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SOUTHERN SENTINEL. COLUMBUS, GEORGIA: THURSDAY MORNING, OCT. 17, 1850. MUSCOGEE COUNTY Southern Rights Ticket. FOR THE STATE CONVENTION. Hon. ALFRED IVERSON. Maj. JOHN H. HOWARD. MARTIN J. CRAWFORD. WILLIAM Y. BARDEN. STEWART COUNTY Southern Rights Ticket, FOR THE STATE CONVENTION. Du. J. W. STOKES. WILLIAM NELSON. Du. WM. E. WIMBERLY. JAMES IIILLIARD. tTT Our readers will please excuse the scarcity of editorial matter in this issue. The editor has been confined by indisposition, disqualifying him altogether for the duties of his post. He hopes, however, to re cover in time to enter actively into the contest for Southern Rights bt fort'the next publication day. To Correspondents.—“J. C. R.” came to hand. Thank you, sir. No objections to hearing from you again. “J. A. T.’s” wishes shall bo attended to, if practicable. O’ Hon. J. M. Berrien has our thanks for vari ous public documents of value. O’ We thank the Savannah Georgian , for New York papers, received by the new steamer Florida , one day in advance of the mail. Judge Wellborn.—We have received, at an hour too late for publication in to-day’s paper, the ad dress of the Representative from this district to his constituents. YY e shall certainly lay it before our readers as soon as possible, and till then, as an act of justice to the gentleman, we withhold all comments. A Significant Fact. We have frequently had our attention attracted to the evidences of the alarming progress which this government is making towards abolition. What but this is indicated by the following fact ? On the 21st of December, 1848, Mr. Gott, of New York, intro duced into the House of Representatives, a resolu tion instructing the Committee on the District of Co lumbia, to report a bill as soon as practicable, prohibit ing the slave-trade in the District. This resolution was adopted by a vote of 98 to 87, and so great was tho excitement among the Southern members, that they immediately met in convention, and prepared an address to the people of the South. The effect of this prompt and decided movement, was, that Gott’s resolution was immediately reconsidered, and rejected. Eighteen months had scarcely rolled round, and again wo find a bill pending before Con gress, prohibiting tho slave trade in the District. Nay, it is more than a bill prohibiting the slave trade ; it is a bill abolishing slavery itself, to a certain extent. Well, this bill becomes a law, and what is the con sequence ? YVe hear of no more indignation meet ings of Southern members. But we hear of congrat ulatory meetings, the firing of cannon, and speeches from the more hardy of our recreant Representa tives. Docs this mean nothing ? Southern Rights Convention for the County of Muscogee. Thß Convention of Delegates from the various Dis tricts of Muscogee county, appointed to select candi dates to represent the Southern Rights Resistance party of said county in the State Convention to be held at Milledgeville, on the 25th day of November next, assembled at the room of the Southern Rights Association, on Tuesday, 15tli inst., at 12 o’clock. M. On motion of A. S. Rutherford, Esq., H. F. B*eed, Esq., of Glenn’s District, was invited to act as President of the Convention ; and on motion of P. A. Clayton, Esq., Mr. Rutherford was appointed Secretary. On motion of Joqx Forsyth, Esq., the Districts were called and the Delegates in attendance request ed to report their names—whereupon, the following Delegates appeared to be present: Glenn's District. —L. D. Monroe, J. D. Howell. Capt. M. D. Johnson and 11. F. Sneed. River District .—Robt. Chapman and YVyatt Smith. Russell District. —Caleb Natier, John Morris, J. J. Hunter and Col. Owen Thomas. Eighth District.—'Sl. M. McCrary and Joseph Dent. Ninth District. —John Huff and W.w. R. Rub bell. Upper Toicn District. —Hampton S. Smith, John Forsyth, A. S. Rutherford and John A. Jones. Lower Town District. —Joseph S. Morton and P. A. Clayton. The Convention then proceeded to canvass the names of various persons who had been suggested as suitable candidates, and after a free and unreserved interchange of opinions, the following ticket was named, adopted by acclamation and recommended to the support of the Southern Rights party of the county: Hon. ALFRED IVERSON, Maj. JOHN H. lIOYVARD, MARTIN J. CRAWFORD, Esq., WM. Y. BARDEN, Esq. On motion, thfiji>llowing CommiUee wife appointed Chair, to inform the candidates of their nomination to Ihe highly responsible and honorable post of standard bearers to the Southern Rights Party of Muscogee County, in their common effort with their brethren throughout the State, to uphold the honor and the rights of Georgia and the South in the arduous contest with the Federal Government, the Submission Party at the South, and the Abolitionists of the North. Hampton S. Smith, Esq.; Col. Owen Thomas; A. S. Rutherford. The same Committee were empowered to fill any vacancy in the ticket that might occur through ac cident, or non-acceptance. The utmost harmony pervaded the Convention during its session, and but one feeling was manifested, that of an ardent desire to rescue their beloved coun try from the condition of peril and degradation to which a bigoted fanaticism, and a tyrannical abuse of the Constitution, by Congress, had reduced it. On motion of H. S. Smith, the Convention then adjourned, sine die. H. F. SNEED, President. A. S. Rutherford, Secretary. The following letter, in reply to a letter, by a Com mittee of the Town Delegation, makiug the enquiry of the writer, if he would accept a nomination, was read to the Convention by J. Forsyth, Esq.: Columbus, 15th Oct., 1850. Gentlemen :—ln reply to your note, of this morn ing) I have to eay, that I will not accept a nomination, as a candidate, to represent the Southern Rights j Party in the State Convention. Perhaps, it is well to add, that I shall not be a candidate, either with or without a nomination. Very respectfully, JAMES N. BETIIUNE. Messrs. Clayton and others, Committee. Southern Bights .Association. Columbus, Oct. 11, 1830. The Association met pursuant to adjournment. In the absence of the President (Col. Leonard,) the As sociation was called to order by Dr. Hoxey and Col. Quinn, the Y r ice Presidents. Charles J. Y\ illiams was requested to act as Secretary. On motion of John Forsyth, a Committee of five was appointed by the Chair, consisting of Messrs. John Forsyth, William A. Bedell, P. A. Clayton, John Bass and John 11. Howard, to select four suit able delegates to represent the city of Columbus in the nominating convention to be held on the 15th instant. The Committee reported the names of Hampton S. Smith, Wm. H. Chambers, Philip A. Clayton, and Benjamin F. Coleman, as delegates, which was unanimously