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on the raw material. That is a mistaken policy which advises an export tax on all cotton sent to the North; by restraining trade in its channels, we will only injure our selves ; sell them cotton if they wish to buv it, and if they will pay for it: but the ques tion then arises, how can they contend with English enterprise in a market governed by free-trade principles ? As to the use of ship ping, it will be a mere question as to the rel ative cheapness of freights of Northern, English or Southern vessels, although some stress could be laid on the feelings of South ern men, who would certainly sympathize with any rather than with those who would oppress them, even though it should be at the cost of a little more money. Now let us reverse the picture and see what would be the loss to the South in case of secession; what are the advantages accruing to us in the connec tion ? Do they consist in the fraternal affection shown us by the North, or in the generous protection held out by them to Southern insti tutions? Do they consist in the formation of free States or in the privilege they vouchsafe us of being forced to buy their manufactures through the imposition of a grievous and odiou3 tariff? Perhaps this dreadful infliction is to be found in the cessation of emigration from the North to the South. How say you, gentlemen ? Is it so ? If not, in the namo of Heaven, where will we be losers? You fear, perhaps, that the North will rise in her might and compel us, poor cowards, as we showed ourselves in Mexico, to pander once more to the interests of her treasuries: well, then, in God’s name, be it so! Better that we should know that we are serfs, and know ing it, suffer as such, than be virtually made so through the medium of an arbitrary legis lation, covered by the mantle of a tattered Constitution. But there is no necessity for warlike proceedings; we entered the confed eration in peace, why can we not leave it in peace ? If an .appeal should be made to arms, what would become of a Northern army in our country of chills and fevers, threatened by a half million of men —whom we could easily levy—and who would prove by their courage, endurance and enthusiasm, that the blood of Revolutionary fathers still runs in their veins, urging them to resist oppression, as did those fathers of old. As to a blockade of our ports, it is a question to be solved if England, with her thousand of operatives menacing a revolution in case of a closing of the manufactories—which would certainly ensue if they could not obtain our cotton — would allow such a proceeding. The exist ence and produce of the South has become absolutely necessary to the existence of 6ome of the greatest powers of the civilized world, and nothing is more calculated to de velope her resources than a secession from that section which is growing fat at her expense; the South Sea ports are actually impoverished to feed the insatiable maw of the giant cities of the North.— William Ma son. The North and the South. There is no accounting for tastes. Very many persons prefer to look on the dark side. They are continually raking up causes for discontent, and imagining themselves over reached in every transaction. Their en joy ment in fact seems to depend upon making themselves miserable. We cannot but liken to this class, those people at the North who insist upon representing that portion of the country as the loser by the adjustment of the slavery questions. It is our disposition to take the brighter view of the matter which the truth presents. We cannot conceive what object there is in deluding ourselves with the idea that we have been bullied, be trayed, sold out and beaten in a contest with inferiors. We are unable to shut our eves against the facts which prove the con trary, or to refuse our assent to the lamenta tion in which the really worsted side indulges. It is agreeable, both to our inclination and convictions, to believe that the North has al together the advantage in the recent contro versy. We do not say this in the way of boasting, but simply as an undeniable fact. * * * * * * The successive annexation to the Union of Louisiana, Florida and Texas, all of them being territory suitable for slavery, is com monly cited as evidence of the unfair acquisi tions of the South. But it should be remem bered that before these additions to the South, the North had received from Virginia, the free gift of the whole Northwestern territory?’ comprising already six free States having forty-six representatives in Congress, while', but five States having only thirteen represen-| ta fives have as yet been gained by the addi tions of slave territory. The purchase of Louisiana, moreover, brought us Oregon and: probably other future free States. But even! admitting that the South had gained most in the more recent enlargements of our boun daries, up to the breaking out of the wan with Mexico, what has been the course of events since ? First, Oregon teas secured as free territory by positive enactment; then Cal ifornia, the great State of the Pacific, iras ad ded to the free States, and finally 150,000 square miles, upon which the slave State of Texas has an ugly claim, is in a fair way to be rescued. Instead of bemoaning the 50,- 000 square miles, retained by Texas, it strikes vs as pleasanter, as well as more accordant, with the truth, to rejoice over thrice that amount obtained from her.—Albany (IV. Y.) State Register. Northern Politics. The general movement of Northern poli tics is truly expressed in the following ex tract from the New York Herald of Monday. The picture is indeed drawn with great mod eration, and if, instead of a general view, the editor had descended to a sketch of the ele mentary parts and elements of this move ment, he must have exhibited a turmoil of hot and distempered passions such a9 seldom visit communities, and never without leaving behind the track of violent and disastrous change. It is for the Southern people to de cide whether these passions shall expend their force upon us or upon those who have aroused and infuriated them.