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THE SOUTHERN SENTINEL Is published every Thursday Morning, IV COLUMBUS, GA. BY WILLIAM H. CHAMBERS, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. Ta whom all communications mast lx: directed, post paid. OJice on Randolph Street. Terms of Subscription. On# copy twelve months, in advance, - - $2 50 “ “ “ “ Not in advance, -3 00 ” “ Six “ “ “ - 130 rr* Where the subscription is not paid during the i yaar, 15 cents will be charged for every month's delay. No subscription will he received tbr less than six | months, and none discontinued until all arrearages arc paid, except at the option of the proprietor. To Clubs. Five copies twelve months, - $lO 00 Ten “ “ 1G 00 tsr Tlie money from Clubs must in all ca*es ac- j •ompany the names, or the price of a single subscription will be charged. Ratos of Advertising. Oh Square, first insertion, - $1 •• ” “ Each subsequent insertioa, - iO A liberal deduction on these terms will be made in favor •f those who advertise by the year. Advertisements not specified as to time, will lie pub- j lulled till forbid, and charged accordingly. Monthly Advertisements will be charged as new Ad vertisements at each insertion. Legal Advertisement*. N. B.—Sales of Lands, by Administrators, Ex ecutors, or Guardians.are required by law to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10 in the forenoon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court House in the county in which the land is situated. No tices of these sales must be given in a public gazette sixtv Di vs previous to the day of sale. Hales of Negroes must be made at a public auction •n the first Tuesday of the month, between the usual hours of sale, at the place of public sales in the county whers the Letters Testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship,may have been granted, first giving sixty *ts notice thereof in one of the public gazettes of this State, and at the door of the Court House, where such •ales are to be held. Notice for the sale of Personal property must lie given i* like manner forty days previous to the day of sale. Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an estate must sea published forty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell La.m, must be published for ?oc* MONTHS. Notice for leave to sell Nf.groes must be published for Tav* months, before any order absoluto shall be made thereon by the Court. Citations for Letters of Administration, must be pub lwhad thirty days —for dismission from administration, I monthly six months —for dismission fioin Guardianship, FORTY BAYS. Rules for the foreclosure of a Mortgage must be pub lished monthly for four months —for establishing lost j papers, for the Ft’r.l, space of three months —for corn palling titles from Executors or Administrators, where a Read has been given by the deceased, the fit,i, stage of TMKEE MONTHS. Publications will always be continued according to tkaaa legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered. SOUTHERN SENTINEL Job Office. HAYING received a now and extensive assortment of Job Material, we are prepared to execute at tkia offira, all orders for JOB WORK, in anianner which •an not bo oxcolled in the State, on very liberal terms, and at the shortest notice. Wa feel confident of our ability to give entire satisfac tion in every variety of Job Printing, including Books, Jiusiness Cards, Pamphlets, Bill Heads, Circulars, Blanks of ever'./ description, Hand Bills, Bills of Lading, Posters, <&fc. <s-c. 6fc. ‘a short, all descriptions of Printing which can be ex ec-atod at any office in the country, will be turned out with elegance and despatch. County Surveyor. THE undersigned inform* his friends and the Planters of Muscogee county, that he is prepared to make official surveys in Muscogee county. I R-tters add reused ta Post Office. Columbus, will meet witli prompt atten linn. WM. F. SERRELL, County Surveyor. Offiee over E. Barnard A. Co.’s store, Broad St. Columbus, Jan. 31,1850. 5 ly NOTICE. CITH £ firm nameof“M. 11. Dessau. Agent, ’’ is changed, JL fram this date, to M. H. DESSAU. Calainbus. Feb. 7, 1550. 6 ti JAMES FORT, A TT() RNEY AT LA W, hoi.lt strings, miss. Jaly 4, 185*. Williams & Howard, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. RalT. R. HOWARD. CJIAS. J. WILLIAMS. April 4, 1850. 14 if J. I>. LEN.NAKD, ATTORNEY AT LAW, T A LB OTTO N , GA. WILL attand ta buatnesa in Talbat and tha adjaaant •anatiaa. All businaoa ontrustad to hia aara will Matt With prompt attention. April 4, 1850. % 14 ly KING & WINNEMORE, Commission Merchants, MOBILE, ALABAMA. Dee. 30, 1849. [Mob. Trib.] 15 ts GODFREY A SOLOMONS, Factors and Commission Merchants, SAVANNAH, GEORGIA. JAMES X. GODFREY, I. W. SOLOMONS. REFERENCES. JtRT. JAC. K. EVANS, REV. SAMUEL ANTHONY, Savannah. Talbotton. RIDCWAY t GUNIY, N. OISRLY Sl SON, Columbus. Macon. Jaly 35 30 6m - THIS PAPER I* MANUFACTURED BY TUB Rock Island Factory, NEAR THIS CITY. Calnmbua, Feb. 23, 1850. 