confirmed by the Association. On motion of R. J. Moses, it was resolved that a majority of the delegates have power to fill all vacan cies which may occur in their own number. Major John 11. Howard being called on, address ed the Association. After which, A. G. Perryman, Esq., of Talbot ton, was introduced to the Association, and in an elo quent, appropriate and patriotic address, urged the necessity of resistance to the unjust and unequal legislation of the last Congress. On motion of Col. YVilkins, the Association then adjourned to meet again on next Friday evening. CHARLES J. YVILLIAMS, Secretary pro tem. [communicated.] Premiums for Essays. Mr. Editor —At the Fair of the Muscogee and Russell Agricultural Society, to be held in the city of Coiumbus, on YY'edm-sday, the 20th day of Novem ber next, it has been determined to award premi ums, for the best Treatise on the subjects herein af ter stated. To facilitate that object, I have thought proper to announce the names of the gentlemen comprising the various committees, to whom com munications may be made at any time before the Fair, and who will, on that day, decide to whom the premiums shall be awarded for the best Essay. It will be seen by reference to our advertised list, that there are to be many other premiums awarded, for all which competent committees will be appointed and announced on the morning of the Fair. YY T e hope, that this, our first effort , will meet with favor from all, and especially the ladies. The Committees are as follows : 011 making and applying manure, suited to South ern crops and culture, Messrs. Jno. YY’oolfalk, P. 11. Wildman and Geo. W. Jones. Cultivating corn in the South, Messrs. Y T an Leon ard, Anderson Abercrombie and Hines Holt. Cultivation of cotton, including the picking and packing, Messrs. James R. Jones, E. B. Eisliborne and James Chapman. Treatise on the farm, by a youth of Muscogee or Russell, Messrs. James Abercrombie, B. A. Sorsby and George Hargraves. Raising fruit of all kinds in this section of the country, Messrs. Jno. G. YY'inter, John J. Boswell and Jas. Kivlin. The culture of flowers, by a lady of Muscogee or Russell, Messrs. Chas. A. Peabody, Theophilus Stew ■ art and Robt. A. Ware. Management of the Cow in the South, Messrs. Charles Cleghorn, Thos. J. Shivers and Joel E. Hurt. JAS. M. CHAMBERS, President. [FOR tiie southern sentinel.] Consolidation. Mr. Editor— One of the most prominent features of the last session of Congress, and one too which the South should mark as significant, is the great ef fort on the part of Congress and the Executive, to increase the power of the “Federal Government,” at the expense of State sovereignty. With what suc cess their efforts have been crowned, will be seen by glancing at the enactments of the session. The pro digality of this Congress has been the subject of se vere comment by some few presses in the country, but by far the greater number have either said very little about it or failed to notice it at all. The most formidable of these measures, I believe to be the passage of the “Bounty Land Act.” This bill bears upon its face the unmistakable features of a bribe to the South. For it is a well known fact, that a very large majority of the recipients of this “bounty” are residents of the Southern States, and its passage is designed to keep quiet that spirit of re sistance to the aggressive legislation of abolitionism, which was being manifested throughout the South. The Washington correspondent of the New York Journal of Commerce, under date of October, in speaking of “State affairs,” holds the following lan guage : “The Bounty Land Act is a groat measure for the consolidation of the Union. The distribution of fifty millions ot acres ot the best public lands to individuals throughout the States, must have a strong tendency to wards a firm consolidation of the federal system. A vast number of individuals, are thus, directly or indirect ly, enlisted. by interest and gratitude, on the side of the Union. The ten thousand State agencies which must, as Mr. Stuart properly suggests,be employed to prepare and forward the claims of the ‘old soldiers,’ in order to save them from expense, in obtaining a patent—will al so help to strengthen the Union by rendering so many dependent on it. Mr. Stuart recommends country agen cies, but there must be an agent in every town or town ship also. It will require four years to finish up half of the business. Ten thousand agents, paid by the States, a salary of only five hundred dollars each, will cost on ly twenty million of dollars : but, still, the sum thus .mud. will interest a number of persons in favor of the Union. Then, again, the Act cannot be executed with out the creation of a number of additional Government officers—which also tends to give prominence to the Uniqn interest, over that of sectional interests. ‘Where a man’s treasure is, there will his heart be.’ Every measure of the national Government is a measure tend ing to its consolidation ; for it is impossible that a mea sure, not of national character—though it may be of dis puted policy—can pass both Houses and be approved by’ the President.” YY hoever has read the letters of this correspondent of the Journal of Commerce, during the last session of Congress, could hardly fail to notice the stamp of authority which has characterized his remarks on public and the general correctness of bis con clusions, as to the success of certain measures, then pending in Congress. From this, it is fair to infer, that the writer is in some way connected with, or has the means of knowing the views and wishes of the powers that be.” Be this as it may, the views he has expressed in the above extract are true. The in evitable consequence of distributing in the way pro posed some fifty millions of acres of public lands among the different States, and the creation of the thousands o f State agencies , to prepare and Jor ward the claims of the “old soldiers,” besides the increased number of Government officers, would be, “to give prominence to the Union over that of sec tional interests.’’ “A vast number of individuals are thus directly or indirectly enlisted by interest and gratitude on the side of the Union.” There is no attempt here to disguise. The fact is openly avowed ; the object of that act is to bind with a golden chain a “vast number ’ of our fellow-citizens by interest and grat itude, to aid the Federal Government to crush the South. YY hat are we to understand by interest and gratitude ? What interest , and for what should this vast multitude be grateful to the Union for that we all do not hold in common ? There is but one answer to these questions, and that is, Gold! Says the Government, we give you gold—give us your votes. We confer upon you honors—give in return your support—cry long and loud for the glo-ri-us Union—it matters not what you have said or how you have voted heretofore—“interest and gratitude” should both prompt you to stand by your benefactor. Government not satisfied with buying up members of Congress, in order to carry out its infamous plans, is now offering bribes to the people—curses on a gov ernment so corrupt, and woe to the people that tol erate its existence. I designed this communication should be brief. My object is to call attention to the sentiments con tained in the foregoing extract. I believe every Southern man ought to be made acquainted with them, for a more barefaced attempt to bribe a people never emanated from any government, and yet there are those among us who defend the act 1 Esau’s race is not yet extinct. Respectfully, yours, PENN. [communicated.] Dear Chambers : I have read with peculiar in terest two letters recently published, one from Bishop Soule, and the other from Bishop Andrew ; and I must say that nothing has more encouraged my hope of the final triumph of the Southern cause. YY’hen such men as these speak—when the latter feels jus tified in departing from a rule of ministerial conduct of forty years’ standing that he may speak, there must be a cause—and known as they are to the country, their opinions will require no endorsement. Most heartily do I subscribe to every sentiment ex pressed by these reverend gentlemen—most gladly do I welcome their lessons and bid them God-speed in the propagation of such sentiments. But, sir, my main object in intruding upon you is, to invite attention to tho letter of Bishop Andrew, and the construction which submissionists are placing upon it. If there is one line of submissionism in his letter, I confess I am too ignorant to discern it.— If there is in it one single principle which the Colum bus Enqiurer has hitherto (at least during this contest) sustained, or the slightest connection between its editorial commendation and the letter itself, we cannot see it. Has the Bishop said one word about the justice or injustice of the General Conference? Does he al lude to his own case, or intimate an opinion of its right or wrong ? Has he said one word, either pro or con, of the connection of Church or State; or any where “put the seal of his condemnation on any such attempt ?” That he, in common with protestant Christians, would oppose every such attempt, there is no doubt, but that he has put the seal of condemnation on it in this letter is another thing. To me the remark seems peculiarly unfortunate. True, the Bishop has for forty years abstained from “meddling with political strife,” and now would not condescend to “intermed dle with mere party strife.” Yet he thinks that in a “momentous crisis like that which is now upon us,” he and all other ministers of the gospel “should be at liberty to give utterance fully and freely to their con victions and feelings.” I apprehend that this is about as much connection of Church and State as the Enquirer has or is likely to see, and even to this we suspect him of being opposed. Nor can I see much better reason for fellowship between these par ties as to their opinions of the North and Northern men and things. The one is open and bold in denunciation; read the whole of that paragraph in the Bishop’s letter which relates to the conduct of Methodist papers, ministers and ecclesiastical bodies East and YY’est. I shall be astonished if there can be found in the En quirer, or such papers, a single paragraph resemb ling it. If such papers and men have not apologized for, they have graciously winked at all these things. Do these parties agree in their opinions of North ern treachery, and especially of Northern Editors of Southern papers ? Nor do they more affiliate in po litical opinions ? The Bishop deprecates war ; who does not ? But he repudiates it only when it is avoidable, and so do all good men, but even he could be provoked “with arm and heart to defend our selves.” He deprecates a dissolution of the Union, but does he intimate that there has been no aggression on the South ; or does he intimate that he would not dissolve the Union if other means of redress should fail? — These are his words, and to them every patriot and Christian will respond, “Let us exhaust every other argument and try every other means of redress be fore we indulge for a moment the idea of dissolving the Union of the States; and when this catastrophe comes, if come it must, let it find us at the last ditch, having tried every peaceable remedy, ready with arm and heart to defend ourselves.” Does he say there are no aggressions to be re sisted ? Does he intimate that the action of Con gress involves no aggression ? Does he say there is no remedy but disunion ? Does he advise a tame sub mission to injustice ? Read this short sentence, “At any rate let us resolve, as Southern men, to proceed calmly, deliberately, justly, patiently, in our resistance to what we deem the unjust aggression of our Northern brethren.” Tho editors of the Enquirer, and the party to which it belongs, cannot stand on the Bishop’s plat form or embrace bis “creed.” Their creed is, that no aggression has been com mitted, that the South may honorably, and ought peaceably to acquiesce in tbe legislation of Congress. That there is no remedy and no alternative but sub mission or rebellion. I know nothing of the Bishop’s political opinions, but there is no submissionism in this letter, and the effort of the Enquirer to manufacture a little capital out of it, is both ridiculous and Bontemptible. E. [NEW YORK CORRESPONDENCE.] New York, Oct. S, 1850. New York—lts Size and Strength—Annexation of Brooklyn and Williamsburgh — of 7?;i provement — Niblo's New Hotel — Tn^Jmnibus Business. If one of the old Knickerbockers, who, fifty years ago, in tights and knee-buckles, perambulated the av enues of this then juvenile Gotham, could rise from the tomb, and see tbe glorious oak which has sprung from the humble acorn, he would lift his hands and vow that the days of magic had returned. While the rapid growth and development of America, in all parts of its wide-spread borders, have been in credible and inconceivable in the eyes of the in habitants of the old world ; while forests have van ished before the axe, and the desert of ten years since has become peopled with thriving villages and growing cities ; while every inch of cis-Atlantic ter ritory has seemed to teem with life and vigor ; no where, perhaps, has there been a greater increase in the thews and sinews that constitute national strength, than in the city of New York. The re sources of her people, the enterprise of her mer chants, the skill of her artisans find a parallel only in the wonderful increase, by means of