— Ch. Mercury. “The political horizon of the North is growing dark, and portends the swallow ing up of the Whig party in the Abolition movement. The course of the majority of the Syracuse Convention Committee is gen erally approved throughout the North and East, and especially in the State of New Y r ork has it been adopted as the true Whig platform. In this city, where interest would prompt a different course, the resolutions of that Convention have been denounced by the more considerate of the party; but, in the the interior and Western sections of the State, the principles put forth and advocated by William H. Seward are endorsed and re published as the only Whig creed. The press iu those sections, with two or three ex ceptions of minor character, have taken up the cry, and thrown the anti-slavery stand ard to the breeze. The Albany State Regis ter and Buffalo Commercial Advertiser are the only papers of influence or note that have taken up the gauntlet to battle against the proceedings of the Convention. T.he Albanv Evening Journal was the first to pro claim the cause of Seward, and the smaller prints in the interior have followed, and, with every issue, denounce all who do not en dorse the purity of his principles. The late postmaster at Albany, L. Benedict, has pub lished a correspondence in the Evening Journal, between the Postmaster General and himself, and the Journal has made an attack upon President l illmore and his ad ministration, which cannot fail to make wider the already existing breach in the Whig par ty. The cause of the publication of the cor respondence was because Mr. Benedict failed to obey the instructions of the head of the Department, or left the whole business of the office to the care of an assistant, which re sulted in his removal, and the appointment of another in his stead. The Democratic press are of course placed in the dilemma in which the Whig party is placed; and, should the Free-soilers hold to the nominations made by the Democratic Convention, their success is more than probable. “The Whig press throughout the Eastern States are favorable to the Seward principle of action, and the Boston Atlas strongly cen sures the Whig seceders for the course they have pursued. With regard to the compro mise measures adopted by Congress, they manifest an unswerving hostility, and espe cially to the fugitive slave law, which they assert is unconstitutional, and advise the fu gitives to resist to the last extremity. The I’oston Advertiser is the only Whig paper which has taken a conservative course, and which commends the utility and justice of the law. The Democratic press is generally quiet, and leaves the Whig party to absorb itself into abolition without an expression of opinion at all. At all of the late State and County Conventions of the Whig party in the Northern and Eastern States, the slavery question has been the chief subject of com ment, and they have universally condemned the action of Congress in the passage of the Texas Boundary and Fugitive Slave bills, while the same body has beer, very strongly censured for not incorporating the slavery prohibition in the New Mexico and Utah bills.” SOUTHERN SENTINEL. COLUMBUS, GEORGIA: THURSDAY MORNING, OCT. 24, 1850. MUSCOGEE COUNTY Southern Rights Ticket. FOR THE STATE CONVENTION. llon. ALFRED IVERSON. Maj. JOHN H. HOWARD. MARTIN J. CRAWFORD. WILLIAM Y. BARDEN. • STEWART COUNTY Southern Rights Ticket, • FOR THE STATE CONVENTION. Dr. I. W. STOKES. WILLIAM NELSON. Dr. WM. E. WIMBERLY. JAMES HILLIARD. HARRIS COUNTY. FOR THE STATE CONVENTION. GEORGE A. B. DOZIER. THOS. A. WILLIAMS. JESSE GUNN. HOPSON MILNER. ■EP'At the head of our column to-day, will be found the names of the candidates selected by the Southern Rights party for the county of Muscogee. Alfred Iverson, who heads the ticket, is well known to every voter in the county as a finished statesman and a polished orator. Jlis long expe rience in public life—his unblemished private charac ter and his ardent devotion to the interest of Geor gia, are sufficient guarantees to the people to satisfy them that in reposing their interests in his hands they will be committed to one who has the wisdom to understand and the ability and firmness to enforce them. as an ardent son of Georgia, who has passed through a long and active life “without fear and without re proach.” The ability of Major Howard none will doubt, and his untarnished honor none dare quest ion ; with these qualifications we think he may safely be trusted by that portion of our citizens who regard dishonor as the worst evil that can befall a free people. Wm. Y. Barden has been long known to the county as an ardent Whig! While his position in this contest brands with falsehood the charge oft His be ing a party move, it shows conclusively that a erisis has arrived when all party preferences must be tem porarily sacrificed to the maintenance of Southern rights—this is at all events Mr. Barden’s opinion— in which he is heartily sustained by a large number of Whigs in this county as we are informed—in the city we know that the Whigs who have joined our Association are nearly, if not fully as numerous as the Democrats; we think Mr. Barden with his good common-sense argument will be enabled to persuade many of the deluded, that “some injustice has been done to the South.” Martin J. Crawford is not so well known in Muscogee, his residence amongst us being more re cent ; but as he is a very sociable and courteous gen tleman, we doubt not that he will soon win the hearts of our people, about which the opposition would care but little, if unfortunately he did not also win the votes; but as this is a necessary consequence, we prophesy that when the canvass is over, he will of all the candidates be the best known, and least liked by the opposition. Mr. Crawford has the good fortune to know a great deal, and the happy faculty of being able to tell it so that others shall hear him under standingly. The candidates are before the people, and if they like them as well as we do, then there is not a hap pier set of fellows in all Georgia than are we of the Southern Rights Association of Muscogee. But our gratification does not stop here, for while we con gratulate ourself upon the strength of our ticket, we cannot but exult over the weakness of that put forth by the opposition ; except their cause , it is the weak est thing extant, and if we have a single objection to it, it arises from the fact that it is not strong enough to afford food for excitement in the contest. M e had hoped that the leaders of the parly would have borne their banner, but alas, after great tribulation, excitement and caucussing, the mountain has brought forth a mouse, and the arduous task of exciting the people of Muscogee to desperate submission , de volves upon ALEXANDER McDOUGALD, ALEXANDER C. MORTON, THOMAS F. WOOLDRIDGE, NICHOLAS L. HOWARD. We think that they have mistaken their man in the elder Alexander, for “certes,” at the last legislature, he said, in substance, that the combined armies of the world could not drive him from 36—30. There he meant to fight forever ; il he is not for fight ing upon that line now, he is either inconsistent or else like Jack Falstaff, only intended to say that he would not be forced. He would not even give “a reason on compulsion,” and perhaps gets out of the dilemma by saying that his submission is “voluntary.” If this is his position, he has at least one requisite for candidacy on that side— his skill in vaulting , in which he rivals even the immortal “Hamilcar,” for we remember him within a very few years, as a Demo crat, a Taylor Democrat, a Democratic Whig, a Whig, a 36-30 fighting man, and uow a “Submis bionist per