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THE SOUTHERN SENTINEL Is published every Thursday Morning, IN COLUMBUS, GA. BY WILLIAM H. CHAMBERS, EDITOR AND TROI'KIETOR. T* whom all communications must be directed, post paid. Office on Randolph Sired. Terms of Subscription. On* copy twelve months, in advance, - - §2 50 “ “ Not in advance, -3 00 Six . “ “ “ 1 50 ir."’ here the subscription is not paid during the year, 15 cents will be charged for every month’.- delay. No subscription will be received for less than six mouths, and none discontinued until all arrearages are paid, except at the option of the proprietor. To Clubs. Five copies twelve months, - - - $lO 00 Ten “ ... 16 00 tr The money from Clubs must in all cases ac company the names, or the price of a single subscription Will be charged. Rates of Advertising. On* Square, first insertion, - - $1 00 ” “ Each subsequent insertion, - 50 A liberal deduction on these terms will be mad* in favor *f those who advertise by the year. Advertisements not specified as to time, will be pub lished till forbid, and charged accordingly. Monthly Advertisements will be charged as new Ad vertisements at each insertion. Legal Advertisements. N. B.—Sales of Lands, by Administrators, Ex ecutors, or Guardians,are required by law to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hoars of 10 in the forenoon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court House in the county in which the land is situated. No tices of these sales- must be given in a public gazette sixty days previous t<> the day of sale. Sales of Neßoks must he made at a public auction on the first Tuesday of the month, between the usual adrift of sale, at the place of public sales in the county ‘iefiere the Cotters Testamentary, oi Administration or Guardianship,may have, been granted, first giving sixty Oats notice thereof in one of the public gazettes of this State, and at the door of the Court House, where such sales are to he held. Notice for the sale of Personal property must be given in like manner fort v days previous to the day of sale. Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an estate must b published forty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land, must be published for FOUR MONTHS. Notice for leave to sell Nf.urof.s must bo published for four months, before any order absolute snail be made thereon by the Court. Citations for Letters of Administration, must be pub lished thirty days —for dismission from administration, monthly six months —for dismission fiom Guardianship, F*RTY DAYS. Rules for the foreclosure of a Mortgage must be pub lished monthly for four months —for establishing lost papers, for the full space of three months —for com pelling titles from Executors or Administrators, where a Bond lias been given by the deceased, the full space of THREE MONTHS. Publications will always be continued according to these legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered. SOUTHERN SENTINEL Job Office. HAVING received anew and extensive assortment j of Job Material, we are prepared to execute at | this office, all orders for JOB WORK.inaniannerwhich | can not lie excelled in the State, on very liberal terms, and at the shortest notice. W* feel confident of our ability to give entire satisfac tion in every variety ot Job Printing, including Hooks, Business Cur ls, Pamphlets, Hill Hands, Circulars, Wanks of cert/ description, Hin t mils. Hills of Hading, Posters, 4*<\ 4‘ - 4 V ‘- In short, all descriptions of Printing which can be ex ecute 1 at any office in the country, will I* turned out with elegance and despatch. County Surveyor. r pH E undersigned informs his friends and the Planters 1 of Muscogee count}', that he is prepared to make official surveys in Muscogee county. Letters addressed is Po t Office. Columbus, will meet with prompt atten u„i. \VM. F. SERRELL, County Surveyor. Office over E. Barnard St Co.’s store, Broad St. Columbuv, Jan. 31.1850. ly NOTICE* frMIE firmnam*of“M.H.Dessau,Agent,”is changed, X from this date, to M. H. DESSAU. Columbus, Feb. 7, 1850. 6 it JAMES FORT, A TORN EY AT AW, HOLLY SPRINGS, MISS July 4, 115$. 27 6m Williams & Howard, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. iIOBT. R. HOWARD. CHAS. J. WILLIAMS. April 4, 1850. 14 ts J. I>. LENNART), ATTORNEY AT LAW, TALBOTTON C.\. WILL attend to business in Talbot and the adjacent counties. All business entrusted to his care vrill meet J with prompt attention. April 4.1850. 14 ly KING & WIXNEMORE, Commission Merchants, MOBILE, ALABAMA. Dec. *0.1849. [Mob. Ttib ] 15 ts GODFREY V SOLOMONS, Factors ami Commission Merchants, SAVANNAH, GEORGIA. FAMES E. GODFREY, E. W. SOLOMONS. REFERENCES. REV. J AS. E. EVANS, REV. SAMUEL ANTHONY, Savannah. Talbot ton. lIDOWAY A GUNIY, N. OI’SELT A. SON, Columbus. Macon. July 25 30 6m. THIS PAPER IS MANUFACTURED BY TIIF. Rock Island Factory, NEAR THIS CITY. Columbus. Feb. 23,1850. 9 ts NORTH CAROLINA Mutual Life Insurance Company. LOCATED AT RALEIGH, N. C. THE Charter of this company gives important advan tages To tie’ assured, over most other companies. The husband can insure his own life tor the sole use and benefit of his wife and children, free from any other claims. Persons who insure for life participate in the profits which are declared annually, ana when the pre mium exceeds S3O, may pay one-half in a note. Slaves are insured at two-thirds their value for one or five years. Applications for Risks may be made to “ JOHN MUNN, Agent. Columbus, Ga. Office at Greenwood & Co.’s Warehouse. Nov. 15,1849. 