which, stretching forth now in this direction, now in that, she has come to embrace within lier grasp nearly twenty square miles densely inhabited by human souls. The question is, when will New York cease grow ing ? The landmarks which now mark her length and breadth, must, necessarily, it would seem, give way before the torrent which yearly pours its thou sands into her limits. Propositions have been made successively, with what result it is impossible now to predict, to annex to our city Brooklyn and YVilliams burgh, both situated on the opposite side of the East river ; it being urged that places whose interests are plainly the same as our own. and whose sympathies are ours to so great an extent, should form parts with us as one great whole. The heavy rate of tax ation in New York operates as a great hindrance to this scheme among the people of our sister cities ; but it is possible that this objection may give way in view of the superior advantages of police regulation, &c., which they would then enjoy. Brooklyn has j a population of about 75,000, while YVilliamsburgh contains not less than 30,000 ; these numbers added to the half million which the census will no doubt give New York, would form the sum of 600,000 souls—a population which would procure for the child of two centuries quite a respectable rank in point of size among the offspring of one thousand years, to which, proud of her antiquity, the old world boast ingly points. But even without the junction alluded to above, New York is no pigmy. There is still unoccupied in the upper part of our city sufficient ground to maintain a population which in time may surpass London and Pekin, and even compare with that of Rome in her palmiest days. Nor are the changes which will first have to take place likely to be slow, or postponed to any distant day. The spirit of im provement is among us; and he who travels our thoroughfares need not be informed that the good work is being actively prosecuted. Private palaces and magnificent stores are rising in every direction ; vacant lots are being covered with tenements; work men of all classes are in good demand, and are sure of obtaining a reasonable compensation for their la bor. In Broadway particularly is this the case. T* enumerate those who are building, or enlarging their present edifices, would be tedious. We cannot, how ever, pass over one new building, which promises to be both an ornament to our city, and a convenience to the public. YY’e refer to Niblo’s new Hotel, on the corner of Prince Street and Broadway, a spot so long rendered famous as the head-quarters of this admirable caterer for the public. The lower part is to be laid out in stores, making no less than ten, with a front of twenty feet, and a depth of forty.— The upper part will be completed in a style most con venient for hotel accommodation, and fully furnished witli all the new comforts and improvements. YY’e aro of course exposed in New York to the inconvenience incident to all places of similar size, that is the difficulty, loss of time, and fatigue occa sioned by passing from one part to another, to those who are led by business or pleasure to extreme points. If this travelling had to be performed on foot, it would be intolerable; but we have remedied the evil by means of various lines of omnibuses which thread the principal streets in all directions, so that, wherever one wants to go, he can for a sixpence ride either the whole or a great part of the distance. A stranger could hardly form any adequate idea of the importance of the omnibus business in New York ; the multitudes who take advantage of the conve nience thus afforded, and the great numbers that it employs and feeds. A few particulars will not, lam sure, prove uninteresting to your readers. There are no less than twenty different routes, on which are employed five hundred stages, three thousand horses, and seven hundred drivers. No less than seven thousand five hundred persons, are employed* in dif ferent capacities, and make a living out of the busi ness. Twenty-five millions of persona ride in these stages in the course of a year, making an annual in come of $1,500.0U0. Our city has now extended so much that the omnibus proprietors have been com pelled to enlarge their routes to keep pace with its growth, so that some of the stages run a distance of no less than five miles. The whole number of miles travelled in the day is about twenty thousand ; a distance which, if in a continuous line, would nearly go around the world. The first line of omnibuses was started about twenty-five years ago; tbe stages ran hourly, at what would now be called a snail’s pace, and connected the lower part of the city, to which the population was then mainly confined, with a little settlement called Chelsea, then thought an intolerable distance “out of town,” but which has since become the heart of the city. The fare was then twenty-five cents. YVhat a contrast is now presented ; the same line now has stages running every five minutes, a greater distance, and in nearly half the time, while the fare is reduced to a sixpence. Such is the effect of competition in business. Our weather has become quite wintry, and un fortunately for the poorer classes, there has been quite a rise in coal. It is now $6 50 a ton, and no prospect of lowering. Jenny Lind has been turning the heads of our neighbors at the East, and has not yet come back. The splendid new musical hall, it is announced, will be opened by Madame Bishop and her suite, on Thursday evening next. Yours, P. Q. [YANKEE CORRESPONDENCE.] Boston, Oct. 6, 1850. Jenny Lind — Travellers — Agitators — Murderers. Since my last, Jenny Lind has delivered three con certs in Boston. You see how naturally I begin my communication with the migratory nightingale. So it i; we can hardly think of anything else. She lias sung a variety of popular pieces from Mozart, Bellini and other Italian composers ; the Echo Song, the Flute Song, the Bird Song, and so forth ; and as a general rule ha* been duly and cordially applauded ; but not, I believe, so vehemently as at New York. The Boston people do not seem to be Fraught with a fury so harmonious as were their brothers of the empire city. The first two concerts w*re auctioned—the seats at the Tre mont Temple let to the highest bidder. In this way the first brought about $20,000 —the second $15,000, or so. But the prices are diminishing somewhat and it is hoped—should Barnuin permit Jenny to stay— that the “lower hundred thousand” may have an op portunity of hearing her at a reasonable rate. From $4 upward is too great a sum to be paid in this coun try for any entertainment meant to be popular. The grievance is modified greatly in this ease. Jenny is such a good creature ; and the greater