNcs, miss. J.ly 4, 1150. 27 6m W. & W. F. WILLIAMS, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. WILEY WILLIAMS. WM. F. WILLIAMS. Oct. 17, ISSO. 21_ ts. Williams & Howard, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. ROP.T. H. HOWARD. CHAS. J. WILLIAMS. April 4, 1850. 14 ts J. D. i.iCNNARD. ATTORNEY AT LAW, TALBOTTON, GA. WILL attend to business in Talbot and the adjacent eounties. All business entrusted to his care will meet with prompt attention. April 1. 1850. H lfr KING & WINNEMORE, Commission Merchants, Mobile, Alabama. Dee. 20, 1849. [Mob. Trib .] 15 ts GODFREY A SOLOMONS, Factors and Commission Merchants, SAVANNAH, GEORGIA. James i. codfret, e. vr. Solomons. REFERENCES. RRT. JAS. K. EVANS, REV. SAMUEL ANTHONY, Savannah. Falbotton. RIDGWAY fc GVN’BT, N. OIISELY i SON, Columbus. Macon. July 25 30 Cm - | THIS PAPER \ IS MANUFACTURED BY TIIE Rock Island Factory, NEAR THIS CITY. Columbus. Fob. 23.1850. * *f NORTH CAROLINA Mutual Life Insurant Company. LOCATED AT RALEIGH, N. C. riMIE Charter of this company gives important ad van-. L tagesto the assured, over jnost other companies. The husband can insure his own life for the sole use and benefit of his wife and children, free from any other claims. Persons who insure tor life participate in the profits which are, declared annually. and when the pre mium exceeds S3O, may pay one-halt in a note. Slaves are insured at two-thirds their value tor one or five years. Applications for Risks mav be made to JOHN MUNN, Agent, Columbus, Ga. Office at Greenwood &. Co.’s Warehouse. Nov. 15,1849. ts WANTED. lAA AAA ,bs - K VG S. Cash paid for clean cot lUI/il'vv ton or linen rasrs—4 cents per pound, when delivered in quantities of 100 pounds or more ; and 3i cents when delivered in small quantities. For old hemp, bagging, and pieces of rope. H cents, delivered either at Rock Island Factory or at their store in Co lumbus, in the South comer Room ot Oglethorpe House. D. ADAMS, Secretary. Columbus, Feb. 28,1850. 0 ts TO RENT, TILL the first dav of January’ next. The old priming office room of the “Muscogee Democrat ” Apply at this office. 18 ts. M Globe Hotel, BUENA VISTA, MARION CO., GA. BY J. WILLIAMS. March 14,1850. H ts WHITE SULPHUR SPRINGS, MERIWETHER COUNTY, GA. THIS delightful Watering Place will be opened by the FIRST of JULY, for the reception of Visitors, under the management of McGOMB &. DLNCAN. WALKER DCNCAH. *■ *• M’COMB. June 19,1*00, and VOL. L NAME IN THE SANI). Alone, I walked on the ocean strand, A pearly shell was in my hand, I stooped and wrote upon the sand My name, the year, the day; As onward from the spot I passed, One lingering look behind I cast. A wave came rolling high and fast. And washed my lines away. And so.methonght, ’twill quickly tie With every mark on earth from me ! A wave of dark oblivion’s sea Will sweep across the place Where I have trod the sandy shore Os time, and been to be no more ; Os me, my day, my name I bore; To leave no track or trace. And yet with Him who counts the sands, And holds tho waters in his hands, I know a lasting record stands Inscribed against my name Os all this mortal part has wrought, Os all this thinking soul has thought, And from these fleeting moments caught, For glory or for shame! Mr. Toombs’ Letter. In his letter to us of the 3rd instant, Mr. Toombs says: “ As for so much of your article as charges me with any inconsistencies between my pre sent position and any position held by me at ! anytime, during the late session of Congress, l I deny it; and it you will make your speci : fication, I am ready to meet it.” We will now proceed to show that Mr. Toombs has been inconsistent. In his letter, ! he says further : | My speech of the 27th of February, 1 which appeared to meet your approbation, was a full, careful and elaborate exposition of my opinions upon the relation of the Goner ;al Government to slavery. I stand by every word of it. I then distinctly took the i ground, that though non-intervention was not the measure of our rights, yet that hostile legislation u-as the point of resistance. Bv that position I stood throughout the whole ! session of Congress. I stand by it to-dav; and I am ready to maintain that there is ! nothing in the hills establishing governments over the Territories, or in the bill admitting California into the Union, violative of that position; therefore, I am against resistance to those acts.” Mr. Toomb’s position, then, is this. Resis tance must follow HOSTILE LEGISLATION. Well, in this same letter, he says: “ In defending the Territorial Bills recent ly passed for the government of New Mexico and Utah, I stated that the South surrendered nothing by them, but gained every thing but the repeal of the Mexican laws, and that a - majority of the South held that they ! were void without a repeal, and that any leg- j islation to repeal them was unconstitutional.” ; We observe first, it matters not what opin ion “ a large majority of the South held.” The question in this controversy is, what opinion did Mr. Toombs hold? He hold that the slaveholder was excluded from tho territories