5 ts NORTH CAROLINA Mutual Life Insurance Company. LOCATED AT RALEIGH, X. C. THE Charter of this company gives important advan tages to the assured, over most other companies. The husband can insure his own life for the sole use and benefit of his wile and children, tree from any other claims. Persons who insure for lite participate in the profits which are declared annually, and when the pre mium exceeds S3O, may pay one-half in a note. Slaves are insured at two-thirds their value for one or five years. Applications for Risks may be made to JOHN MUNN, Agent. Columbus, G*. tST Office at Greenwood A Co.’b Warehouse. Nov. 15.1849. ts WANTED. iA A AAA 11 >S - RAGS. Cash paid for clean cot ton or linen rags—4 cents per pound, when delivered in quantities of 100 pounds or more : and 3i cents when delivered in small quantities. For old hemp, bagging, and pieces of rope, 11 cents, delivered either at Rock Island Factory or at their store in Co lumbus, iu the South comer Room ot Oglethorpe House. D. ADAMS, Secretary. Columbus, Feb. 28,1850. 9 and TO RENT. TILL the first day of January next. The old printing office room of the “Muscogee Democrat’” Apply at this offiee. 18 ts. M Globe Hotel, BUENA VISTA, MARION CO., GA. BY J, WILLIAMS. March 14,1550. ___ ts NOTICE. ALL persons arc forbidden from trusting my wife REBECC A AYNCHBACHER.on my account as I shall pay no debts of her contraction from this date SAMUEL AYNCHBACKER. September IS, 1850. 37 ts POETS of America. Poets of England. The best Compilations of Poetry now published, ror sale B. B. dkGRAFFEXRIKD. S*pt. J 9 VOL. I. [From the N. Y. Herald, Oct. 13.] Result oi the Mica Convention— Treason Triumphant—*Vimi ? s to he done? The Utica Convention lias ended, as we feared it would, in farce; for a more ridicu lous exhibition of weakness, imbecility and timidity we never saw or heard of. Instead of taking strong, firm and decided ground, as the delegates ought to have done, in oppo sition to a renewal of the dangerous re-agi tation of the slavery question, and against \\ m. 11. Seward, and all his associate demagogues who favored it, and who, to subserve their own purposes, have renewed , the onslaught upon the South and upon the ! constitution, they contented themselves with passing a few milk-and-water resolutions, re nominating the candidates selected by the Abolition Whig Convention of Syracuse, and j then, like whipped spaniels, falling into the ; ranks of their opponents, and toadying to j the very party whom they broke off from on the ground of principle. Such a course of conduct is discreditable, and disgraceful in the extreme, and cannot fail to produce disaster, not only to the W big party of tlie North, hut eventually, perhaps, to the Union itself. What will the Southern Whigs say to this result? There is but one course left for them to pursue; and in the event of the success of the candidates put forward under such circumstances, they will, we have no doubt, disclaim all connec tion with the Northern abolition Whig party, which, for the purpose of gratifying the ambi tion of a few pale-faced demagogues, would sacrifice their national characteristics, and en gage in warfare against Southern institutions and the peace and welfare of Southern society as now organised. In the Southern States the announcement will, without doubt, increase and add to the excitement which already exists there, and give strength and force to the party—already very numerous—that lias been organized on the express ground of secession, in conse quence of tiie crusade which the abolitionists of the North have conducted against their interest*, and against their happiness and so cial prosperity. Heretofore that crusade ha* been confined to the ranks of the Garrison fanatics; but now we see the great Whig party of the State of New York, deliberately and designedly, by resolution, and by form ing an abolition platform, cast off its nation al characteristic*, and identify itself with men who profess but one idea, ami that one hos tile to the South, and enlist under the ban ners of demagogues and disorganizes who would not care if this glorious Union were shivered to pieces, provided their unholy am bition and purposes are gratified. Os such a character are Seward, Weed, Greeley & Cos., who are the most dangerous men in the com munity, and whose connection with any par ty would ruin and destroy it. The well dis posed and national portion of the Whig party had hoped that patriotism and sound sense would have triumphed—that the nationality of the Whig party of New York would have been preserved—and that anew set of candi dates, and anew and comprehensive platform, would have been put forward hv the Utica convention. But they have been disappoint ed; and the foul flag of abolitionism and so cialism has been unfurled to the breeze, and the Whigs of this city and State invited to en roll themselves under it—to re-commence the onslaught on Southern institutions a* guar anteed by the constitution, and to wage a war ot destruction against the commercial interests and prosperity of the North, and especially New York. It is