part of the money she gets “wanders, lieaven-direeted, to the poor”—goes in charity, through a great number of channels. But the same cannot be said of Barnum’s half of the net proceeds. She is to favor us with another concert on Tuesday evening, Bth inst. She is also to sing in the city of Providence, where the people expect her with impatience. Dodge, of Boston, was considered by a few carping philosophers, a very great fool for having given $625 of his spare cash for the pleasure of paying our Swedish visitor a hand some compliment. But his amiable indiscretion has been blotted out by Col. Ross, an express-man of Providence, who gave $650 for his choice of a seat from which to hear her at her first concert in that place! Our shouts and praises why should Dodge engross ? Rise, laughing muse, and sing this Col. Ross ! YVho distanced Genin, and gay Dodge likewise? “This Colonel Ross,” each lisping babe replies ! There ! So much for poetry. Let us come back to our prose. Jenny Lind is certainly a great creature. Her voice is a thing of wondrous flexibility and power. It is highly cultivated ; but there is a great amount of naturalness in it. People have called her a bird— but her song is not exaetly like a bird’s—for she does not sing her best in the beginning. She comes to her tones by degrees—and practice seems to lu bricate her throat. YY’hen I first heard her, I felt that 1 had heard as fine a voice—though, to be sure, there were tones and a certain compass which belonged to., no throat I had ever listened to. But in the next piece of music—Mozart’s “Non Paventar,” and also in Quando Laseiai la Normandie—her voice dilated and multiplied itself in all its unrivalled magnificence. Her power of running up—culminating into the high rare atmosphere of vocal harmony, is very wonderful. You feel, from the sympathetic effort and gasping of your own. breath, that she has lungs surpassing the lungs of mortals—that her capacity of chest is vast —a perfect Cave of Eolus. YY'hat, I be lieve, every one is first struck with, is, the absence of effort in Jenny Lind’s singing. She does not heave her chest or modulate her mouth into shapes. She stands and gives out the music easily and power fully. Power and simplicity are the two substan tives that seem to indicate her best. ’Coming on to sing, she has no regulated Prima Donna look #r car riage ; no professional dignity at all. But she has a happy familiarity of look and gesture which is well worth all the dignity that ever sat on the shoulders of Giddons or Sontag. Her look seems to say, “well, here I am, my friends! YY'hat shall we sing ? What would you wieh to have ? Oh ! the Herd Song.— Come, gentlemen of tlie orchestra!” This was the way she struck me. But there was no levity visible; an innocent cheerfulness presided over her whole de meanor. The manner of coming to the front of the narrow stage at the Tremont, was very taking. You must know that, not hating any back or side rooms, they scooped a room for Jenny under the huge organ that covers and crowns the head of the room. This organ is several large stairs up from the level; and through these steps a door was made, with steps i leading to the temporary cellarage. Jenny and also I Belletti and Benedict, came up and went down these I steps. Jenny’s head could be seen from the pit, as she tripped up upon them ; and when she got to the top of the stage before her was a small space—like a lobby. Here I saw that she stepped over or down something, which called upon her agility; and she always made the rest of the way in a little trot —a girlish, good-humored, unaffected movement which seemed very engaging indeed. Sterne praises Trim for the graceful way in which, raising his Montero cap, he bowed to my uncle Toby,. though seated awkwardly on the ground. But, in carrying off, by the fascination of her air and carriage, the disadvant age of the step ladder and the lobby, I think Jenny has thrown the corporal’s achievement into the shade. Perhaps your lady readers would like to know something about the Lind's personal appearance.— She is far prettier than her portraits—the Daguerreo types—represent her. Her figure is firm and sym metrical, and slighter than I was led to think. Her eyes are grayish, and altogether, seen on the stage, she has a youthful and prepossessing appearance.— She affected to tell a Liverpool painter that her nose was spread all over her face, and that her hair was like new made hay. But it is no such thing, begging her pardon ! Her nose is a very good one ; and her massy fair hair, with the green Scandinavian oak leaves in it, looks unexccptionably rich and becoming ; and she seems about twenty-eight years old. Shelias honored one of our Daguerreotype artists here, Mr. Whipple, with a sitting for another portrait. Let it be better than the rest. The large party of fifteen hundred or so which went up to Montreal and Quebec, to return the visit of the Canadians, have come back, and speak in very high terms of the hospitality and kindness of the Queen’s subjects. Mr. Burr, of the Mirror of the Lake* , through whom all this reciprocity is carried on, is ar ranging for another visit of our citizens to the prov inces. It was a happy idea—that of Burr and the railway proprietors—to agree about the transfer of people from distant places ; all have been benefited by the movement. In consequence of it—and also of Lind’s presence, great crowds of strangers have come and are still corning to Boston. Tlia keepers of hotels are reaping a large harvest; so are the pro prietors of all places of public amusement; so, in fact, are the shop keepers in general. Meetings have been held in this State and one in Boston, anent the Fugitive Slave Bill, and the arrests. Several intemperate fools have said furious things at them ; but they are scorned by the good sense of the community; and their paltry agitation will per ish. Two murderers have been hanged at Hew Haven. One of them, Foote, had violated and murdered a little girl. Mr. Goodwin, a clergyman, sat up with him the night before his execution, and witnessed as stoical a death as innocence itself could die. When he visited the murderer’s cell, in the evening, he found him at table with sundry good things before him. A little after, some portions of scripture were read. Then Foote began to talk jocosely and vol ubly with the watchmen who were pacing outside his eel!. He had a cigar in his mouth and was full of ane'edotes. About one o’clock, he suddenly went on his knees and prayed. He then undressed him self and rolled serenely into bed, where he was soon asleep. But before he went in he rubbed musk, which he had prepared for the occasion, all over his head and body ! At half past four he woke, asked the hour, and went to sleep again. He