e.” The younger Alexander, we, like “the rest of mankind,” know very little about. This may be to his advantage or au conlraire , we cannot say. All that we do know, is, that he is a young lawyer, whose first case (if elected,) barring a limited practice before the Justiciary of Georgia, will be Submission vs. the Honor of Georgia—Morton for Plaintiff. The other candidates, Messrs. Wooldridge and Howard, are two honest, ingenuous gentlemen, who we fear have been badly put upon by their more knowing friends, who prefer to be “lookers on in Vienna;” but the drum has tapped, the nags are in the field, aud if the submission ticket does not win, we can only say that it is not because of the weight it carries. Plain Talk on a Plain Subject. We ask the people of Georgia to reflect calmly, as free and honest men, upon the relation which they now sustain to the general government. You must admit, whether the causes be real or imagina ry, that we are in the midst of a most alarming crisis. Those who call themselves Union men, tell you that the Union is in danger ; those who claim to be Southern Rights men, tell you the South is in danger. If either is right, it presents a theme for your most solemn and deliberate consideration.— You owe it then to yourselves as men, you owe it to America, you owe it to Georgia, you owe it to your families, you owe it to posterity, you owe it to the cause of all mankind, that you should calmly, fear lessly and dispassionately examine the questions in volved in the controversy, now so seriously pending between the different sections of this Union. With what spirit then should you enter upon this examina tion ? You will agree with us, in the first place, that you should not commence it with a mind al ready made up to stand by the government, no mat ter how tyrannical and unjust it may be made to ap pear. You do not hold to the doctrine that this gov ernment can do no wrong; nor do you acquiesce in that other equally erroneous and far more degrading sentiment, that we are bound to submit to every thing the government may do. You will agree with us, in the second place, that you should not undertake this investigation, with any party bias or prejudice resting on your minds. The times are too perilous, the questions too grave, to be influenced by considerations -like these. No matter then on which side of these issues you may find either of the two great parties arrayed ; no mat ter who may have originated or who may be re sponsible for any or all of the measures which may have resulted in these difficulties, it is alike your duty as patriots to devote yourselves honestly and honorably to their sentiments. Are you Democrats ? It is no plea for your submission that your party has involved the country in turmoil, and should submit to any sort of a settlement for the sake of peace. Are you Whigs? It is no justification for your indiffer ence, that you have had nothing to do with bringing on the war, and therefore you will take no hand in restoring peace. No; whether you have been Whigs or Democrats is of no more importance in this crisis than it would be in a pestilence. You are Southern men, you are Georgians, and your inter est in these questions is that of Southern men and Georgians. You will agree with us, in the third place, that in determing your duty in this emergency, you should not take counsel of your fears. You have nothing to do with the consequences which may follow a righteous adherence to truth. If evil come of it, the fault is his who opposes you, not yours. No good man, no brave man, has ever yet paused to count the cost of that which he felt it was his duty to do. You should not do it. In the language of an eloquent man, under the circumstances, “He who dallies is a dastard, and he who doubts is damned.” now, Georgians, having said thus much of the spirit with which you should go to work, we again ask you to reflect upon the relation which you sustain to the general government? What have been the issues between the South and the North, and how have they been settled ? Permit us to re call them, and if in doing so we are guilty of either suppressing a truth, or suggesting a falsehood, we ask to be corrected. 1. The South has asked that the slavery question be kept out of Congress ; the North has insisted on keeping it there. 2. The South has asked that slavery be let alone in the District of Columbia ; the North has insisted on interfering with it. 3. The South has asked to be allowed an equal share in the common territory of the Union ; the North has insisted upon her exclusion. 4. The South has asked that Texas may be left with the limits assigned her in the terms of annex ation ; the North has insisted on her dismember ment. 5. The South has asked that she be allowed the constitutional right of recapturing her fugitive slaves; the North has persisted in denying that right. These five articles, we think, involve all the points of controversy recently pending between the South and the North, and Congress has been the tribunal before which both parties have been brought for an adjudication of their rights. Let us now briefly examine the mode in which they have been settled by the measures of compro mise passed at the late session of Congress. But first, we ask you, men of Georgia, what is the basis upon which the general government ought to settle all questions of dispute between the different mem bers of this great political family? Clearly upon terms of equality, justice, and according to the letter and spirit of the constitution ; and in view of the nature of the compact which exists between these States; in view of that spirit of perfect equality in which the government was formed, and in which alone it can exist—do you not agree with us, that these are the only terms upon which this controversy ought to be settled ? Nay, more; do you not agree with us, that it would be unkind in either party to demand, and dishonorable in either party to submit to, a settlement upon any other basis than this ? It does seem to us that you are obliged to agree with us in this. Let us recur then to the manner in which the so-called settlement has really been made. We said the first part of variance between the South and North was : That the South asked that the slavery question be kept out of Congress, while the North has insisted on keeping it there. Which party has prevailed on this point ? Need we answer ? Go read the history of the last session of Congress. Point us to a day during that long session, when this was not the subject of debate. Examine the records of the legislation of the government for twenty-five years, and show us one session of the national legis lature in which the peculiar institutions of the South have not been violently and threateningly discussed. Go home with the Northern Representatives who have just left Washington, and listen to the promises which they make to their