in vain to argue that such is not the direct aim and tendency of the movement commenced at Syracuse and con summated at Utica. Notwithstanding all of Mr. Washington Hunt’s special pleading, and tha fussy and puerile resolutions passed by the Utica convention, abolition of the worst and most diabolical character is now the dis tinctive characteristic of the Whig party of New York, and their aim and object a renew al of the slavery agitation, and a re-opening of the wounds of the republic so recently healed. We saw this result long since, and pointed it out in the clearest maimer possi ble, in our columns. We warned the Whig party against being ruled by such demago gues as Seward, Weed, Greeley, and we pre dicted that if they tolerated such men, they would eventually ruin and break down the par ty. Our predictions were unheeded; but now they are verified. Step by step those dema gogues, like a serpent, entwined themselves around the Whig party, and in a short time they will administer the coup dc grace, if, in deed, the}’ have not done so already. The W higs have* no one to blame but themselves. While the enemies in their ranks were stab bing their organization to the heart, they were sunk in apathy, and lost to the danger that threatened them. According to the present condition of pub lic affairs in the North, and the numerous unions and alliances which the abolition Whigs have formed with the socialists, anti renters, and other disorganizes, there is good reason to fear that the abolition ticket headed i by Washington Hunt will he successful at the election which will take place in this State next month. We fear that it will be voted for. regardless of the circumstances under which it was put forward, and without taking into consideration the important principle which will he in issue in the contest. If such should he the case, and the abolition Whigs of New York should triumph, we may ex pect the commencement of an excitement, and a contest between the North and the South, of a more violent and dreadful char acter than any that ever preceded it. The 1 South will see at once that it has nothing to j hope for from the North, and they will retaliate iin the most effective manner possible. As it i is, organizations against Northern commer j*cial interests have been entered into in the South. This, however, will be but-the be ginning of the end. By Northern Hostility i and fanaticism the South has been driven in to manufacturing their staple product on an J extensive scale, and a continuance of it will I force them to build their own ships, and car i rv on a direct commerce with Europe and the j rest of the world. Their latent energies i will he awakened, and they will avail them* j solves of the superabundant natural advanta ! rres which nature has provided them with, i and which are amply sufficient to render the ; Southern States totally independent of the i North. In such case, what will become of 1 the North—what will become of Northern I manufactures, Northern commerce, and Northern prosperity of every kind? Are ! our people ready to sacrifice all —our inter ! este, our prosperity, our commercial vitality— Cljc Soutljcrn Sentinel. jto gratify such ambitious demagogues as Seward, Weed, Greeley & Cos. ? What, then, is to he done ? Me await an answer. [From the Washington Republic.] What will the North lose by Disunion ? Regarding the Union as the vital princi ple of our prosperity, it is difficult to esti mate any peculiar injury in a catastrophe which involves the destruction of all. We may, however, advance the general principle that those States w hich, by the fertility of their soil and the indispensable character of their staples, can maintain themselves at home, will be more independent of a change of government than those whose welfare de pends upon a commercial intercourse with others. In the event of disunion, the Southern States would have to bear the expenses of separate sovereignty. This would prevent from carrying out the systems of modern im provement to much advantage. Still, the Southern States may maintain themselves; they will scarcely retrograde. Deprived of the Union, however—compelled to contend with the world for the commerce of which they now have a monopoly—met in the mar kets, which have been heretofore their own, by a system of revenue and tonnage duties that may discriminate against them, we fear that disunion will he most serious to the in dustrial interests of the Northern States, de pendent as they must be upon foreign con sumption. The value of the Union to the shipping interest of the Northern States may be estimated from the fact that, at the adop tion of the Federal Government, the foreign tonnage employed in the transportation of American productions was to the domestic as four to one. Under the protective tonnage duties, and sustained by the prestige of the American name, that proportion has been re versed. We do not propose to squabble about the causes of this important result. We only af firm facts to show r the value at stake. If the Union