said it was too early. At six o’clock Goodwin touched and woke him. He got up, saying he had slept his last sleep, and dressed himself for the last time, and would soon be with Jesus ! He was a wonderful genius ! He agreed with the jailor to be shown for twelve and a half cents each visitor. He used to cut out portraits from magazines and sell them to the curious, as the likeness of the girl he murdered! He wished to be able to pur chase a grave-stone, and he arranged an epitaph for it! McCaffrey was the other murderer. He killed an old couple for their money. He spent his night in prayer with his priest, and confessed the murder with resignation. Foote was a Yankee, the other was an Irishman. YANKEE DOODLE. LIST OF PRIZES Os the Muscogee <fc Russel Agricultural Society, to be given at the FAIR, on tlie third Wednesday in No vember next. For the best acre Sweet Potatoes, silver medal...s2 00 “ bushel “ “ Diploma. “ acre Turnips, silver medal, $2 00 “ bushel “ Diploma. “ Treatise on making and applying Manure, suited to Southern crops and cul ture, silver goblet $lO 00 For the best Treatise on cultivating Corn in the South, stiver goblet, $lO 00 For the best Treatise on the cultivation of Cot ton. including the picking and packing silver goblet, $lO 00 For the best Treatise on the Farm, by a youth of Muscogee or Russel, the Birmingham medal,...§s 00 For the best bag Cotton, grown in Muscogee or Russel, silver goblet, $ 8 00 For the second best Diploma. For the best bushel Wheat, raised in Muscogee or Russel Silver Medal. For the second best, “ “ STOCK. For the best fine wooled Sheep Silver Medal. “ Mutton “ “ “ “ Ox, for the butcher, “ “ “ Cow, “ “ “ “ For the best Georgia and Alabama raised Jack, exhibited on the day, Silver cup, $ 8 00 For the 2d and 3d best, Diplomas For the best Mule, age considered, silver 2 00 For the best Stallion, four years old and up^^^B silvergohlet 10 00 For the best 2 year old colt or filly, silver cup... 800 For 2d and 3d best Diplomas. For the best brood Mare, with or without colt, silver eon, 8 f!0 For 2d and 3d best, Diplomas. For the best Bull, (age considered,) silver medal, 200 For 2d and 3d best, Diplomas. For the best Cow. (age considered,) silver medal, 200 For 2d and 3d best, Diplomas. For the heaviest Hog, not oyer two years old, silver medal, 2 00 For the best Boar, silver medal 2 00 For the heaviest Pig, from 6 months to a year old, silver medal, 2 00 For the best breeding Sow, silver medal, 2 00 TO TIIE MANUFACTURER AND MECHANIC. For the best Plow for southern culture, and of southern make, silver cup, § 8 00 For the best Road-waggon, Muscogee or Russel make, silver cup, 00 Forihe largest collection of Agricultural impleme ments, Silver Medal. For the best two horse Waggon, do. do. make, silver medal, 200 For the best 6 pairs of Negro Shoes, Geo. or Ala. f make, silver medal. 200 For the best piece of Factory Osnaburgs, silver medal, 2 00 For the best piece of Factory Sheeting or Shirt ing, silver medal 2 00 For the best piece of Linsey-woolsey, silver medal 2 00 For the best Churn, silver medal 2 00 HORTICULTURE. For the best Treatise on raising Fruit of all kinds in this section of country, silver gOblet $lO 00 For the best specimens of Fruit for the season, „ Silver Medal. For the largest collection of Vegetables, silver medal,. 2 00 For the best Boquett of Natural Flowers,"sliver medal, 200 For the largest collection of Pot Plains,* wiih names, silver cup, 8 00 For the best Treatise on the culture of Flowers", by a Lady of Muscogee or Russel, silver cup,.. 800 DAIRY. For the best specimens of Muscogee or Russel Butter, riot less than 5 lbs., silver medal,.... 200 For the best sample of cheese, of Southern make, silver medal, 2 00 For the best Treatise on the management of the Cow in the South, silver cup, g REGULATIONS OF TIIE FAIR. All members of the Society, and all who shall be come members previous to or at the Fair, will be far nished with badges, which wiil admit the person and the Ladies of his family to the Exhibition at all times during the continuance of the Fair. Tickets to admit a single person, 25 cents. All Exhibitors at the Fair must become members of the Society, and have their animals or articles entered at the business office, before taking them into the enclo sure—except Ladies’ work—this w ill in all cases be ad mitted free. CHAS. A. PEABODY, Corresponding Secretary CONSTITUTION OF TIIE Southern Rights Association, of Stewart County.—Adopted October 1,1850. We, the citizens of Stewart county, met to gether for the purpose of forming a Southern Rights Association, feel called on to make knovyn our views upon the slavery question, in order that our objects in forming such an Association may not be misunderstood, and tiiat we may not be misrepresented, or placed in a false position before the country. We consider it undeniably true, that the Northern Slates of this confederacy are hostile to the institution of domestic slavery, as it exists in the South. This fact is evidenced by the action of Congress, in the uniform votes of the Northern members —by the resolutions passed by the people in their primary assemblies and conventions—by the tone and spirit of their newspapers—by the resolutions of their Legisla tures, and the laws passed to prevent the recap ture of fugitive slaves. These continued efforts to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and exclusion from the territories, evince to our minds, incontrovertibly, that all that is wanting to overthrow the institution in the States by Federal Legislation is the power to do so with impunity. The South has already suffered much wrong from the agitation of this question; the tenure by which this species of property is held, has been weakened, and the value of the property itself diminished. The contest so ruthlessly waged by the North for political power on an abstract question, and defended by the South because of its intimate connection with their social and political existence, destroys the union of sentiment and interest which binds us to gether as a common people. The continued agitation of this question, by the reception of abolition petitions by Congress, the efforts to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia —in the dock-yards and arsenals, and the application of the Wilmot Proviso to the common territory, whereby the Southern States are excluded from all participation therein, are wanton violations of our rights, and can never be submitted to by a free people, without the loss of all self-respect, and a total overthrow of the institution itself. We complain that California has been admit ted into the Union of these States wiih an anti slavery clause in her constitution. The forma tion of that constitution was irregular and