11 WANTED. ■g AA AAA lbs. RAGS. Cash paid for clean cot lUU.UUU ton or linen rags—4 cents per pound -when delivered in quantities of 100 pounds or more ; and 31 cents when delivered in small quantities. For old Jiemp,bagging, and pieces of rope. It cents, delivered .either at Rook Island Factory or at their store in Co s! iimbus, in the South corner Room of Oglethorpe House. D ADAMS, Secretary. Columbus, Feb. 28,1850. 9 ts TO RENT. TILL the first day of January next. The old printing office room of the “ Muscogee Democrat’” Apply at this office. 18 ts. M Globe Hotel, BUENA VISTA. MARION CO., GA. HY J. WILLIAMS. March 14, 1850. 11 ts M WHITE SULPHUR SPRINGS, MERIWETHER COUNTY, GA. THIS delightful Watering Place will be opened by the FIRST of JULY, for the reception ot \isitors.under the management of McCOMB & DUNCAN. WALKER DCNC4N. *• B - M ’ roMß - June 13, 1850 11 NOTICE. ALL persons are forbidden from trusting mv wife, REBECCA AYNCHBACHER.on my account, as 1 shall pay no debts of her contraction from this date SAMUEL AYNCHBACHER. September 12, !■, 37 ,f VOL. I. THE ISSUE. “ He who will not reason is a bigot, lie who cannot reason is a fool, and he who dares not reason is a slave.” I he design and effect of the recent acts of Congress are to increase the number of slaves in the existing States of the South, and to di minish the number of whites. The Texas bill provides for the transfer of the territorial rights or claims of that State to New Mexico, down to the line of thirty-two on the Rio Grande—down to the line which divides the United States and Mexico. And this gives to New Mexico, population and territory i enough for a large State, and insures her ad i mission as a State by the next Congress, or at the next session of the present Congress. This bill passed after the inhabitants of New ! Mexico had proclaimed the exclusion of slave ry. \\ hen New Mexico is admitted as a ! State, therefore, the avenue of slave emigra | tion by land into all the new territory will be effectually closed. And as the boundary of California, a free soil State, is also extended down to Mexico on the Pacific, all access to the inferior by sea, is also effectually barred against slave emigration—for it cannot pass through free soil States. The consequence is, that whites may emigrate to all the new States and territories, but slaves cannot, i And as many Southern slaveholders were waiting until these questions were settled to go to California, they will now be com pelled to sell their slaves before going, in stead ot taking them, as it was their wish and interest to do. Now it needs no argument to prove that no policy could he more disastrous to the South than to increase the blacks and diminish the whites within her borders. Since the passage of these acts, we have conversed with a number of the most intelligent men from the South, particularly from Virginia, who tell us they are now waiting to see whether (he South will protect herself. If not, they are determined to emigrate, asthev cannot think of leaving their families and fortune to the fate which those measures will bring upon them. And we predict, that un less prompt redress and security are obtained bv the Soutii, there will be a stampede of j her white population. ‘I here is another process now going on | equally fatal to the South. ‘Flic Federal i Government, having become the enemy of j Southern institutions, is engaged in sowing i dissensions among her people. Federal pa- j tronage and power are employed to secure I the support of the border States, which have j least interest in slavery, thereby to detach | them from tiie common cause of the South, j l iie present cabinet, consisting of seven members, contains three from slaveholding States, one from \ irginin, one from Kentucky, I ami one irom Louisiana. The first nominees •i .Mr. i illmore did not include a single per son Irom a planting State. Subsequently one was selected from Georgia—that State j having given a\Y big vote. But Mr. Jenkins declined. Louisiana, the only planting State represented in the cabinet, is the one usually j the least sensitive of them on the slavery j question. Look now at our foreign missions. i V\ e have nine of the first class, of which the South has five, Mr. Rives of V irginia, to France; Mr. Brown of Tennessee to Russia; Mr. Barringer of North Carolina, to Spain; Mr. Letcher of Kentucky, to Mexico; Mr. Fey ton of Louisiana, to Chili; none from the planting States, except from Louisiana, and all remaikable for their proclivity to Northern rather than Southern policy. Front the North, we have Mr. Lawieuce oi Massa chusetts, to Lnglund; Mr. Barnard of New Vork, to Prussia; Mr. Marsh of Vermont, to Turkey, and Mr. Tod of Ohio, to Brazil. W e have sixteen half missions or Charges, of which the South has five, Mr. Clay of Kentucky, to Portugal ; Mr. Clemson of South Carolina, to Belgium; Mr. McClung . of Mississippi, to Bolivia ; Mr, Harris of Vir ginia, to Buenos Atres, and Mr. Steele of j Maryland, to Venezuela. The North has j the residue, vrz.: Mr. Folsom of New York, ; to the Netherlands; Mr. Forward of Peitnsyl- ; vania, to Denmark; Mr McCurdy of < on nectieut, to Austria; Mr. Cass of Michigan, to Rome; Mr. Morris of Pennsylvania, to -Sicily; Mr. Cushing of Indiana, to Equador; 1 Mr. Foote of New York, to New Grenada; ; Mr. Schroeder of Rhode Island, to Sweden, and Mr. Kinney of New York, to Sardinia,&b. Now the Federal Government was estab lished to manage our foreign affairs, and in time of peace our foreign commerce is the