with his slaves by a Mexican law, and that he would be forever excluded by said law till its repeal by Congress. Now, mark ! in this last extract, he says, the South “gained every thing but. the repeal of the Mexican laws.” We are curious to know what that every thing is. If the slaveholder cannot go with his slaves till the Mexican laws are repealed, and Mr. Toombs says, j they have not been repealed, the gain of every ! thing is the loss of every thing . The South ■ could gain nothing without the repeal of the j law, if Mr. Toombs is right. Every one can i see that; How, then, can Mr. Toombs say, as he does, that in the passage of these bills, the South surrendered nothing. Now, we will prove from Mr. T.’s speech, of the 27th of last February, that the refusal to repeal the Mexican anti-slavery law was equivalent to hostile legislation. “Whatever any of the States recognize as property, it is the duty of this government to ; protect. When it places itself in hostility to j property thus secured, it becomes an enemy 1 to the people, and ought to be corrected or ! subverted. This is a question which affects the rights of all the States.” Again he said, “ slavery is a fixed fact” in your system. We ask protection against all hostile impediments to the introduction and peaceable enjoyment of all our property in the territories; whether these impediments arise from foreign laws ( Mexican laws,) or from any pretended domestic authority; we hold it to be your duty to remove them. For eign laws can only exist in acquired territory by YOUR WILL, EXPRESS, OR IMPLIED. It is a fraud on our rights to permit them to re main to our prejudice” ■aw, in this, Mr. Toombs claims protec tor our slave property against “ all im ments,” whether “ foreign laws,” mean ; ing the Mexican laws, or “any pretended i domestic authority.” meaning the claim of ; Northern members of the power to legislate against slavery in the territories. Mr. Toombs : places these “ hostile impediments ” upon the same footing. He says, it is “ a fraud upon 1 ; our rights,” to permit the Mexican laws to j ! remain in force. But Mr. Toombs nlav cavil, and say, that though the non-repeal of the Mexican laws is a fraud upon our rights, and is a hostile im pediment, it is not hostile legislation. W e shall now deprive him of this last pre , text upon which to stand, and prove that hos- : ; tile legislation has actually taken place. Let the reader remember that Mr. Toombs | holds that Southerners cannot obtain their j rights in the territories, till Congress repeals the Mexican laws—that it is theduty of Con gress to repeal them—that they are a hostile impediment in the way of the South. The following is a part of the debate in the House of Representatives on the 7th of last month: “ 3lr. Seddon, of Va„ moved the following amendment, to come in immediately after the j provision, that the Territories, when formed into States, should be admitted with, or with out slavery, as the people should, in their constitution, declare: “ ‘And that, prior to the formation of State constitutions, there shall be no prohibition by reason of any law or usage existing in said territory, or by the action of the territorial legislature, of the emigration of all citizens of the United States, with any kind of pro perty, recognized as such in any of the States of the Union.’” This just and reasonable proposition, for which Mr. Toombs voted, obtained 55 votes, @lje Southern Sentinel. and was lost by a negative of 85 votes. This was positive legislation and hostile legis lation. It was an unequivocal denial to the people South of the right to go to the territories with their slaves. Mr. Seddon’s avowed object was, to open the territories for slave holders with their slaves. The Northern members so understood it, and voted it down. Congress has exhibited its hostility by acts of legislation, time after time. It has repeatedly refused to sanction the division upon the Missouri Compromise line, with protection South of it. That proposition was always voted down. M its not that hostile legislation also ? Have we not established the fact of hostile legislation ? Mr. Toombs said, that Hostile legislation was the point of resistance. We have established the fact of hostile legis- I lation by his own declarations. Mr. Toombs’ inconsistency, then* consists in declaring that he would resist hostile legislation, and re fusing to resist it, since it has happened. We close for the present, but will resume the subject on Thursday or Saturday next. We regret that we cannot comply with T.’s request and publish to-day that por tion of his speech which relates to the admis sion ot California. We will do so, however, in the next number in which we shall con tinue a discussion of the subject. We ob serve, finally, that we hope Mr. Toombs will do as he sxid he would. He said, referring to his speech: “ I stand by every word of it.” As his position is resistance to hostile legisla tion, and as sueh legislation lias taken place, we have a right to claim him on our side— : on the side of resistance. Will he “ stand by every word of it” and go in for resistance in the Convention, if elected?