constituents. We have but begun, say they, the noble work of abolition ; the agitation is but commenced ; at the next session we promise to do abundantly more in behalf of your glo rious cause, than we have ever done before. It is very clear then who gets the verdict on this point. The next difficulty is: The South has asked that slavery in the District be let alone, while the North has insisted on interfering with it. How has this been settled? Who has triumphed this time ? Why the high court, of Congress, like many an umpire be fore it, in deciding between the weak and the strong, has determined the matter altogether on one side. It has said to the South : Behold our magnanimity in not permitting the North to abolish slavery itself, (which it had the power and the l ight to do) and now you must reward this generosity on their part, by re linquishing the right to trade in slave property in the District. This is compromise, number one, and the North thinks it involves a very considerable sacrifice on her part. In the third place, the South has asked to be al lowed an equal share in the common territory of the Union, and the North has insisted upon her exclu sion. How has Congress determined this suit ? Has the South any share in California? No! Has she any share in Utah? No! Has she any share in New Mexico? No! Well, this embraces all, and where is the South’s share? Nowhere! ! Whose fault is it? Nobody's!! But didn't Con gress decide the questions ? Oh ! yes ; but Con gress liad the right to decide them, and the South has no right to complain. Again : The South has asked that Texas may not be disturbed, and the North has demanded her dis memberment. Who succeeded here? The North of course, because Texas has been dismembered.— But again it is said, did not Congress and Texas have the right to settle the question ? Suppose they did ; we ask did not the Nort.i succeed in its de mands ? Finally : the South lias asked to be protected in her right to recapture her fugitive slaves, while the North has persisted in refusing it. Which party has triumphed here? The South apparently; the North really. Nobody attaches any importance to that meas ure ; but even if it were worth anything, the appeal has already been entered , and at the very next ses sion, the decision will be reversed. Claiming this, however, as a Southern victory, how does the account stand ? Os the five points in the controversy, four have been settled in favor of the North, and one in favor of the South. One fact then seems to be very well established: The South has made certain de mands and they have been totally disregarded. Now if the South was right in making the demands, a re fusal to grant, them was a violation of Southern rights. The question then is, did the South make any im proper demand ? No Southern man for whose opin ions we entertain any respect, believes that the South has yet made an unwarrantable demand in Congress, and we shall not therefore stop to argue this point. We have arrived then at the conclusion, that in the mode of adjustment adopted at the last session of Congress, the righteous demands of the South have been disregarded. The next question is, do you think the South ought silently to submit to an ac knowledged wrong, knowingly put upon her by the North ? If you do, then we have not another word to say ; if you do not, then we have a few more words to say. You think then the South ought not to make a silent and entire submission. What then ought she to do ? You answer, doubtless, as your legislators did last winter—let the people meet in convention and determine upon the mode and measure of re dress. This is a plain, common sense view of matters as they are, and it brings us as Georgians, to the con sideration of a practical question ‘which we are soon to decide at the ballot box: what sort of dele gates SHALL WE SEND TO THAT CONVENTION ? Shall we send men there who tell us in their opin ion the South has no cause of complaint, and ridicule as nonsense, all this rant about the honor and rights of the South ? Or shall we elect men who believe that the South has rights ; that these rights have been violated, and that we ought to demand redress? Mark the difference. One party denies that the South has suffered any wrong, and of course holds all idea of resistance in ridicule ; while the other party believes that the South has been wronged, and as honorable men, think she should be righted.— Which is right ? With which shall you vote ? Ah 1 say some, we are Southern Rights men, and believe in some measure of redress, but we are at tached to this Union, and are not ready to sacrifice that. Suppose you love the Union, you need not therefore be submissionists. We frankly tell you that so far as we are concerned we despise the Union, and hate the North as we do hell itself, but all Southern Rights men do not agree with us. Dis union is not the only remedy proposed. Many of our friends in other parts of the State have declared against it. They have gone to work and have nom inated men who are for “resistance in the Union.” If you can’t stand disunion, go and do likewise ; but for Heaven’s sake don’t stultify yourselves by vo ting for submission men. For ourselves we are like Mr. Toombs (was), when he said, that “if the PEOPLE OF THE SOUTH KNEW AS MUCH ABOUT THIS SLAVERY QUESTION AS I DO, THEY WOULD NOT STAY IN this Union five minutes,” but because all Southern Rights men do not think so, it is no reason that they, like Mr. Toombs, should turn tail, and abandon the South entirely. No! Georgians, no ! Every man who has an ear to hear, an eye to see, a heart to feel, and an arm to strike, must rally under the banner of the South.— Let RESISTANCE be your watchword. Leave to the good and true men whom you elect to represent you in the Convention, to determine the particular mode and measure, but redress of some kind you must have. And if they do not properly represent you, it will be your prerogative to reverse their decis ion in the final appeal which will be made to you at the ballot box. The Consequences of Secession. The arguments with which .Southern men have sought to arouse the people to a proper sense of the wrongs imposed upon them, have been more para lyzed by appeals made to their fears, than from ail other causes combined. The man of common sense, who is accustomed to take a plain and honest view of things, sees and knows that the South has not had justice, and all the sophistry of all the lawyers can never convince him to the contrary. Hence the at tempt has not been made, but conceding by their si lence, the reality of the injustice, our opponents have sought to restrain an honest demand of redress, by representing in most frightful colors, the horrors which must ensue upon making that demand. Civil war, fraternal blood, murdered families, smouldering cities, and devastated fields, have made up the out line of the gloomy pictures which