principal object of concern abroad. In that commerce, the cotton States have a greater interest than all the other States together, for they supply the greatest part of our exports, by which foreign goods are procured. They are nearly one-fourth of all the States in number, yet they are without a single minis ter out of the eight of the first class abroad, and have but two out of sixteen of the sec ond class, and one of them, Mr. Clemson, was appointed by Mr. Tyler. In this way are the honors of the Federal Government conferred on those States of the South, the least identified with the South, and having the most affinity with the North, and on that particular class of politicians the most Na tional, that is, Northern, in the favored South ern States. The system of exclusion thus running through the Cabinet and the foreign missions, comprising more than thirty of the highest offices of Government, cannot be the effect of accident, but will be understood by all who reflect on the events of the last five years. If the cotton States are excluded from the honors of the Federal Government, they are equally excluded from its expenditures. The appropriations this year amount to fifty mil lions of dollars. We have already seen how those States fare in the Civil and Diplomatic bill. In the Navy bill, which appropriates about nine millions, the cotton States get about nothing. There are five navy yards for the construction of vessels—Kittery. in Maine; Boston, in Massachusetts; New York City; Philadelphia; Washington and Nor folk —the two latter only in the South, and both in tiie Federal Goshen of the South. The iron, timber, cordage, provisions and clothing for the navy, are produced chiefly by the North. The sailors are taken from her crowded and dissipated cities. So as to the Army bill. The soldiers are recruited where sailors are obtained. Their food, clothing, arms, ammunition, are chiefly produced i there. And the army is chiefly stationed on the Northern and Western frontier. Then there is the whole Indian appropriation bill, of which the cotton Suites get but little. It may, with a close approximation to ac- ®!jc Soutljern Sentinel. curacy, he assumed that the States which j produce more than half the exports of this country, with which we obtain our imports i and revenue, do not receive, in the disburse ment ol that revenue, two millions out of fifty. Such, then, is the action of this Govern ment—extending its territory, multiplying its officers, and swelling its expenditures, and controlled by a sectional Northern majority, that confiscates the territorial rights of the S South, that appropriates the revenue chiefly to itself, but devotes a portion of its money and its honors to divide the South, and to seduce l one portion from the other, lest, if united, they might assert and defend their rights. Hence, we behold in these border States, some abject manifestations of submission, and even rejoicing at the recent monstrous acts of aggression against their own section. Hence, we see their newspapers calling aloud for Union and for jobs—their politicians for harmony and for office. But let us not do the people of the border States injustice. Os course, they’ cannot re main unaffected by the misrepresentations of the city papers, and the arts of ambitious politicians, but they still remain devoted to their rights and institutions. Virginia has now about half a million of slaves. The resolutions of her Legislature were almost unanimous in favor of Southern rights, and from what we can learn, her people are ready to stand by the other Southern States, and will meet them in council. Kentucky, which is regarded as the least jealous of Northern aggression, has recently” rejected all schemes of emancipation what ever, and will never isolate herself from States of kindred institutions. But neither Virginia nor Kentucky will take the lead in measures \ of redress and safety, for the reasons we ; have shown. Virginia, we think, will eo. ! operate promptly, and Kentucky ultimately. j Upon the cotton States, then, will depend j the task of first asserting the destiny of the great system of Southern civilization—that sys tem which has achieved a higher condition for the two races respectively which belong to it, than any other. The cotton States are more vitally concerned in the issue, and are less in terested in the favor of the Federal Govern ment, and subject to more of its burthens than I the others. Those who support, and those who con- j nive at, or submit to, Northern aggression, rely on the attachment to the Union as the guaranty of all acts of Federal power, and the barrier to all measures of redress. But so far as the love of Union is rational and sin cere, it will not stand in the way of the rights of the States. It will be easy for the South ern States, when they meet in council, to de vise remedies for wrong and oppression, with out impairing any of the legitimate functions of tlx.) Union. And such remedies will be j proposed. When they come to be acted on, I we shall be able to distinguish those who | love the Union for the rights it protects from those who adhere to it for the plunder it may j give. And if the North shall reject reason- j able terms of redress, of safety and equality, I the cant of loving the Union will stand ex- \ posed—and the spell be dissolved.