shall continue, this interest —which now exceeds that of any other nation in the world—will be increased. It will he always sustained by domestic freights, whilst, under the reciprocity treaties negotiated by the Federal Government, the ships of the United States may enter the ports of England duty free, in consideration of the empty privilege of allowing British ships to compete with American vessels for homo freights. We con sider the prosperity of this immense interest staked upon the permanence of the Union. Another interest which Northern enterprise has built up, is the manufacture of almost ev er} 7 article of consumption required by the wants of civilized man. That this interest owes its existence to the American system is alike the boast of its friends and the reproach of its opponents. We have no intention ev en to restate the arguments upon the subject. The results of the system indicate, in our opinion, the wisdom and patriotism which founded it. But is not the interest which that system has created of infinite importance to the North? The domestic supply of the South gives to the Northern manufacturer an assured market. Protected by the revenue duties of the Union, these duties must, from the annual increase of the national expendi tures, amount to an adequate protection upon a large class of manufactures. If the Union he destroyed, the Southern States will make those very articles of consumption pay the expenses of the separate State governments. Possibly they will increase those duties for the protection of their own domestic manufac tures. If disunion occur, caused as it will have been, by the most wanton and flagrant malevolence of feeling, the ruling motive-with every Southern legislator will .he to embar rass those interests which under the Union are cordial, congenial, and reciprocal. Why, then, should the handicraft manufacturers of the North—why should the owner of, or op erative in, a cotton factory—encourage this agitation ? We find that Southern men who are endeavoring to preserve the Union are at the same time encouraging the manufacture of Southern supplies, or recommending self denial to the consumers. Is it prudent to scorn their efforts? A people whose inter est and whose pride are alike involved may achieve successes which will astonish them selves. There is no doubt hut that whilst the American system demonstrated the folly of sending raw r material and provisions to Eng land to be returned to the United States for consumption, it has also rendered it probable that the Southern States can manufacture their own staples—less the freight and com missions of exportation to the Northern States—cheaper than the Northern States can manufacture for them. This seems to he probable from the fact that whilst some Northern factories arc closing and working short time, the cotton factories in the South ern States are dividing good profits and in creasing in number. We cannot, therefore, see the wisdom of jeopardizing the immense industrial interests of the North by prolong ing the excitement. We may, without con demning the motives of those who are deeply interested in the manufacturing prosperity of the North, be allowed to ask, are they not somewhat responsible when they manufac ture every thing used in the employment of slave labor, from a cotton gin to a cowhide ? Are they not somewhat responsible when they freight their vessels abroad with cotton, sugar, rice, tobacco, flour, and in return bring nearly the whole foreign merchandise con sumed by the Southern States ? How can there be an immorality in the production of a staple which is not imparted to every act from its purchase to its consumption ? If 1 there be any reason in the logical dogma that I the “receiver is as bad as the thief,” give to ; our Southern fellow-citizens the harshest ap i pellatiou that we may choose, and the same j epithets are clearly and inseparably applica ble alike to every section of the Union. If slavery has degraded one half the Union, it i has contributed to enrich the other. There are other advantages invaluable to ; the North. The Union has built up her com | mereial ascendency, lienee much the larg er portion of the Federal revenue is received jat the Northern ports. Every transfer of money is regulated by the financial relations between the point of transfer and the corn men, ial cities of the North. They areas much the treasury of the Union as the Hanse towns were once the treasurers of Christen dom. Will not this fiscal supremacy be per iled by the destruction of the revenue sys tem, and the substitution of foreign for do i mestic relations between the States ? We * might advert to the advantage# of internal COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 31, 1850. commerce enjoyed by the Northern States through the great system of railroads which radiate from their cities, but which might be interrupted by the separation of the States and the establishment of other and more di rect systems of communication with the in terior. But there is one subject of peculiar