— Augusta Republic. George Washington. Congress, at the recent session, appro priated a large amount of money to aid in the publication of the memoirs of John Adams, the elder, whose name is indissolu bly linked with the early history of the re public. The work, we believe, is now in course ot printing at the North, and will fill several substantial volumes. Some of the papers of that section have printed copious extracts ot it, which have attracted public attention. Below, we copy from them an account of the appointment of Washington to the supreme command of the American armies on the 17th of June, 1775: “ The army was assembled at Cambridge, Mass., under General Ward, and Congress was sitting at Philadelphia. Every day new applications in behalf of the army arrived. The country was urgent that Congress should legalize the raising of the army; as they were what must be considered, and what was, in law, considered only a mob, a band of rebels. The country was placed in circumstances of i peculiar difficulty and danger. Tho struggle i had begun, and yet every thing was without order. The great trial now seemed to bo this question : Who shall be the Commander in-Chief ? It was exceedingly important, and was felt to lie the hinge on which the contest might turn for or against us. The Southern and the Middle States, warm and rapid in their zeal for the most part, were jealous of New England, because they felt the real physical force was here; what then was to he done? All New England adored Gen. V* arc!; he had been in the French war, and went out laden with laurels. lie was a scholar and a statesman. Every qualifica tion seemed to cluster in him; and it was confidently believed that the army would not receive any appointment over him. What was then to be done ? Difficulties thickened at every step. The struggle was to he long and bloody. Without union all was lost. The country, and the whole country must come in. One pulsation must heat through all hearts. The cause was one, and the army must be one. The members had talked, debated, considered and guessed, and yet the decisive step had not been taken. At length Mr. Adams came to his conclusion. The means of resolving it were somewhat singu- ! lar, and nearly as follows : he was walking one morning before Congress Hall, apparent ■ly in deep thought, when his cousin Samuel came up to him and said, “ What is the topic with you this morning?” “ O, the army, the army,” he replied. “ I’m i determined to go into the hall this morning, and enter on a full detail of the state of the colonies, in order to show the absolute need of asking some decisive steps. My whole aim will lie to induce Congress to appoint the day for adopting the army as army of these United colonies of NWth America, and then to hint at my election of a Commander-in-Cbief.” “ Samuel Adams, “ I like that, cousiiß^^ii; but on whom have you fixed as that commander ?” “ I will tell you—George Washington, of Virginia, a member of this house.” “ Oh,” replied Samuel Adams, quickly, “ that will never do, never.” “ It must do, it shall do,” said John, “ and for these reasons the Southern and Middle \ States are both to enter heartily in the cause; 1 and their arguments are potent; they say that New England holds the physical power in her hands, and they fear the result. A New England army, a New England commander, with New England perseverance, all united, | appeals them. For this cause they hang back, i Now, the only course is to allay their fears, and give them nothing to complain of; and ! this can be done in no other way but by ap pointing a Southern chief over this force, and then all will rush to the standard. This poli ; cy will blend us in one mass, and that mass will he resistless.” At this, Samuel Adams seemed greatly moved. They talked over the preliminary circumstances, and John asked his cousin to second the motion. Mr. Adams went in, took the floor, and put all his strength in the delin- i i eations he had prepared, all aiming at the i ! adoption of the army. He was ready to own the army, appoint a commander, vote | 1 supplies and proceed to business. After his ! j speech had been finished, some doubted, some feared. His warmth increased with the occasion, and to all these doubts and ! hesitations he replied : | “ Gentlemen, if this Congress will not J adopt this army, before ten moons have set, ; New England will adopt it, and she will un dertake the struggle alone—yes, with a | strong arm, and a clear conscience, she will | front the foe single handed.” This* had the desired effect. They saw 7 ; New England w r as neither playing nor to be 1 played with. They agreed to appoint a day. COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 17, 1850. A day was fixed. It came. Mr. Adams went in, took the floor, urged the measure, and after some debate it passed. The next thing was to get a commander for this army, with supplies, &c. All looked to Mr. Adams on the occasion, and he was ready. He took the floor, and went into a minute