— Southern Press. [From the Augusta Republic.] Extracts from Speeches of Mr. Toombs. “ Those causes have brought us to the point, where we are to test the sufficiency of written constitutions to protect the rights of a minority against a majority of the people. Upon the determination of this question will devoid and ought to depend the permanency of the GOV ERA M E NT.” (In this, Mr. T. evidently calculates the value of the Union.) “Our security under the constitution is based solely upon good faith. There is nothing in its structure which makes aggros sion permanently impossible. It requires neither skill, nor genius, nor courage, to per petrate it; it requires only BAD FAITH. I have studied the histories of nations, and the Characteristics of mankind to but little pur pose, if that quality shall be found WANT ING in the FUTURE ADMINISTRATION of our atm affairs.” (That BAD FAITH to which Mr. Toombs alludes has b6en perpetrated.- He contends, slaveholders will have no right to hold their slaves as such, in the territories acquired of Mexico, till Congress repeals the Mexican anti-slavery law.- He declared that the gov ernment was bound in good faith and duty to repeal that law. He admits that said law has not been repealed. How then can Mr. Toombs consistently occupy the position he now does, and how could he have arrived at the conclusion, publicly declared at the meet ing on Monday week last, that “ ALL the CONCESSION has been made by tiie NORTH”) “ It is a fraud on our rights to permit them, (the Mexican laws,) to remain to our prejudice.” (Well, as before stated, Mr. Toombs him self declares, that they have been left unre pealed.) “ Our next and last acquisition was Cali fornia and New Mexico. They are the fruits ot successful war. We have borne an equal share of its burdens — we demand an equal participation in its benefits. The rights of the South are consecrated by the blood of her children. The sword is the title by which the nation acquired the country. The thought is suggestive, wise men will pon der it, brave men will ACT UPON IT.” (What “ participation ” have we obtained of the “ benefits ?”) Mr. Toombs, alluding to the claim for pro tection to Southern rights, said: “I can see no reasonable prospect that you will grant it.” (Has it been granted—has it not been de nied ?) “ I STAND UPON THE GRE AT PRIN CIPLE, THAT THE SOUTH HAS A RIGHT TO AN EQUAL PARTICIPA TION IN TIIE TERRITORIES OF TIIE UNITED STATES. I CLAIM THE RIGHT FOR HER TO ENTER THEM WITH HER PROPERTY, AND SE- C URITY TO ENJO Y IT. SHE WILL DIVIDE WITH YOU, IF YOU WISH IT, BUT THE RIGHT TO ENTER ALL, I SHALL NEVER SURREN DER, AND THAT WE WILL MAIN TAIN THE POSITIONS THERE LAID DOWN.” (But has not Mr. Toombs “ surrendered” that “ right to enter, &e ?”) “ I SPEAK NOT FOR OTHERS, BUT j FOR MYSELF. Deprive us of this right, ; and appropriate this common property to COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 21, 1850. yourselves, it is then your government, not mine. Then lam its enemy, and I will then, if I can, bring my children and my constitu ents to the altar of liberty, and like Hamilcar, i I would swear them to eternal hostility to i your foul dominion. Give us our just rights, and we are ready-, as heretofore, to stand by j the Union, every’ part of it, and its every in ! terest. Refuse it, and for one, I WILL | STRIKE FOR INDEPENDENCE.” (Brave words, but there is sometimes a j great difference between talking and acting!) ! “This cry of Union is the masked bat j tery from behind which the Constitution and I the rights of the South are to be assailed.” “ Let the South mark the man, who is for i the Union at every hazard, and to the last ex tremity. When the day of her peril comes, he will he the imitator of the historical char acter, the base Judean, who, for thirty’ pieces of silver, threw away a pearl richer than all his tribe.” “ If the people of Georgia understood THIS SLAVERY QUESTION AS WELL AS l DO, THEY WOULD NOT REMAIN IN THIS UNION FIVE MINUTES.” This very ery of Union is now the masked battery from behind which the constitution and rights of the South ARE assailed. The people, every where, are hearing Mr. Toombs’ views now. He has fallen a little in his tone. It will he for the people to de cide whether his reasons for it are satisfactory. [From the Augusta Republic.] Extracts from Speeches of Mr. Stephens. “It is my object at this time to speak upon that measure, which some gentlemen are pleased so call the ‘ compromise bill,’ but which might he more properly entitled arti cles of capitulation on the part of the South. So far from being a compromise, the bill pro poses nothing short of an abandonment of the position of the South, and a surrender of the just rights of her people to an equal par ticipation in the new acquisitions of territory. The surrender was covert, but it was no less complete and absolute.” This extract is taken from Mr. Stephens’ speech, against what was termed the Clayton compromise, and which was killed by the votes of Mr. Stephens, and seven other Southern Wlygs. Mr. Stephens entitled that j compromise articles of capitulation on the ; part ot the South. lie proceeded to show ! that such was the case, and said, “ It was no compromise in any sense of the word. A compromise is a mutual yielding of rights, ! for the purpose of adjusting and settling dif ferences and difficulties. 