importance to the Northern States. The trade with Eastern Asia is now within the grasp of the American republic. The Isth mian passes are the pillars of Hercules to the Pacific ocean. Whosoever possesses these will command the richest commerce of the world. Will the North make this peaceful conquest under the flag of the Union? or shall disunion encourage Europe to give to the Southern States naval protection and cheap goods in exchange for the key of this commerce, which, from the vicinage of their position, must be left in their hands ? We cannot do justice to a subject which is so important in its character and so illimit able in its consequences. We cannot expect extended articles to be read. We can do no more than suggest to our readers the ajvful importance of the trust now committed to their care. We have endeavored to portray some of the consequences of disunion upon the mere pecuniary interests of the different sections of the Union. The destruction of these valuable interests would he but as the dust-cloud that precedes the tempest. The moral consequences cannot be described; they are but dimly visible to the prescience of patriotism. But one vision breaks upon our dream of the future with painful distinctness. It is little less than the laugh of fiends oVer the fall of man. It is the ecstacy with which every enemy of human freedom will receive the tidings of our separation and our shame. It is the thought that this Republic, the tower of its friends and the terror of its enemies, shorn of its strength by the of disunion, will stand, like the champion of Israel, “eye less at Gaza,” whilst its downfall and its mis fortunes shall be scorned by the despot who once trembled at its prowess, and mocked by the slave* who have wondered at its fame. [From the Galveston (Texas) New*.] Dismemberment of Texas. Our principal objection to the sale of terri tory to the general government, has always been grounded on the hypothesis that it would be equivalent to a transfer of territory to the possession of our declared enemies, the free soilers. In other words, that it would, to that extent, narrow down the limits of slave ry and extend those of abolition, weakening the power of the former and enlarging the in fluence of the latter. The bill as it has now passed, it is true, avoids the question of slave ry altogether, and leaves the inhabitants of the ceded territory the full privilege of ad opting or excluding slavery at their pleasure. Thus far therefore, it does not demand, ap-\ parently at. least, any sacrifice of principle on the part of the South. We cannot how ever overlook the fact that the free soil vote which this bill received, and without which it could not have passed, was given expressly hither on the argument of Mr. Webster, that slavery was excluded by a law of nature, or j on the argument of Mr. Clay that it was ex- ! chided by tiie law of Mexico. It is well known that they never would have support ed this hill had they not been perfectly Satis fied that the South would he as effec tually excluded from the whole territory as if the Wilmot Proviso had been incorpo rated in it. They offer 11s ten millions for the territory, believing that we shall be excluded from it with our slaves, and with this argu ment they will justify their vote to their con stituents. Our representatives will probably also justify their support of the hill by refer ence to the same law of nature, 011 the ! ground that the country is unsuited to slave i labor, and that it never will be settled by slaveholders even if it belonged to Texas.— This question may indeed be true, we do not pretend to deny it. None of us can know anything on this subject. It is all matter of mere conjecture. Those who favor this bill, not only insist that the territory is unfit for slave labor, but that it is also unfit for any labor, that it is in fact quite worthless. This argument is used even by our own citizens. But these at tempts to depreciate our territory are of re cent date, never having been heard of before the origin of the present proposition. It is certainly a very unusual feature in our coun try, if it be a fact that the valley of so large a river as the Rio Grande should be a sterile and barren waste for a distance of ten de grees of latitude, from 42 to 32. We refer to it now only to show that the present so called compromise is no compromise of the conflicting sentiments between the North and the South on the subject of slavery.