delineation of the character of Gen. Ward, bestowing on him the encomiums which then belonged to no one else. At the end of the eulogy, he said, “ but this is not the man I have chosen.” He then went into the delineation of the character of a com mander-in-eliief, such as was required by the peculiar situation of the colonists at this juncture. And after he had presented the qualifications in his strongest language, and given the reasons for the nomination he was about to make, lie said : “ Gentlemen, I know these qualifications are high, but we all know the}’ are needful in this chief. Does any one say they are not to be obtained in this country ? In reply I have to say, they are; they reside in one of our own body, and lie is the person whom I now nominate: George Washington, of Virginia. Washington, who sat on Mr. Adams’ right hand, was looking him intently in the face, to watch the name he was about to announce, and not expecting it would be his, sprang from his seat the minute he heard it, and rush ed into an adjoining room. Mr. Adams had asked his cousin Samuel to ask for an ad journment as soon as the nomination was made, in order to give the members time to deliberate, and the result is before the world. I asked Mr. Adams, among other questions, the following ‘ “ Did you ever doubt the success of the conflict?” “No, no,” said he, “not for a moment. I expected to be hung and quartered, if I was caught; but no matter for that—my country would be free; 1 knew George 111. could not forge chains long enough and I strong enough to reach around*these United States.” [From tho Augusta Republic, 31 inst,] “ Will you Dissolve the Union I” The Macon Journal and Messenger copies from several presses in tho State, (and among others the Republic,) as follows, to show that their object is a dissolution of the Union. The above is the caption of its article. “ The Augusta Republic says: “ No cause lor resistance to the injustice of the mother country was half as great as that which would, in this case, demand re sistance of the South.” * * * “We fear not the final result. The South can never submit to gross injustice. Her people, placing themselves upon the broad platform of the constitution—the bond of a just union—will protect their rights and sus tain their honor by all the means which the God of Nature has placed in their hands.” Our object is not, now, to defend the posi tion taken in the above. This cry of disun ion against the friends of Southern rights, and the shouts of glory to the Union, which make the welkin ring, is all intended to de ceive. Let us introduce the following from a speech of Mr. Toombs. It was delivered by him in February last, and at a time when his patriotic ire seemed to have been aroused against the scheme of admitting California into the Union. Mr. Toombs said : “This cry of Union is the masked bat tery from behind which the constitution and the rights of the South are to be assailed. “ Let the South mark the man, who is for the Union at every hazard, and to the last ex tremity. When the day of her peril comes, he will be the imitator of that historical character, tho base Judean, who for thirty pieces of silver, threw away a pearl richer than all his tribe.” This will do for the present on this point. We are not afraid to occupy our own inde pendent position upon this, or any other question. We look not to leaders or men, great in their own or other people’s eyes, for our opinions. We look to truth, wherever we can find its radiant light, to guide and direct us. But there are some who have no eyes or ears of their own. They see and hear by proxy. Their understandings are of no use to them, but as they enable them to learn the meaning of others, to whom they look up to as to intellectual gods. We copy the above for their benefit. We do so to place Mr. Toombs between us and them. We might reason like a Newton or a Locke, or write with the pen of an angel, but, in vain for them. They could see no strength, no beauty, no divinity in our opinion. If we speak of the Union as a political instrument of oppression to the South, they will imagine us bad enough to light a funeral torch for the temple of freedom itself. Hence, to them, we will hold up the mirror of Mr. Toombs’ opinion. They can see that when his speech was made in February last, he was profane enough, to frown upon an unjust Union, even in sight of the Washington Monument India and California could not furnish their golden treasures, in sufficient abundance, to permit the mind to compare the Union with inconceivable treasure, if main tained in the beneficence of its origin and purpose. The mind might be exalted enough to conceive, but language could not convey even a partial idea of that rapture of devo tion, which every patriot heart would feel for the Union, if its primeval fight and justice and love were diffused over, around and l through all its equal and devoted members. But when the equality of some is turned to inferiority—when their rights, even meekly sought, are proudly trampled under the feet of corrupt and tyrannical power—when re