with out authority of law, and, therefore, null and void, without the sanction of Congress, which it has received, to give it vitality, and which is equivalent to the application of the Wilmot Proviso by Congress itself. Congress should have repealed the Mexican laws abolishing slavery in New Mexico and Utah, if still of force, and if the treaty of cession between the two countries, did not abrogate those laws. Then it should have been so declared that the Southern people might have emigrated to the country, without fear, and exempt from all liti gation with their slaves, who might demand their freedom. This uncertainty is a bai as effectual to the peopling of these territories by Southern emi grants, as any direct inhibition by Congress could possibly have been. Congress should not have abolished the slave trade in the District of Columbia, as the right to abolish the trade in this species of property, is an assumption of right to abolish the institu tion itself wherever Congress may have exclu sive jurisdiction. The proposed boundary line of Texas, with ten millions of dollars, offered as purchase money for the territory ceded, if no other objection ex isted, is enough, that if Texas accept the terms, the slaveholding States will be weakened, and the non-slaveholding States strengthened there by, still further destroying the balance of power in the Senate of the United States, which we have always regarded as our chief guaranty of safety against aggression. If the sentiment of the Northern people be, as we believe, no fugitive slave bill, formed by the ingenuity of man, can be efficient and adequate to the great evil contemplated to be healed. Our slaves are stolen, enticed away, hidden and protected. The people assemble in mobs, and prevent the execution of the laws by imprisoning, and, in some instances, murdering the slave owner, who has the temerity to attempt the recapture of his fugitive slave. Bv these means the South is deprived of a half million of property annually. We, there fore, fear when there shall be a constitutional ma jority of non-slaveholding States, that the con stitution will be altered, and this element of sovereignty taken from the State of Georgia, by which she exercises exclusive jurisdiction on her own borders. W e hold that the territories are common pro perty, and that the people of Georgia are en titled to emigrate to them with their property of every kind and description, and that they should be protected by law in the peaceable en joyment thereof. We believe the only remedy for these evils is a decided and manly course of resistance. Sub mission to wrong begets impunity, and invites renewed aggression. We will, therefore, support, as delegates to the proposed Georgia convenlion to meet in Decem ber next, resistance men, whose duty it will be to agree upon some mode of redress for past grievances and security against future aggres sions; and, also, to invite the other Southern States to unite with Georgia in support thereof. We have an abiding confidence in the virtue and patriotism of the convention, but insist it is right for the convention to refer action to the people for ratification. And we, the citizens of Stewart county, fa vorable to the maintenance of Southern Rights, and the equality of the States of this confeder acy, do hereby agree to adopt the following corw stitution for our government: oH This Association shall be known “ Stewart SoutJ.ern Rights Association .” The object of this Association shall be a thorough organization of the Southern Rights Party in this county, to remain in existence until the South has no grievances to redress, and all her rights fully acknowledged and protected. The officers shall be a President, twenty-six Vice Presidents, a Secretary, and an Executive committee. The President shall preside—call meetings appoint committees, and do all the duties of a presiding officer, usual in such associations. There shall be two Vice Presidents in each Militia District, who shall have power to preside at any meeting they may call in their respective Districts. The Secretary shall keep a record of all the proceedings of the Association, and do all the corresponding demanded by the body. The Executive Committee shall consist of five members, appointed by the President; whose duty it shall be to do all things necessary and proper to secure the ultimate” triumph of the object of this Association—disseminate intelli gence select such documents for reprint and circulation as may seem advisable, and exercise a general supervision over the affairs of the Association. The members of the Association shall be all the qua.died voters of this county, favorable to the maintenance of Southern Rights. W hich preamble and resolutions were unani mously adopted by the meeting. On motion, Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be seut to all the Columbus papers for publication. The meeting then adjourned to meet again on Tuesday, the Bth inst. A. S. HA\ S, Chairman. Wm. G. Conley, Secretary. The Latest Compliment. —At the W 7 estbor ough (Mass.) Cattle Show, last week, was ex hibited a Holstein cow called “Jenny JJnd,” with a bull calf by her aide named “Barnum!” Resolutions adopted at the Macon Southern Rights Meeting. 1. Resolved, That the admission of California was a robbery of the south, and a triumph of Abolition. 2. Resolved, That whilst we unhesitatingly deny the charge that the free soil Constitution of California was framed through the instrumental ity of President Polk, we declare it to be imma terial to us whether it was instigated by Presi dent Polk or Taylor. On this question we are neither Polk or Taylor men, but Southern Rights men, and are opposed to the fraud perpetrated on rights of the Southern people by this Consti tution by whomsoever framed or formed. 3. Resolved, That in offering to the South as a boon the Territories of New Mexico and Utah, where to litigate with their own slaves sueing them in the Federal Court for their freedom, is worse than the robbery in California—it is adding insult to injury, and especially offensive, since every man of them tell us that the law in those Territories is against the master, and in favor of the slave in such litigation. 4. Resolved, That in dismembering Texas, af ter her boundaries had been acknowledged by every department of this Government, Liberty and State rights have received a blow, no less alarming to freemen, who are not blinded by party prejudice, than was the partition ofPoland. 5. Resolved. That the last Legislature acted the part of faithful public servants in providing,, by an almost unanimous vote, for a Convention of the people of this State, to consult and adopt measures for their common safety. 