submission presses have painted as the consequence of secession. How much of this picture is real, how much imaginary ? Those who speak of such things have never yet un dertaken to tell us why, and how, and by whom, the war will be commenced, and until they do, it must be admitted that we have no very good reason for get ting frightened at the bare representation. But let us look at the matter a little more closely. A moun tain when seen through a mist and from a distance looks twice the size it really is. In the first place, then, there will be no cause for war in the act of secession—no just cause, we mean. Has not a State the right to leave this Union, when, in the exercise of her discretion, she thinks the com pact under which she entered into it, has been viola ted ? We imagine no man in Georgia would say, nay. We have never yet heard the position ques tioned, and we think it would be difficult to find any man of sound sense who would. This right being conceded, then of course its exercise would furnish no just cause of complaint, much less of war, with the other members of the confederacy ; for to say that a State has the right to secede, and then, that the other States have the right to coerce her to remain in the Union, is to assert a barefaced absurdity. Then will there be no just cause of war. We say in the second place that the North would have no inducement to make war, even for a good cause, much less without one. It is a very safe rule of interpreting human conduct, that a man will not do that which neither duty nor interest impels him to do. So of nations. As sane men never act without a motive, so communities of sane men do not go to war without a reason. What reason, then, would the North have for making war upon us ? True, it is greatly to her interest to maintain the Union, but it would not be to her interest to make war for that pur pose. What earthly motive then, we repeat, would she have for going to war with us ? For the mere fun of flogging us ? She knows in the first place that there wouldn’t be mucli/un in it, and in the second place, it is not very certain which party would get the flogging. In the next place, could not make war even if she desired it. She could get neither the men nor the money. Where would you muster vol unteers enough throughout all the North to make an army that would march into a Southern State, and that too for the mere love of the thing. We know an Illinois militia Colonel in Congress talked about how many troops he, big injunme , would bring with him, but the militia Colonel himself couldn’t be paid to beat a kettle drum in gun shot of our borders, and he passes for the bravest man in his beat. But the men would be plentier than the dollars. How many thousands, do you imagine they could raise for that purpose? Bear in mind, the revenue from imports would all be cut off, for they could export nothing, and of course would import nothing. The only resort would be to direct taxation, and they have not a pub lic man who would dare propose such a measure. We assert, then, without the fear of contradiction, that the North could not maintain a standing army of 25,000 men for six months. But it is said, she will blockade our ports. Suppose she does, who cares ? We heard one of our most eloquent stump speakers once remark, that it would be an excellent speculation for the South to pay and feed the navies ot the North, if they would guarantee a strict blockade of our ports for twelve months. It would involve her in the most hopeless bankruptcy. ■ In the next place, if the North desired it, and was able to do so, she would not dare to make war upon the South, or any one State of the South. It would be no little matter to do so. We found it pretty troublesome, and tolerably expensive, to whip the Mexicans before we got through with it, and the North would encounter more than a Buena Vista in every plain, and more than a Cerro Gordo in every hill top. The history of modern times furnishes no parallel to the struggle which this country would wit ness, and the idea is most preposterous, that the North would encounter it. The Northern man is a fool, and the Southern man has permitted his fears to make him a coward, who dreams of such a thing as possible. And finally, even if the North had the will, the ability and the courage, the world would rise up to prevent it. Tell us, if you please, of the delight with which European powers watch our dissensions. Tell us, if you will, that every crowned head is trembling with pleasure at the prospect of democratic America destroying herself. It is no such thing. The powers of Europe do indeed watch our dissensions, but it is with anxiety. The crowned heads of the world do tremble at the prospect, but it is with apprehension. European monarchy despises our politics, but, oh ! it loves our cotton. England, proud England, would totter and fall without it, and in its fall drag down ev ery crown upon the continent. To prevent that ca tastrophe, European Royalty is the warmest friend of American Democracy, and when the first note of preparation for war sounds across the Atlantic, ten thousand voices would be raised, and ten thousand hands interposed to arrest it. Then why would we have a war, now would we have it, and WHO would make it ? Uftf “Hon. Josiah Quincy, of Boston, heads the call for a meeting of citizens in Faneuil Hall on ./Mon day next, to take measures to protect fugitive slaves against the recent act of Congress.” And yet we are told that abolitionism is the work of a few ignorant fools. Josiah Quincy is one of the wealthiest, best informed, and most distinguished men in Massachusetts. Boston is very properly called the Athens of America. It certainly contains more learned men than any other city in the Union, and makes more pretension to morality. Still it is the strong hold of abolition. fsr “ How changeable the wind is,” said an old lady. “It is the changeablest thing I ever did see; when I went up Washington street it was a blowin’ in my face, and when I turned to go down, don’t you think it went a blowin’ in my back !” We presume JMr. Toombs thinks just so of a few Southern papers in Georgia. When he went for the South, they was a blowin ’ in his face, and when he turned to go the other way, don't you think they went a blowin ’ in his back ! How changeable they IS ! ! ! Queries for the Enquirer. —That arm ! which of Alex. C. Morton's arms was it that “aided in bearing the glorious banner of a free people in tri umph over the soil of a foreign foe?”