monstrance is met with insult, and constitu ! tional claims are disregarded and scorned— ! when no hope is left but resistance, or sub mission to blind and ruthless fanaticism— when the very temple, in wiiich all would worship as equals, is desecrated by the moloch of despotism, instead of being consecrated by the goddess of liberty and equality—we w’ould scorn to buy peace with the price of freedom, and the sacrifice of honor. Upon the principles of equal rights and justice, we would mingle the rays of our Southern with i the rays of the Northern stars, and bathe i our hearts and all our hopes in the splendors of the constellation. But if our character, j our property, our honor, and our safety even, are to be weighted down and crippled, and annihilated, by northern aggression and soul* | less fratricide, we sav,bofor Deity and mortal man, let their light be separate, to guide the destinies of a divided people. We cannot rejoice over the broken altais of the federal Union, when we are the crushed victims be neath their ruin. We cannot rejoice over the national compact, when the bond is broken at the expense of Southern equality and honor. We cannot rejoice over the charmed name of Columbia, when the soul and the affection that gave it, and will, in its future history, give it its deathless celebrity, shall have been withered by the relentless and un constitutional exactions of a sectional ma jority. Georgians, Southerners, be not deceived, betrayed, destroyed, by the siren song of Union! Union! Union! Let not reason be dimmed by the false light of Union ! which some are now holding up, whether intention ally or not, to plunge you into an abyss of future moral, social and political ruin. Bounty Land Bill. This act being one in which a great many persons are interested, we insert a copy of it in advance of the official publication, as fol lows : Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of Am erica in Congress assembled, That each of the surviving, or the widow or minor children of deceased commissioned and non-commis ed officers, musicians, or privates, whether of regulars, volunteers, rangers, or militia, who performed military service in any regi ment, company, or detachment, in the ser vice of the United States, in the war with Great Britain, declared by the United States on the 18th day of June, 1812, or in any of the Indian wars since 1790, and each of the commissioned officers who was engaged in the military service of the United States in the late war with Mexico shall be entitled to lands, as follows: Those who engaged to serve twelve months, or during the war, and actually served nine months, shall receive one hundred and sixty acres ; and those who en gaged to serve six months, and actually serv ed four months, shall receive eighty acres; and those who engaged to serve for any, or an indefinite period, and actually served one month, shall receive forty acres : Provided, That wherever any officer or soldier was hon orably discharged in consequence of disabil ity in the service, before the expiration of his period of service, he shall receive the amount to which he would have been entitled if he had served the full period for which he had engaged to serve : Provided, The person so having been in service shall not receive said lands, or any part thereof, if it shall ap pear by the muster rolls of his regiment or corps that he deserted, or was dishonorably discharged from service, or if he has received, or is entitled to any military land bounty un der any act of Congress heretofore passed. Sec. 2. And be it farther enacted, That the period during which any officer or soldier may have remained in captivity with the enemy shall lie estimated and added to the period of his actual service, and the per son so detained in captivity shall receive land under the provisions of this act in the same manner that he would be entitled, in case he had entered the service for the whole term made up by the addition of the time of his captivity, and had served during such term. Sec. 3. And be it. further enacted, <s*c., That each commissioned and non-commis sioned officer, musician, and private, for whom provision is made by the section hereof, shall receive a certificate, or warrant, from the Department of the Interior, for the quantity of land to which he may be entitled, and which may be located by the warrantee, or his heirs at law, at any land office of the United States, in one body, and in conformi ty to the legal subdivisions of the public lands, upon any public lands in such district then subject to private entry; and upon the re turn of such certificate or warrant, with evi dence of the location thereof having been le gally made, to the General Land Office, a patent shall be issued therefor. In the event of the death of any commissioned or non commissioned officer, musician or private, j prior or subsequent to the passage of this act, j who shall have served as aforesaid, and who I shall not have received bounty land for said I services, a like certificate or warrant >hall he | issued in favor and inure to the