13ut in this case, there was no such mutual concession. The whole question was to be left in the last re sort to the Supreme Court of the United States, upon whose decision the party was either to get all or lose all. And entertain ing not the slightest doubt, that under it the South was to lose all, I adopted the speediest and most effectual means of defeating it.” (Now has there been a mutual concession by the North and the South, in the late settle- j ment of the difficulties in which Mr. Stephens j acquiesces ? And again, is not the question ! left by it to the decision of the same Supreme j Court of the United States?) “ Then, sir, what are we of the South to j gain by this compromise ? Nothing but what j we would have even with the Wilmot pro viso. The poor privilege of carrying our slaves into a country where the first tiling to j he encountered is the certain prospect of an j uncertain law suit, which may cost more than | any slave is worth ; and in my opinion, with the absolute certainty of ultimate defeat in the end, and with no law in the meantime to protect our rights of property in any way whatever. This, sir, is the substance of the compromise, even in the most favorable view that can be presented. And this is the securi ty of the South which I had the temerity to reject! Would that the people of that sec tion may ever have men on this floor of such temerity ! I did reject it; and I shall con tinue to reject all such favors. If I can get no better compromise, I shall certainly never take any at all. As long as I have a seat here, I shall maintain the just and equal rights of my section upon this as upon all other questions. 1 ask nothing more and shall take nothing less. All I demand is, common right and common justice; these 1 will have in clear and express terms, or I will have nothing. I speak to the North, irrespective of parties. 1 recognize no party association in affiliation upon this subject.” By the recent settlement we .are no better off We do not obtain the just and equal rights of the South which Mr. Stephens said lie should maintain. “ Nor shall Ihe awed os.intimidated in the discharge of this high duty, by any of the trembling alarms of the official organ, that the ‘Union is in danger;’ that unless agitation on this subject is quieted, the ‘ free soil movement’ in the North will sweep every thing before it, and that the gov ernment itself will be endangered. Such ap peals may have their effects upon the hearts of the timid. I am, myself, not quite so easi ly’ terrified into a surrender of my rights and those of my constituents.” “ And no alarms about the Union, or the ravings of brainless scribblers and heartless demagogues, who croak and prate upon subjects on which they are profoundly ignorant, shall ever cause me to shrink from the open and fearless main tenance of it, even though I may stand soli tary and alone.” “ I repeat, lam no enemy to the Union—and I am for its preservation ■ and its perpetuation, if it can be done upon principles of equality and justice.” “We have heard but little from gentlemen from that section, for eight months past, but eulo gies upon the Union.” “If they expect the South to make all the sacrifices, to yield every thing, and to permit them to carry out their sectional policy under the cry of ‘ our glori ous Union,’ they will find themselves most sadly mistaken. It is time for mutual con cessions.” “ And no people, in my judgment, who de- ; serve the name of freemen, will continue their allegiance to any government which ar rays itself, not only against their property, but against their social and civil organization.” “ And whenever this government is brought in hostile array against me and mine, I am for disunion —openly, boldly, and fearlessly for revolution, I speak plainly. Gentlemen may call this ‘ treason’ if they please, Sir, epithets have no terrors for me. The charge of ‘ traitor’ may he whispered in the ears of the timid and craven-hearted; it is the last i appeal of tyrants.” (These remarks of Mr. Stephens are very ■ applicable to some who are croaking and prating about the Union at the expense of the rights and honor of their own sections. Some of those who are now called ultraists and traitors may not have received the light which Mr. Stephens has, and under the influ ence of which he sings now a different song.) “In other words, we say, if you cannot agree to enjoy this domain, let us divide it. \ou take a share, and let us take a share. And I again submit to an intelligent and candid world if the proposition is not fair and just ? And whether its rejection does not amount to a clear expression of your fixed determination to exclude us entirely from any participation in this public domain.” “ But if you deny those terms —if you con- J tinue deaf to the voice of that spirit of jus tice, right and equality, which should always characterize the deliberations of statesmen, I know of no other alternative that will be left the people of the South, but, sooner or later to ‘acquiesce in the necessity’ of ‘holding | you, as the rest of mankind, enemies in war —in peace, friends.’ ” We close for the present. Mr. Stephens will find it difficult to reconcile his former with liis present views. Both he and Mr. Toombs will fail to show that they have not yielded at the point, which each declared j should be the time for resistance. More ‘ hereafter. Mr. Toombs. Will some of the friends of this gentle man inform the public, what were the wrongs of the South, that from the first Monday of December last, till within a few days past, excited his indignation ? He has talked about “letting discord reign,” swearing like Hamilcar, “upon the altar of his country,” for equality of independence, &c. For months, he has talked like a Southern man and acted like a Southern man, except a lit tle too shy. In common with every body else, that we have heard name the subject, we had supposed, that all this indignation was occasioned by Mr. Clay’s surrender bills. Yet he voted for them all, except the Califor nia bill. Worse than this the Washington papers report him as having said in the de bate on the Utah bill on the 7th, in reply to Mr. Seddon : “ The gentleman had spoken of outrage committed on the South. There could cer tainly be no outrage connected with this legislation. So far as that was concerned it was perfectly satisfactory. The gentleman was not justified in saying that an outrage was committed upon the South. If any outrage had been committed upon her, it had been done by her own sons.” Really we cannot fathom Mr. Toombs’ devotion to the South. It is too profound for our comprehension. We ask for light. It is rumored here that his breach with the Northern Whigs has been healed, and that he has been received again into favor at the White House. But what has that to do with the patriotic “IJamilcar’s oath?” Why should that blot out the declaration of burn ing indignation, “let discord reign ?” Again we ask for light.— Fed. Union. Product of the Calilornia Gold Mines. It is estimated that California has sent into the world, during the past two years, full one hundred and fifty millions of dollars worth of gold dust, which has been distributed as follows: Production of Goldin California to August, 1850. Shipped to the United States, : : §30,000,000 Taken to Oregon, by miners, : : 10,000,000 Taken to Mexico, by miners, : : 20,000,000 Taken to England, through Mexico, 15,000,000 Taken to England, via Panama, : 20,000,000 Shipped to South America, : : : 25,000,000 Shipped to Sandwich Islands, : : 5,000,000 Shipped direct to Eng., via C. Horn, 10,000,000 Shipped to other parts of the world, 15,000,000 Total, ::::::: §150,000,000 It will be seen by this, that hut a small portion of the product, up to this time, has reached the United States. The Territories. The annexed statement was prepared at Washington before the admission of Califor nia into the Union, and includes the territory of that State, as well as all other Territory of the Republic not as yet organized into States : Table,showing the estimated surface of the Territories of the United States, north and west of the regular ly organized States of the Union, and the portions of Territory thereof,situated north and south of the parallel 36 deg. 30 min. of north latitude. I j Oregon Territory —Bounded north by the parallel of 49° north latitude south by the parallel of 42* north latitude east by the Rocky Mountains west by the Pacine Ocean Territory north and west of the Mississippi River —Bounded north by the parallel of 49° north latitude.. south by the State of lowa and the Platte river cast by the Mississippi River and the States of lowa and Missouri west by the Rocky Mountains Balance of old Northwest Territory —Bounded north by the British line south by the Mississippi River and Wisconsin east by Lake Superior and Wisconsin west by the Mississippi River Indian Territory —Bounded north by the Platte River —south by the State of Texas east by the States of Missouri and Arkansas west bv Texas and the Rocky Mountains California and New Mexico —Bounded north by the 42° of north latitude south by the Mexican boundary oast by the Rio del Norte, etc west by the Pacific Ocean North of 36° 30'. j South of 36* 30’. Square miles. Acres. Square miles.j Acres. | 321,695 205,894,800! 201,383 130,805, 120| l 190,505 121,923, 200 1 59,346 37,341 ,440- i 22,336 14,295,040! ‘1 * , < 723,248 462,878,720! 1 311,463 218, 536, 320 1 I I j 1,599,2471 1,023,518,080) 262,729 168,146^60 Military Strength ol'the Slareholdiiig States. Letter from Gen. Felix Houston. (Correspondence of the Georgia Telegraph.) Natchez, Sept. 7, 18f>0. Same. J. Ray Dear Sir: I am much gratified at jour estimation of my views its to the military strength of the slaveholding States, set forth in my letter to the Nashville Convention. “ From some cause or other only five hun dred copies were struck oft’—which, of course, cannot give general publicity. I really think that this matter should be understood in every neighborhood, and then there will be no dan ger of panics which may lead to the destruc tion of our property. “I also fear that a mistaken want of con fidence in our strength leads many to take connsel from their fears and pursue a timid course, which will utterly ruin and destroy them. “ You ask my opinion as to the position of Mississippi. I will give it candidly. The people of this State are more generally united than those of any State except South Carolina. “For a time, when propositions for com promise were made in Congress and Senator Foote sanctioned them, there was a disposi tion to wait, under the belief that “ compro mise” must mean mutual concession and ad vantages. But hardly any could realize that under so popular a name, measures should be proposed which would effectually debar the people of the Southern States from par ticipating in any of the advantages of the Territory conquered from Mexico without leaving their slave property behind them. “As this fact is made manifest tliat the whole drift of the compromise, or the bills passed separately, is to forever exclude the slaveholder, the public mind is busy in calcu lating the result of this state of affairs. They are satisfied that it will be most deplorablv ruinous. “ All see that if California is admitted with the exclusion of slavery in her onstitution, she carries with her the balance of the Ter ritory. No one can point to a slaveholder who is foolish enough to move to Utah or New