—when and where ? That Duck! —Our friend Samivel.of the Enqui rer, says: “The rampant secessionists who, on yes terday, roared like a destroying lion, to-day succumb ed to the omnipotence of public opinion, and took wa ter with the instinct of a sucking duck.” We would like to know where that genus of ducks is to be found. If Samivel has one of them, we think Bar num would have use for it! and we are doubtful if, in the absence of the duck, Barnum, who is famous for “humbugs,” might not see some speculation in the eyes of the Editor of the Enquirer, and regard him as a paying curiosity. The fact is, our neighbor has ranged beyond his proper flight; we think he had better stick to Goose-ol*gy. That was the breed that saved Rome by their cackling, and we have hitherto thought that the incident was remembered by our neighbor in his repeated efforts to save this g-l-o-r-i ----o-u-s U-n-i-o-n. O’ The indisposition of the Editor must be offer ed to the readers of the Sentinel as an excuse for the lack of editorial : the temporary occupant of the arm chair being wholly unskillful in catering to the public taste, fears that he who would not at any time be ca pable of preparing a dish which would suit the appe tite of his readers, would be peculiarly unfortunate at a period when highly seasoned articles are altogether in demand. Our own temperament being remarka bly cool, we are apprehensive that our fever heat in these times of high excitement, might prove a shower bath to the submissionists, who occasionally read this sheet, and that when we think we are at 110 Fahrenheit in the shade, they will consider us at or below zero ; for while we think we go far enough in saying that the present aggressions must be re dressed, or secession is. our remedy, some of our submission friends—excuse the word —acquiescents we should have said—absolutely froth at the mouth and grow pale with rage, because we do not go for dissolution per se. Verily, this is a strange contest, when one of the disputants, whose only object is the good of the country, trembles with apprehension, be cause forsooth he thinks his adversary is about to abandon the error of his ways, and approach nearer to that platform which they, the acquiescents, deem the true one upon which Southern men should rally for Southern rights. Yet this strange state of things exists in the county of Muscogee, and if you want to get a sub—that is to say, an acqui-es-cent, where the quack doctor proposed to throw his patient before he could begin to effect a cure—into fits, you have only to ultimate to him that the opposition do not in tend to destroy this glorious Union , and forthwith commences a wailing and gnashing of teeth that pass- \ es like electricity through the entire line of the gal lant defenders of the Star Spangled Banner. One would suppose that they would rejoice at the possible adoption of their remedy, but as the effect produced is exactly the reverse, in looking for the cause, we are irresistibly led to the conclusion, that their ob ject is not so much to save the glorious Union, as it is to preserve in its full vigor their petty schemes of party aggrandizement This is the great difficulty to be met at hast—a portion of the whigs of Muscogee, and here and thye a Benton Democrat, are very ap prehensive that a Union of Southern men on any platform, might per chance throw into the shade that national Whig, William 11. Seward, who believes that a law higher than the constitution commands the abolition of slavery everywhere, or that conservative Whig now tendered to the South as a peace offering by Duer, Granger & Cos., the present occupant of the White House, whose principles may be found in his Buffalo letter, as follows: Buffalo, Oct. 17, 1833. Sir: —Your communication of the 15th inst., as Chairman of a Committee, appointed by “the Anti- Slavery Society of the County of Erie,” has just come to hand. You solicit my answer to the following in terrogatories : Ist. Do you believe that petitions to Congress, on the subject of slavery and the slave trade, ought to be received, read, and respectfully considered by the Rep resentatives of the people? 2d. Are you opposed to the annexation of Texas to this nation, under any circumstances, so long as slaves are held therein ? 3d. Are you in favor of Congress exercising all the constitutional power it possesses to abolish the internal slave trade between the States? _ 4th. Are you in favor of immediate legislation for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia ? I am much engaged, and have no time to enter into an argument, or to explain at length my reasons for my opinion. I shall, therefore, content myself, for the pre sent, by answering all your interrogatories in the affir mative, and leave for some future occasion a more ex tended discussion of the subject. MILLARD FILLMORE. If this is the conservatism of the Whig party, we have only to say. save us from the friends who would fix upon us such Vulture protection. W e commenced this article intending to announce the indisposition of the Editor, and so to apologize for the want of interest in the present sheet. We have done the former, and in so doing, fully proven the necessity of the latter part of our proposition. There is one thing, however, left undone. The ac quiescents of Muscogee are shaking with fear, be cause we do not intend to destroy this Union. Their case is lamentable, and they must look to their politi cal doctors, Messrs. Toombs and Stephens, for a remedy. In the meantime, let them ppply as an emollient plaister our reiterated determination (so far as we can influence the issue,) to have our rights in the Union if we can—out of it if we must. If this will not cure them entirely, it will at least satisfy them that we will never get upon their platform—which means acquiescence, at all hazards and to the last ex tremity. Extract from Washington’s Letter to JJryan Fairlax. The acquiescents of the day are so fond of quoting the sentiments of Washington, that we are some what surprised to find that the following letter lias never been deemed worthy of a place in their wide ly extended press. We think it peculiarly adapted to the present crisis, and that it will be read with atten tion by our readers: by altering the word taxation to abolition, its applicability to our present position will be more striking. The letter was written in advoca cy of the policy of non-inffercourse at a period when British aggressions were light compared to the wrongs now heaped upon the South. Long before the British Parliament had reached the point of op pression now occupied by the government of the U. States, Washington was in the field in open rebel lion against tyranny, and the Union men of that day, now called Tories , had branded him as a traitor : “ The following extracts from Washington’s letters in reply exhibit his view3, and the spirit by which he was animated: ‘That I differ very widely from you,’ said he, ‘in respect to the mode of obtaining a repeal of the acts so much and so justly complained of, I shall not hesitate to acknowledge; and that this difference in opinion pro bably proceeds from the different constructions we put upon the conduct and intention of the ministry, may also be true ; but, as I see nothing, on the one hand, to in duce a