— There is not the slightest evidence of any more friendly feeling towards our institutions or ourselves on account of these compro mises. It is said that the passage of those several bills has once more restored the coun try to harmony. We should be glad to think so. But can we be justified in this anticipa tion when there is really no reconciliation be tween the opposing sections—when each contends that nothing has been yielded to the other, and both Northern and Southern supporters of these measures justify them selves upon the ground that nothing has been yielded. Is it true, as they would say, that no conces sion has been made by either party? If so what kind of a compromise is it that compro mises or concedes nothing? And if noth ing has been compromised are we not just where we were at the beginning as regards all the elements of agitation? It is true, there is now a State Government for California, a ter ritorial government for Utah, and will lie another for New Mexico as soon as Texas shall have accepted the present bill. These important measures have passed. But have we any guarantee that the slavery agitation is now to cease. Even since the passage of these bills, attempts have been made on the • floor of Congress to exclude slavery from j those very territories by positive prohibition; and there is no doubt that these attempts will ; be revived at the next session, especially if | the people of the South shall find it to their ’ advantage to go there with their slaves. In this case the effort to exclude them will : be made, if for no other reason, in order to drive them away with the feeling of insecu rity produced by the very agitation. Does any one suppose that the abolition of the slave trade in the District of Colum bia which is now accomplished, will satisfy the abolitionists? Can we expect them to 11 remain contested with this concesrion ? It is only one step, though an important step, to wards the accomplishment of their great purpose ; and this success will encourage them to renewed efforts and greater perse verance. The next step will be to abolish slavery itself in the District, and then in the territories, and finallv in the States them selves. A further dismemberment of Texas will before long he demanded, atul probably effected by the free soil influence in our own borders aided and sustained by various local ami sectional interests and prejudices, and especially by the influence at Washington, which will add another free State to the Union. New Mexico, Utah, Oregon and other States in the West are fast preparing for admission, as California has done, by the exclusion of slavery. It is true, by the ter ritorial bills recently passed, the people are left free, nominally, upon the subject of slavery—so was California. We know well that California could not have been admitted with slavery; nor can any other State ; and this fact itself will as effectually exclude slavery as the Wilmot Proviso. The slavery provision in the constitution of those territories, can be no legal bar to their admission as States; and yet the free soilers know that such a provision will inev itably exclude them. They know that a large majority of those who voted with then? for those bills and against the Wilmot Pro viso, will also vote against the admission of any State with the slavery clause in its con stitution. They well understood that their vote against the Wilmot Proviso was a mere theoretical concession of no earthly import ance to any body, while it answered the pur pose of conciliating tiie South. But to vote for the admission of a slave State would be a substantial concession which they never will make ; for it would be giving political power in Congress to the slave interest while it has been their leading object for many years to reduce the slave representation to a condition of absolute and hopeless depend ence, when our institutions will be entirely within their own control, .unless we shall choose to defend them by resisting Congres sional majorities. They have indeed been kept in check to some extent, by an appre hension of such resistance, but they have now succeeded so well in keeping us divided among ourselves that they are no longer re strained by any fears of this kind. It li as become fashionable to denounce ev ery measure of self-defence against their con tinued aggressions as treasonable and origin ating in a spirit of Hostility to the Union.— The people of the South scarcely dare to hold a convention to consult upon their com mon grievances, lest they may he denounced as disunion!sis, vllraists and traitors to the Union. The privilege of assembling and holding a common consultation, used to he considered an inalienable right of freemen, but a Star Chamber decree, or a revival of the old sedition law making it treason to do so, could scarcely prevent it more effectually, than t! lis line and cry of treason which is forthwith shouted through all the Northern presses and shamefully re-echoed by quite half the presses in the South. It is thus that the power of the South has been completely paralyzed. [From the Augusta Republic.] “A Horse Chesnnt and a C'hesnut Horse.” “It is my object at this time to speak upon that measure, which some gentlemen are pleased to call the ‘compromise hill,’ but which might lie more properly entitled arti cles of capitulation on the part of the South. So far from being a compromise, the bill pro poses nothing short of an abandonment of the position of the South, and A SURREN DER OF THE JUST RIGHTS OF HER PEOPLE to an EQUAL participation in the new acquisitions of territory.”