benefit of his widow, who shall receive one hundred and sixty acres of land, in case her husband was killed but not to her heirs. Provi ded, unmarried at the date of her ap plication : Provided, further, That no land warrant issued under the provisions of this act shall lie laid upon any land of the Uni ted Slates to which there shall lie a pre-emp tion right, or upon which there shall be an actual settlement and cultivation, except with the consent of such settler, to be satisfactori- I ly proven to the proper land officer. | Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, 6pc., That all sales, mortgages, letters of attorney, or other instruments of writing, going to af fect the title or claim to any warrant or cer tificate issued, or to be issued, or any land granted, or to be granted under the provis ions of this act, made or executed prior to the issue, shall be null and void, to all intents and purposes whatsoever; nor shall such certificate or warrant, or the land obtained ! thereby, be in anywise affected thereby, or ’ charged with, or subject to, the payment of ! any debt or claim incurred by such officer or ; soldier prior to the issuing of the patent: Provided, That the benefits of this act shall | not accrue to any person who is a member of i the present Congress: Provided, further, That it shall be the duty of the Commission ; er of the General Land Office, under such i regulations as may be prescribed by the Sec ! retary of the Interior, to cause to be located, j free of expense, any warrant which the hold ! er may transmit to the General Land Office | for that purpose, in such State and land dis : trict as the said holder or warrantee may de ! signate, and upon good farming land, so far as the same can be ascertained from the maps, | plats, and field-notes of the surveyors, or ; from any other information in the possession of the local office; and upon the location being made, as aforesaid, the Secretary shall cause a patent to be transmitted to such war rantee: And provided, further, That no pat ent issued under this act shall be delivered upon any power of attorney or agreement dated before the passage of this act: and that all such powers of attorney or agree ments be considered and treated as null and void. Oriain oi the Names ot the States. 1. Maine was so called as early as 1638, from Maine in France, of which Henrietta Maria, Queen of England, was at that time proprietor. 2. New Hampshire was the name given to the territory conveyed by the Plymouth Com pany to Capt. John Mason, by patent, Nov. 7, 1639, with reference to the patentee, who was Governor of Portsmouth in Hampshire, England. 3. Vermont was so called by the inhabit ants in their declaration of independence, Jan. 16, 1777, from the French verd, green, and mont, mountain. 4. Massachusetts derived its name from a tribe of Indians in the neighborhood of Bos ton. The tribe is thought to have derived its name from the blue hills of Milton. “I have learned,” says Roger Williams, “that Massa chusetts was so called from the Blue Hills.” 5. Rhode Island was so called in 1644 in reference to the island of Rhodes in the Med iterranean. 6. Connecticut was so called from the In dian name of its principal river. 7. New York (originally called New Neth erlands) was so called in reference to the Duke of York and Albany, to whom this ter ritory was granted. 8. New Jersey (originally called New Sweden) was so called in 1664, in compli ment to Sir George Carteret, one of its orig inal proprietors, who had defended the Is land of Jersey against the Long Parliament, during the civil war of England. 9. Pennsylvania was so called in 1681, af ter William Penn, the founder of Philadelphia. 10. Delaware was so called in 1603, from Delaware Bay on which it lies, and which received its name from Lord de La War, who died in this Bay. 11. Maryland was so called in honor of Henrietta Maria, Queen of Charles 1., in his patent to Lord Baltimore, June 30, 1632. 12. Virginia was so called in 1584, after Elizabeth, the virgin Queen of England. 13 an 14. Carolina (North and South) was so called in 1564, by the French, in honor of Charles IX. of France. 15. Georgia was so called in 1732, in hon or of George 11. 16. Alabama was so called in 1817 frcVrr 1 its principal river. 17. Mississippi was so called in 1790 from its western boundary. Mississippi is so call ed to denote the whole river; that is, the riv er formed by the union of many. 18. Louisiana was so called in honor of Louis XVI. of France. 19. Tennessee was so called in 1690 from its principal river. The word Tennessee is said to signify a curved spoon. 20. Kentucky was so called in 1782 from its principal river. 21. Illinois was so called in 1809 from its principal river. The word is said to signify the river of men. 22. Indiana was so called in 1802 from the American Indians. 23. Ohio was so called in 1802, from its southern boundary. 24. Missouri was so called in 1821, from its principal river. 25. Michigan was so called in 1805 from the lake on its borders. 26. Arkansas was so called in 1819 from its principal river. 