belief, that the Parliament would embrace a favorable opportunity of repealing acts, which they go on w'ith great rapidity to pass, in order to enforce their tyrannical system ; and, on the other, I observe, or think I observe, that government is pursuing a regular plan, at the expense of law and justice, to overthrow our constitutional rights and liberties, how can I expect any redress from a measure, which has been ineffectually tried already? For, sir, what is it we are contending against ? Is it against paying the duty of three pence per pound on tea because burthensome ? No, it is the right only, that we have all along disputed ; and to this end we have already petitioned his Majesty in as hum ble and dutiful a manner, as subjects could do. Nay, more, we applied to the House of Lords and House of Commons in their different legislative capacities, setting forth, that, as Englishmen, we could not be deprived of this essential and valuable part of our constitution. If, then, as the fact really is, it is against the right of taxa tion that we now do, and, as I before said, all along have contended, why should they suppose an exertion of this power would be less obnoxious now than formerly ? And what reason have we to believe, that they would make a second attempt, whilst the same sentiments fill the breast of every American, if they did not intend to enforce it if possible ? ‘ In short, what further proofs are wanting to satisfy any one of the designs of the ministry, than their own acts, which are uniform and plainly tending to the same point, nay, if I mistake not, avowedly to fix the right of taxation ? What hope have we, then, from petitioning, when they tell us, that now or never is the time to fix the matter? Shall we, after this, whine and cry for re lief, when we have already tried it in vain? Dr shall we supinely sit and see one province after another fall a sacrifice to despotism ? ‘ If I were in any doubt, as to the right which the Parliament of Great Britain had to tax us without our consent, I should moat heartily coincide with you iri opinion, that to petition, and petition only, is the proper method to apply for relief; hceause we should then be asking a favor, and not claiming a right, which, by the law of nature, and by our constitution, we are, in my opinion, indubitably entitled to. I should even think it criminal to go further than this, under such an idea ; but I have none such. I think the Parliament of Great Britain have no more right to put their hands into my pocket, without my consent, than I have to put my hands into yours ; and, this being already urged to them in a firm, but decent manner, by all the colonies, what reason is there to expect any thingfrom their justice? ‘ As to the resolution for addressing the throne, I own to you, sir, I think the whole might as well have been expunged. I expect nothing from the measure, nor should my voice have sanctioned it, if the non-importa tion scheme was intended to be retarded by it; for lam convinced, as much as I am of my existence, that there is no relief for us but in their distress; and Itnink,at least I hope, that there is public virtue enough left among us to deny ourselves every thing, but the bare necessaries of life, to accomplish this end. This we have a right to do, and no power upon earth can compel us to do otherwise, till it has first reduced us to the most abject state of slavery. The stopping of our exports would, no doubt, be a shorter method than the other to effect this purpose; but, if we owe money to Great Britain, nothing but the last necessity can justify the non-pay ment of it; and, therefore, I have great doubts upon this head, and wish to see the other method first tried, which is legal and will facilitate these payments. ‘ Satisfied, then, that the arts of th“ British Parlia ment are no longer governed by the principles of jus tice, that they are trampling upon the valuable rights of Americans, confirmed to them by charter and by the constitution they themselves boast of, and convinced beyond the smallest doubt, that these measures are the result of deliberation, and attempted to be carried into execution by the hand of power, is it a time to trifle err risk our cause upon petitions, which with difficulty obtain access, and afterwards are thrown by with the utmost contempt ? Or should we, because heretofore unsuspicious of design, and then unwilling to enter into disputes with the mother country, go on to bear more,and forbear to enumerate our just causes of com plaint ? For my own part, / shall not undertake to say where the line between Great Britain and the colonies should be drawn; but lam clearly of opinion, that one ought to be drawn, and our rights clearly as certained. I could wish, 1 own, that the dispute had been left to posterity to determine ; but the crisis is ar rived when we must assert our rights, or submit to every imposition, that can be heaped upon us, iill cus tom and use shall make us tame and abject slaves.’” ; In every crisis which bears by possibility an analo gy to past events, it is the habit of the actors to ap peal to the conduct of men in other days, under cir cumstances somewhat similar, whose acts are im pressed so favorably upon the country as to render their memories a cherished sentiment in the hearts of the people, thus endeavoring, by shewing a coin cidence in their courses, to fortify their present po sition. The custom is a good one, and when properly ap pealed to, its effects are not unfelt, but unfortunately men, actuated by the worst passions, will occa sionally appeal to the most exemplary instances of pat- i riotism, and thus endeavor to bolster up p rotten and ■ corrupt cause by perverting the conduct of virtuous 1 men to their own unhallowed purposes. The plausi bility which hypocrisy ever wears as its armor ia apt to mislead the unwary, and it not unfrequently occurs that the very events, which, if truly stated, would be loud in condemnation, are made to appear the advocates of that which they in fact condemn.