— Mr. Ste phens’ Speech on the Clayton Compromise. This is what Mr. Stephens said about the Clayton Compromise, which left the ques tion as to whether Southern men could enjoy their property in the territories to the Su premo court. He called it no compromise whatever, but a surrender of the rights of the South. Mark you, this Clayton Compro mise, which Mr. Stephens culls a surrender of our just rights, left the question to the Su preme Court. Does not the Clay Compro mise recently passed and of which he ap proves, leave the same question to the same Court ? It is then a surrender of our just rights even in the opinion of Mr. Stephens.— It is equally ns bad, if not much worse, than the Clayton Compromise. What did Mr. Stephens say ho would do, if the Clayton Compromise hill was passed by Congress ? This is an interesting ques tion. Here it is—here is what lie said, re member, that he would do in such an event. The sentences are strong and decidedly ultra —they are considered disunionish at the present time. ‘ “And no people, in my judgment, who de serve the name of freemen, will continue their allegiance to any government which ar rays itself not only against their property, but against their social and civil organization.” “And whenever this government is brought in hostile array against me and mine, I am for disunion—openly, boldly and fearlessly for revolution. I speak plainly. Gentlemen may call this ‘treason* if they please. Sir, epithets have no terrors for me. The charge of ‘traitor’ may be whispered in the ears of the timid and craven-hearted ; it is the last appeal of tyrants.” We think we see him in Congress deliver ing these words! Ii Is eyes flash the light of Southern indignation, at the bare thought of ; leaving the just rights of the South to be de- I cided upon by the Supreme Court. Weim j agine we hear the throbbings of His mighty ! heart, too large for the narrow confines of his body, as he yells forth his indignation, and pours out his bitter denunciation upon those who are thus attempting to defraud his constituents and the South! Bitter invec tive, scathing sarcasm, biting irony, and su preme contempt, are all manifested, in every word, look and action ! What pathos, what j earnestness, what fiery impetuosity, what in dignant rebuke, what utter carelessness of consequences ! Never was anger more feel ingly displayed, than in his person, as he contemplates the possibility of the question being left to be decided by the Supreme Court of the United States! And yet the same question, as Mr. Ste phens now believes, will have to be decided bv the same Supreme Court, under the Clay Compromise, which has just passed both houses of Congress. 1 Is Mr. Stephens mow as he said then he would be in such an event, “for disunion— openly, boldly and fearlessly for revolution ?” Another interesting question—now for the answer to it. “I am perfectly satisfied with the compro mise. Every Georgian should be—we ob tain even more than wo asked for!”— Mr. Stephens’ Speech, City Hall. If this were a laughing matter, wo could indulge a little more than “a quiet smile” at some of the summersets which can be seen sometimes in political life. But the rights, interests and prosperity- of the South—the permanency of our institutions and the exist ence of slave property among us, are all in volved in this matter. The late compromise, as we have repeatedly shown, cuts us out of every foot of the common territory. Cali fornia has been admitted as a free State—we cannot enjoy that. And Utah and New Mexico—but let us quote Mr. Stephens in re gard to them. In his speech at the City Hall, lie said: “I do not wish to deceive you, fel low citizens. Utah and New Mexico will come into the Union as free States.” Here then is the result of the whole mat ter. The South is deprived of every foot of the territory, and yet we are told by this same gentleman, that the South has obtained more than she ashed for ! If she has obtained more than she asked for let it be shown. Mr. Toombs and Mr. Stephens both demanded in Congress an equal share for the South.— They are now enaged in preaching up sub mission to what they once declared was the foulest injustice to the South, and which, in their opinion then publicly expressed, was sufficient cause for resistance on the part of the South! A horse chesnut and a chesnut horse! [From the Charleston Morcuiy.] The Late Acts of Congress. The author of the Letter to Gov. Sea brook first undertakes to show that a suc cessful secession from the Union is nearly or quite impossible, and then, by way of saving his readers, we presume, from being altogeth er disheartened by the dismal picture of im becility, depravity and mutually destroying selfishness, which seem to make up his esti mate of the Southern people undertaking to set up for themselves, and deprived of the pre eminent statesmanship and self-immolating patriotism of Massachusetts and New York —by way of saving ns from despair, he pro ceeds to show that we have no cause to try the appeal to the remedy of secession; that we have no just complaints at all against