6. Resolved, That, in our opinion, it was not the intention of the Legislature to predicate the cal! of the Convention solely on the admission of California, but rather on that as one of a long chain ol aggressions, and as an evidence of this, we cite the preamble of the act. 7. Resolved, That it is the duty of all govern ments to protect, and not destroy, the persons and property of the citizens. Congress should protect us in the enjoyment of our slaves, and yet have no power to control or abridge such enjoyment. This is “non-intervention.” 8 . Resolved, That it is not true that the North supported or approved of the Fugitive Slave Bill in Congress, or let the south have her own way in the matter. The yeas and nays show, that every northern senator present, save two, voted against it, and a large majority in the House. 9. Resolved , That since the North has thus resolved never to cease their aggressions, we will never cease to oppose and resist, at all haz ards, and to the last extremity, all such aggres sions in future. 10. Resolved, That those who manifest such alarm and abhorrence at the call of a meeting of the citizens of Georgia, give evidence of very little faith in the virtue and capacity of our citizens. 11 . Resolved, That if half the repugnance were felt or expressed at the North against the holding of anti-slavery Conventions, that there is here at the south against one for our protec tion, we should have far less to apprehend. 12. Resolved, That we have an abiding confi dence in the capacity of the people for self-gov ernment, when not misled by dishonest politi cians, or designing men, and, therefore, appre hend no danger from their meeting to consult for their safety. Such meetings are “ formi dably to tyrants only.” 13. Resolved, That those who made the Con stitution were all white men, and that they or dained that the Constitution they made was for whites and not blacks, by declaring that they formed it “ to secure the blessing of liberty to us and our posterity.” 14. Resolved, That while we are for the Union, so long as the Constitution protects us, we are against it when that protection ceases. 15. Resolved, That our fathers who made the Constitution were equals, north and south, and expected their “posterity” to be treated as equals. 16. Resolved, That the citizens of no State, norLh or south, can submit to be treated as in feriors or underlings, without disgracing their fathers and becoming slaves. 17. Resolved, That we will support no man for the Convention who will disgrace Georgia by cowardly measures of surrender to Northern arrogance and wrong. 18. Resolved, That our destiny is with Georgia and the south; and whatever fate awaits us we will never be found co-operating with enemies ol our institutions or occupying questionable grounds, against the land ol our families, but will stand true and maintain her rights at all hazards. 19. Resolved, That those who charge us with being desirous to dissolve the Union without a cause, and while we and our friends can be safe in the Union, utter what they know to be untrue. They made the charge for the purpose of alarm ing the timorous, and deceiving the honest; and to vise their own language: “We believe such charges, unsupported as they are, by the slightest proofs, to be the strongest evidence that the men who make them are destitute of moral and political honesty, and ought to be watched with a special care.” 20. Resolved, That after all proper measures of redress and prevention have been tried for oui protection, and have failed, then we shall try to provide new guards for our future se curity, and we doubt not, shall be able to repel all enemies from abroad, and take “ watchful,” and “ especial care,” of all traitors at home. 21. Resolved, That in vindicating the hitherto untarnished honor of the State of Georgia, and to save her from ruin and disgrace, we “ pledge our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honors,” never forgetting that we owe our first allegiance to her, and we call upon all true sons who love her to rail v with us, shoulder to shoulder around her. as they did in the proud days of Troup and the I reaty, and say, as they said then, to the insolent armies of'frce soilers. “ thus far shalt thou come and and here shall your proud waves be staid.” 22. Resolved, I hat we repudiate the charge, (which an ungenerous opposition have so in dustriously circulated.) that we entertain anv ill will to any person or people, because they are not natives of the Southern States; but on the contrary w T e extend the hand of friendship and fellowship to every man, who shows to us, that he has soul enough to appreciate freedom, and yrianlmess enough to defend it. Rational Argument in favor of the Union. We invite the especial attention of our read ers to the article in another column, entitled commerce and Disunion.’ It will be seen that the writer has a just estimate of the evils of disunion, especially as it would affect the com | mercial prosperity of our great national empo rium, New York. While he contemplates the utter prostration of the commercial interests of that city, which would inevitably result from a dissolution of this Union, he foresees with equal certainty the utter impossibility of its preserva tion unless the anti-slavery faction of the North desist from their aggressions upon the South.— There is much force in the writer’s argument, and it is sincerely to be hoped that it will not fail of its effect upon the minds of that large, j influential and intelligent class of the Northern | communities, the commercial men, in whoifl : alone our hope abides. We have always con | tended that it was in the power of the commer i cial interests, as it was their duty to themselves i and the country, to put down the fanatics and demagogues ot the North. Had the independ ent commercial press of the great cities aroused the attention of this class to the necessity of such a course, years ago, the demon of discord would not have presided over the deliberations of Congress, and the deep-seated causes of dis content and estrangement which now threaten us with disunion or greater evils, would not have existed. We hope that it is not yet too late, and that a spirit of justice and true con servatism, prompted as it is, by that most potent of all arguments, self-preservation, will yet put a stop to the relentless crusade which fanatics and demagogues are waging against the rights of the South and the peace of our common country. No one, after reading the article quoted, can doubt that the late action of the South has had a powerful agency in awakening public opinion at the North, and that a steady and united per sistence in the maintenance of our rights is the only sure way of obtaining justice and good faith, without which there is neither security or