Mexico. Thousands upon thousands will move to California if they could do so with their slaves—but to go to New Mexico, to have their negroes appeal to the laws of Mexico, and sue out a “ habeas corpus” to be tried before judges to be appointed by an Abolition President, would be too great an act of Folly for any sane man to commit. And then he would know that even if the courts should decide the Mexican laws not to be in force, Congress stands ready to pass the Wilmot proviso the moment they deem it ne cessary to exclude slavery. “Set it down, that if the South submit to these monstrous aggressions there will never be another slaveholding State admitted into the Union. A child can make the cal culation as to what will be the fate of sla very. ‘ “ You may rest assured Mississippi will be as staunch in support of the principles she has avowed as any State in the Union. “You speak of the course of New Orleans as shown by the papers. I do not believe that the State of Louisiana will support the compromise bill collectively or separately. The upper part of that State is as sound as the State of Mississippi, and I have under stood that the citizens of French descent may be relied on ; but it is hard as yet to speak with certainty, as New Orleans is nearly one third of the State and has great influence, and the overflow of the Mississippi has for a time paralyzed the State. I reside in Louisiana and feel confident that she will be ih a short time alongside of her Southern sister States. “ You refer to the course pursued bv Speaker Cobb. I read his letter with great pain. To insist on the doctrines of “ non intervention” at this time is to insult our un derstanding. When the door was open for the admission of slavery into the Territory, we could not get “ non-intervention”—but now when the door and every avenue is clo sed against us to ask us to support “ non-in tervention” tef keep the door shut is prepos terous. “ Propositions are made with reference to time and situation. When Mr. Webster made his great speech at Baltimore, in which he stated that till the North wanted was sta bility in our tariff laws—the tariff was high —now when the tariff’ is lower ho does not want stability,-he wants change. Who blames him ? His propositions were made for a pur pose. We had a purpose when we proposed “ non-intervention,” and the most of those who now proclaim that it is the true “South ern doctrine” would not go with 11s. No at tempt was made at the Philadelphia Conven tion in favor of “non-intervention.” But when “intervention” has done its work we are asked to ratify it by “ non-intervention.” “ Intervention” began before the Territo ries were acquired by the attempts to annex the Wilmot proviso to the three million bill and to the treaty with Mexico. “ The refusal of Congress to pass territo rial bills without the Wilmot proviso, and to establish thereby courts for the protection of property was “ intervention.” “ The passage of the Wilmot proviso in the Oregon bill was “intervention.” “ The instructions of Northern Legisla tures to their Senators and Representatives to vote for the Wilmot proviso, and against the admission of any more slave States, was “ in tervention.” “The assumption of Northern adventurers not attached to the soil, who had never laid a rail or built a house, of the rights to make a State Governmentin California and exclude slavery, was most unconstitutional “ interven tion.” “ The most glaring act of thirteen thou sand voters of all languages, colors and countries, not three thousand of whom would have been entitled to vote under the most lib eral franchise law of any State in the Union, by which they undertook to exclude slavery from ten degrees front on the Pacific and from an area sufficient to make six States, was most insulting, unwarrantable, and un constitutional “ intervention.” “The action of the Executive Department of the General Government, in sending agents’ and turning the officers of our army into emissaries, to excite a gold seeking rab ble, to form a State Constitution, wiien it was known that the slaveholding Suites would have no voice therein, and their rights des troyed thereby, was a most gross usurpation and unconstitutional “ intervention.” “ Why, sir, we have had nothing but “ in tervention” for the last three years. “ Why, sit, the lukewarmness, the support ; of usurpations, and the treachery of South ern statesmen has been “ intervention” and I tended greatly to exclude slavery from the Territories. “ And now when “ intervention” has done its work, wo are told that it if; a violation of i our own doctiine of non-intervention for us | tb seek to remove any of the barriers which’ | have been thrown in oUr way. “ Ami forsooth, our honor will he saved if the North will magnanimously be content I with all the Territories cohqiiered : from Mex ico and bribed from Texas, and not pass the W ilinot Proviso. “Our honor was gone when the Wilmot? Proviso was annexed to the Oregon bill, and j 1 do not see how it can be redeemed by stttl j titying ourselves now, by applauding the miserable tricks and jugglery which are for : ever excluding us from our Territorial rights. “ As for mvself, sir, I am openly for secies j sion. Ido not think that the North will at tempt to use force to compel a political con nection which they have esteemed above the i most narrow-minded prejudices. But if they do, we will whip thenvhito their senses. Very truly, FELIX HOUSTON.” Practical Measures ot Resistance- The agreement of the planters of St. Hole-’ na to withhold their custom