—■ The truth of this position is daily illustrated in our present struggle, in the desecration which is reflected on the memory of the Heaven-inspired patriot, by constant appeals made by the subniissionists to the life of Washington as a justification for the craven spirit in which, forgetting their position as equals in the confederacy, they humbly bow beneath aggres sions , and cheerfully wear the badge of inferiority. In the revolution Washington was the object o( detraction by the Tory presses and their servile min ions, who saw no injustice in the aggressions of Great Britain against the colonies ; and in death, the advo cates of consolidation, the champions of federal pow er, the parasites of the executive, like vampyres crawl around his grave, and with their praises hurl at his memory a blow, beneath which would perish all his greatness if it had but the force of truth. They clatm him as an advocate of submission to wrong—as the counsellor who would pay the price of degradation for the perpetuity of the Union —as the sage who would bow at the temple of liberty when its spirit had fled—as the patriot who, had his life been spared till now, would have warred against the principhs which gave him immortality. The above extract is a full vindication from these foul aspersions, and we think that no one can read them attentively and doubt that the sentiments contained in the b aikfax letter fully endorse secession or any other effective remedy for the redress of dangerous violations of po litical principle. [communicated.] Lcmkin, Oct., 1850. Gent : —Fur sum time our place has bin ga and lively ; we’re all had lots of fun, and would hav had more, if the toun had bin big enough to hold it. We all look ahed and hope it may soon be big enough too hold all the peeple without erampin eny. Lots of us, and sum in pcrticuler, would hav bin as big agin, but lumber was scace and we couldn’t git no bigger. The docturs had to giv anty-swellin fisic, and uee all ther skearryficators to keap sum on cm from bustin wide open ; one of the docturs (arter consultin himself,) says the cases ar very natral, considerin who’s sik. We’re got a heap of ways here of makin big men of little ones, but it takes so long to do it, that it kills era all in finishin off. Sum on em is a tryin it now, so you may look out for sum dead notices afore long. Sum on em tried too make a man out of nothin, but that faled, and sum of the workmen got mightily hurt. Ther’s a heap of fuss here about the nigger biznes. Every body’s a talkin about it, an axin ques tions, and argufyin and wanttn to no who’s sound. Es our folks find a feller who don’t no exaely how he stands on the nigger bizness; if he hangs oft’ an can’t git a platform too stand on, tha hav a meetin an git all the docters of fisie. and law docters, and sole doc tors, and then call in all the doctors of offices in the county all in a rorum and a eheerman, and all talk it over. Tha then call over all the officis in the county, and sum that aint, for the out siders, and then take the sensus, to no who don’t want offis. If tha find a fel ler who don’t want offis, tha rule him out for viola tin art 1, “Noe man shant belong too this party whoo dont want offis.” Tha haint never turned out any accor din to the reccords, arter tha git the sensus of oficis, and sensus of them thats in, and them thats out, and every ones per arter accord in too the square roote. Tha cube the offises, and set too work on the plat form and offices, an say as The Incongruity of all the platforms is too the offisis, so ia the eube of the officers to the dividend. Es this dont git an office and platform for all of em, tha keep a workin and squarin and bildin till tha all agree that every one whoo aint got nothin shell hav ther per arter the next sensus. Every bndy here has bin up to his eyes in fun fer several days and nites. We had a heap of meetins on the nigger biznes, and the Goodin, and Rowel and Noisy biznes. All the biznes cept the nigger is settled. Thors a great fuss about that; sums in fa vor of submisslan and Resistance ; sum in favor of nucklin rite down to the Yan Keys, and thankin um fur what they giv us; sum fur nothin till tha git a offis ; sums fur resistance and sums for do nothing do-sumthin-do-anything, ly down, go to sleep and wake up in offis arter the fuss is all over. The first of theas partys had a meetin tother day. The offis outers and offis iners had bin work in dae and nite bildin a platforrne. Sum was fur bildin it one way and sum fur anuther, and sum was botherd so in ther mind that they didnt no what kynd of lumbur to furnish for his part. Sum wanted saft and sum hard and sum wanted it mixed of all sorts, so tha apinted a comittc of master workmen to say whoo should bild it and what tha should make it of, and tha got together and talked it over and agreed fer ev ery man to carry lumbur to suit himself, provided it suited everybody. Arter it was all bilt tha got on it and it began to crack, and tha all jumped off and be gan to skamper and looked skeerd and dident no what to do, till the Boss kum in and told em what the matter was. Says he, didnt you see the matter is, and tha said tha couldn’t see any hold in it, fur every one of um brot a plank and his own ham mer and nales and worked up all the lumber and nales and then planned it off to keep it from sticken any body who tuk hold of it. Says the Boss, dont you see that all the lumber ;s sappy, and yander is sum of the nales that was in the old omnibus of Clary ; now take out them nales and git one hard plank and plane it off nice and put it in the place of one of the suppy ones, and sum southern nales, and drive ther heads in the plank to pervent eny one from stumpin his toes agin cm. Arter tha finished it the Boss said it will du, fur, says he, its in favur of the North if tha ar strongest, and in favur of the South too, and tha all jumped up and cavorted and said glory! glorv ! its all things to all men—sumthin—nothin—every thing. Order, says the Boss; now plane it off and paint it and mix the colors so you wont no one from tother and then rite on it Union, Southern Rights, Resistance, Submissian Platform, made of Yankey materials fer Southern speculatcrs. I fergot to tell you that three of the planks was got out of a Yankey omnibus in Maeon. Tha couldnt suite everybody with Gorgy lumbur, so tha got surn from the norrard. Good bye, Mr. Editor, I’m bound for the DARK KONER. Southern Eights Association. Columbus, Oct. 18, 1850. The Association met at the regular hour, and was called to order by the President. There De ing no special business to be transacted. Maj. Howard introduced to the meeting, John A. Calhoun, Esq., who,in a speech of much fervor, discussed tho several questions at issue before the people. It. J. Moses, Esq., being then called upon was, upon cause shown, excused, after relating sev eral humorous and appropriate anecdotes. Mr. Garret llallenbeck, was then loudly demanded, who appeared and responded in an address ot much sober truth and practical wis ! dom. The utmost harmony prevailed through j out the evening, and at a late hour the meeting adjourned till Friday next. VAN LEONARD, President. J. W. Warren, Secretary. Georgia Products. We know of no State in the Union which pos sesses so many natural advantages as does the State of Georgia. We speak this in no boasting manner—the fact is demonstrated almost every day. Georgia has every variety of soil and : climate susceptible of the cultivation of the pro ducts of almost every clime. Wheat, rye, corn, sugar—most of the tropical fruits, and all the fruits which can be raised in higher Northern j latitudes. ; We send to the North for much of our fruits. I Where is the necessity therefor, when with a. I little trouble and less labor, the same can be