27. Florida was so called by Juan Ponce de Leon, 1552, because it was discovered on Easter Sunday, in Spanish Pascus Florida, 28. Texas was so called by the Spaniards in 1690, who that year drove out a colony of French who had established themselves at Matagorda, and made their first permanent settlement. 29. Wisconsin was so called in 1836, from the river of the same name, when a territori al government was formed. 30. lowa was so called in 1838 after a tribe of Indians of the same name, and a sep arate territorial government formed.— U. S. Almanac. Prospects of Cottons The following Circular of Messrs. Talcott A Cos., embodies much interesting informa tion : New York, Saturday, Sept. 28. Cottont.—Since our last, per Asia, 24th iust., we have had a firm but quiet market. In daily expectation of receipt of Niag ara's advices, (received this morning,) buyers for export have held oft', as holders refused to concede any thing from their previous rates, and the sales, which have consequently been light, not exceeding 500 bales per diem, have been made to the trade. Holders ac knowledged their disappointment in the tenor of the Pacific’s advices, but with the strong and positive evidence received from their cor respondents, on whose representations they place implicit reliance, of the unfavorable condition of the growing crop, and the re traction by all whose minds are open to con viction of the ill-advised estimates of August, they felt strengthened in their position and refused to concede in price. The sales, 700 bales, since the receipt of the Niagara’s let ters, have been all for export at previous rates. Atlantic Cottons. Gulf Cottons. Inferior, none on sale. Done on sale. Ordinary to good 0rd.,.. 124 © 13i 13 © 134 Middling to good Mid.,.. 134 © 1-1 J- 14 © 144 Middling Fair to Fair,.. 144 © 141 144 © 15 Fully Fair to good Fair,.. 15 © 00 15i © 00 Freight to Liverpool dull at 3-10d. To Havre nothing offering, nominal rate 3-Bc. The Growing Crop.—We have not room to lay before you our letters on this subject, and, therefore, refer you to your own corres pondence in support of our assertion, that all the evidence is in favor of a moderate yield, but as we have heard so much said, particu larly since the arrival of the Pacific, of the J capacitj’ of this country to make a crop of 3,200,000 bales, we have taken the pains, in the following article, to place before you a statement of the results of the past seasons, from which you can draw your own conclu sion of the capacity of the country, and of the amount which maj’ fairly be considered as an average crop. The basis, as we understand, of the party estimating the crop of the present season as at least 2,500,000 bales, is the capacity of the country, 3,200,000 bales, from which he deducts 20 per cent in round numbers. We have consulted the statistics for twen ty-seven years past, and find from them the following results: The crops of „ Aver, of 5 £*. 1823-’4 to ’27-’B, 5 yrs. were 3476,308 bales. 69d,262 1828-’9 to ’32-’3, “ “ 4931,352 “ 936,270 1833-’4 to ’37-’B, “ “ 7044,874 “ 1408,975 ]B3B-’9 to ’42-’3, “ “ 9215,786 “ 1843,172 IM3-’4 to *47-’B, “ “ 10651.734 “ 2130,347 1845-'6 to ’49-'SO, “the 1a5t!1052,124 “ 2910,425 j To make even periods of five years, the crops of to ’47—B arc taken in both averages, viz.: of 43-44 to ’47-48 and ’45-6 to ’49-’SO, which makes in the aggregate a period of five years. This is done because the statistics before us do not go back farther, than 27 years. The average increase of production for a series of fifty years; for the last thirty years, We make 252,527 bales; but it will be seen that by far the larger rati<> of increase is in the average of 28—’9 to ‘42-3; and the question naturally arises whether, since that period, the lands cultivated in cotton have not increased beyond the increase of physical force applied to this staple. At the annual increase of production, taken in a series of five years, the average production of ’so—’sl to ’54—’55, would be 2462,952 bales. An average crop is the only safe basis of calculation, because ths statistics show but seldom an extraordinary, or what may bo called a product to the full capacity of the cultivation. It fs questionable whether this has occurred more than four times in the 27 years—say, ’37-’B, ’39-’4O, ’42-’3, ’4B-’9. In 1830-’3l, the crop was 1038,848 bales. In 1833-’34, the crop was 1205,394 bales.’ The largest to that period, but not, per haps, more than the ratio of gradual increase. In 1837-’B, the crop was 1801,497 bales; bloom, 4th of .May—frost, 27th October. In 1839-’4O, the crop was 2177,835 bales; bloom, 24th May—frost, 7th November. In 1842-’3, the crop was 2378,875 bales ; bloom, 17th May—frost, Ist November. In 1848—’9, the crop was 2728,596 bales • .bloom, Ist June—frost, 20th November. It is remarkable that after an excessive crop, the succeeding one or more falls ofF im mensely, viz. r Crop of — ’37-8 1,801.497 ’3B-’9 1,360,532 ’39- 40 2,177,833 ’4O-’4l 1,634,943 *4l-’2 1,633,571 ’42-’43 2,378.873 ’43-’4 2,030.409 ’44-’5 2.394,503 ’45-6 2,100,537 ’4O-7 1,778,651 ’4B- 9 2,728,590 ’49-’oi) 2,096,706 Short Crops— -1838-’39 1,300,532 Bloom, June 14. Frost,Oct. 7. 