from Northern I coasting vessels, has created something of a | sensation in Charleston. It is seen at once to be a practical measure, perfectly easy to carry through and naturally laying the foun dation for a train of defensive measures, each one of which will at the same time strength en us and weaken those who assail us. Half the power of the North to assail the South, consists in the vast number of points at which they haVe been allowed to fasten upon the everyday movements of our trade and business; while much pf the weakness and distraction of the South has arisen from the incessant disturbing force of Northern in fluences'that have penetrated everyhere, al ways awake, active, - all moving in conceit and all thoroughly hostile to the people, on 1 whose substance they fatten. The following brief communication of “A Planter,” shows how wide is the Md sot the operation of the defensive measures we speak -of, and how much we can do by efficient local combina tions to cut asunder bonds’ that in the pres ent condition of things are shameful fetters rather than fraternal ties. There is no serious obstacle to the gradual and sure deliverance of the South from these injurious connections. Fot the coasting trade, we are not without means to conduct it, while with suitable encouragement, North Carolina would furnish a fleet of efficient coasters, sailed bv as intelligenf and trust worthy a body of seamen as the country produces. They would come among us as friends, and their profits would go for the enrichment of a State having a comnlon po sition and'destroy with ourselves. We are equally sure, under proper manage ment, of abundant supplies of all the arti cles enumerated by our correspondent. Os those, too, North Carolina might furnish much, while the wide and fertile farming re gion of Upper Georgia, will soon overflow with the ahundance'of its varied agricultural 1 wealth. We have but wisely to encourage and systematize trade and intercourse with our nearest neighbors and natural friends, to find out how unnecessary is our dependence upon a distant and liostile people.— Chas; Mercury. Messrs. Editors: “For good and suffi cient reasons me thereunto moving,” I have determined hereafter to use No Northern Coaster to carry my crop. No Northern cloth for my negro’s clothing. No Northern shoes, if other can be obtained.- Nor Northern soap, candles, flour, or (Ohio) Bacon. No Northern potatoes, cabbage, fruit oh hay. No Northern butter, cheese ot preserved fish. No Northern refined sugar. And, in fact, nothing that is produced at the North that can possibly be procured from any other region ; and I would respect fully suggest the same course toothers that will be pursued by k PLANTER. [From’ the Ma'eoh Telegraph.) Northern Dependence. To form some estimate of the'extent to which the North is involved hr Southern pros perity, let us for a few moments consider the shipping. Deducting the whaling attd fish ing tonnage from’ that owned by the North, the official tables give us 1,009,750 register ed, and 1,322,475 coasting tonnagej more ilutn three-fourths of which are employed in the exportation of Southern produce. The sum of freights resulting from the transportation of cotton in 1848—9, amounted to $16,969,- 682, and of other articles $2,467,749, all of which went to Northern ship owners. The American tonnage in 1848 was 2,461,250; allowing fifteen dollars per ton, the outward, inward and coast freight between the North and the South was $64,107,056. two-thirds of which originated from Southern produce. The outward freights consist of the staple produce of the country, seventy-five per cent, of which is Southern: the inward freights of merchandize, on which Northern shipping makes a freight, Northern importers and Northern jobbers their profits, and Southern property pays for it. The estimates of tho profits of the North by Southern cbhneiJtion have been thus reckoned : Freights of northern shipping on southern pro duce, - - - - - $40;i86,r?28 Profits derived on imports at the north for southern account, - 91000:000 Profits of Exchange operations, - 1 ,00b;000 Profits on northern manufactures sold at the south, - - 22,250,600 Profits on Western produce de scending the Mississippi, - - 10,000,000 Profits on northern capital employ ed at the south, - G,000,000 Total earnings of the north per an., $88,436,728 Statistical truths are generally very dis tasteful, and therefore, no more will be given; suffice it to say, that the above estiVnateS are very small. Such are a very- few of the ad vantages reaped by the North from its Con nection with the South, while we groan under the pressure of an unjust tariff, imposed 4 for the protection of their manufactures; as if the poor man cared whether he wore English or American cloth, provided he could get cheaper than the other. It is not my pur pose to rake up the Nullification difftcultSes ; though if I did so, much might be said about the Injustice of this tariff system, Where all the advantage goes to one section of the country to the injury of the other/ I*f a dis-i solution of the confederation should take place—and indeed, such an event is not very unlikely to happen—--free trade is evidently the policy of the South : we can get all we want which we have not within our own boundaries, from England much cheaper than from the North, and whenever we choose to enter the arena of manufacture, experience shows that not even England with her cheap labor can contend with us, free as we shall be from all freights, duties and commissions NO. 13.