1840- 1.634,945 do. June 6. do. Oct. 17. 1841- 1.683.574 do. June 10. do. Oct. 15. 1843-’4 2,030.409 do, June 13. do. Oct. 15’. 1845- 2.100,537 do. May 3i). do. Nov. 3. 1846- 1,778,651 do. June 10. do. Nov. 1. (Froze out 16-18 April, 1849.) 1349-50 2,996,706 do. Juno 6. do. Dec. 0. This rule is almost universal, that with a late and bad spring, consequently a late bloom, a short crop follow s. Now, we have show’n that the full average production of ’SO-’sl to ’54—’55, for a few years to come, should be 2,462,952 bales, and there is no other correct basis of calculation. The aver age of the last five years shown above, is 2,210,425 bales. To assume 2,700,000 bales; and on that compound the increase at three per cent, per annum to arrive at the capacity of the country this season, is to assume, in the first place, a quantity that was never growm in one season. It is true it was re ceived at the ports in ’4B-’9, but it was well known, and generally admitted, that at least 200,000 bales of old Cotton remained in the country, at the close of ’47-8, which came into the receipt of ’4B-9, and we have in our statement included it in the average of the last five years, iii which there were two large crops. Now, if tho above 2,462,952 bales is tho average of the next five years, as we have shown it is, the year to which it is particular ly applicable, would be ’52-3, being the mid dle year in the scribe of five years, and conse quently the average of ’SO and’ ’sl Would be less than that quantity by the estimate for tho gradual increase, Therefore, the proposition now is: what is a fair average crop for ’SO-T ? and how much should be deduced from that average for the adversities of tho season ? l>r. Webster’s Family since his Execution*’ The Evening Post has a letter from a cor respondent at Boston, giving some facts ap pertaining to the family of the late Professor Webster; whibh are not without interest; though they curiously illustrate the stranger follies of which poor human nature is capa ble : “Daily, even to the present period, j’on may see persons driving up to the dwelling house of Mrs. Webster, Cambridge, for tho purpose of at least looking at the .outside of the house where her late husband lived. The day after the execution, a carriage drove up, and a lady, (at least apparently one,) and her two daughters, (a Mrs. P.) from New York, alighted and desired to enter and see tho corpse, stating that they had come on pur pose. When the application was objected to gently, they insisted upon entering, till they were more peremptorily refused. “Among the mass of communications and letters which the family have received sinco his arrest, (and they have been so numerous that the postage alone which they have freAn obliged to pay, might have supported them for half a year,) was one from a Baptist cler gyman of Kentucky, who offered, if the fam ily would send him on money to pay lift* travelling expenses, to come on and use his influence with the Parkman family,as his de ceased wife had been a distant relation’ of theirs, and with Governor Briggs, who be longs to the Baptist persuasion, to procure a pardon for the convict. “Another man presented himself at tho’ House, a short time before the execution, and desired an interview with Mrs. Webster, for the purpose, as he stated, of making some important communications to her. They proved to be, that he had hit upon a schema to effect the prisoner’s escape, that a vessel was ready to sail and bring him away in safe ty, and all he desired was the co-operation of the family. “A scamp, whoso name is not known, per petrated the villainy of sending, after the ex ecution, a newspaper to the house directed to Mrs. W., which contained a wood cut of tho execution in details. “Two Sundays ago, when the family ap peared in the parish church, to attend public worship, the minister, (who was not the reg ular clergyman of the parish, but preached there merely by way of exchange,) although he had been expressly told by tho regular* minister to be careful in regard- to this sub ject, because the unfortunate family might perhaps attend, chose the edifying subject of “The execution of crimfnals,” beginning with crucifixions. I could add other incidents as flattering to human nature as these; but the heart sickens to think of them.” A Goon Idea.—At a meeting of the Son3 of Temperance, in Canada, a few days since, a young man in addressing the ladies, said— “ Let me urge you, ladies, one and all, not to countenance any young man who will not become a tee-totaller. I would also beg of you to advise the young men to become Sons, and if you cannot accomplish this, make fath ers of them /” “This is really the smallest horse I ever saw,” said a countryman, on viewing a Shet land pony. “Indade now,” replied his Irish companion, “but I’ve seen one as small as two of him.” Law me! exclaimed Mrs. Partington, I didn’t know afore they fought in court, but I see by the newspapers that the Judge charged the jury. NO. 42.