the Federal Government, and only very trifling ones against the Northern people. We lay aside, for more full consideration by itself, the first proposition, that the forma tion of a Southern Confederacy, “would be difficult, and its continuance impossible.” What we say hero will be confined to the second, and to a few only of the topics which the writer has loosely and evasively run over. Not a single one of these topics has he treat ed in such a way that a stranger to the con troversy could get from his remarks the slightest idea of the essence of the questions involved. lie does not allude to the real grounds of opposition to the dismemberment of Texas, —that a great sectional compro mise on the slavery question was violated hv that measure, and that notoriously the boun dary of Texas was disputed as a pretext for this violation. He docs not allude to the foul and lawless trick by which the agents of the Govern ment arrived at the formation of a State in California, nor to the persevering opposition of the North to the establishment of any lawful authority in that country, until b}’ the aid of an anti-slavery Administration they had succeeded in driving the people to the adoption of an anti-slavery Constitution. By aid of leaving out all the facts of the case, and the palpable and never concealed purpose of the North, he makes the admission of Cal ifornia a very harmless affair, —rather irregu lar, to be sure, which is on the whole to be regretted; but irregularities will happen, and besides, it is to be hoped it will turn out for the best! But we have a graver censure to bestow on the passage devoted to the Utah and New Mexico bills. This letter is addressed to a high functionary of the State, in a form of much solemnity, by a gentleman of large ex perience and who could not have been igno rant of the obligation to verify every impor tant statement. What then are we to un derstand by the assertion that “they” (the Congress of the United States) “have passed territorial bills without a syllable said on the subject of slavery.” This i3 not true, and we are amazed that the author should have been so imperfectly informed on a point which he treats as of decisive importance. If he had read Mr. Memminger’s recent speech (and it is to he regretted he passed by that remarkable effort in his course of prepara tion for remodeling the whole fabric of the slavery question,) or if he had read the Sen ate debates on these bills, or the bills them selves, we think he would have presented the matter in a quite different aspect. They do contain syllables and very important sylla bles about slavery. They contain a clause prohibiting the territorial legislatures from passing any law “in respect to African slave ry.” The Southern Senators demanded that this should he so modified as to restrain the territories only from passing any law “estab lishing or prohibiting African slavery.” They maintained that the clause as it stood, was a formal outlawry of slaveholders and slave property in these territories; that it allowed no local regulations for its protection and no appeal to the local authorities for redress if the master was plundered of his slaves. — They claimed for the Southern people the right to be protected in their constitutional property, within the territories which belong ed in common to all the States. Their de mand was rejected by the unanimous vote of the North. The original form of the pro hibition was insisted on, because it operated as an outlawry of slave property. A few words as to the fugitive slave law. On this matter, we find the author even more deeply and more miraculously in the dark than on the other. He says: “But the deficiency of the Act is denied. We profess to think that it will not be exe cuted; the people of the West and North say that it shall be; it has been already en forced promptly and resolutely.” To those who have had a chance of know ing how this Act has been received at the North, we need not say that the above is all i wrong. The Act, soon after its passage, ! was executed by adroit Surprise in one case in Harrisburg and in another in New York. .In these instances, the mob and the torrent of denunciations of the law, eame after A* fugitives were carried off. In every ease where the arrest was known, a mob has gath ered round the officers and threatened W make the halls of justice the scenes of Meed# affrays. Nine out of ten of the politic*} meetings held lately at the North, have de nounced the,law; the great majority of the journals have denounced it, and a Large pare of them have openly urged resistance to it execution. And it cannot be executed. The U. S. Marshal of New York declared at the recent Whig State Convention that he woeld sooner throw up his office-and get a living by robbing henroosts than aid in executing thi* law. The U. S. Commissioner of Philadel phia has resigned, alleging that, as an hem orable man, he could not aid in enforcing it. The Commissioner of Chicago has resigned for the like reasons. The Commissioner *f Cincinnati has given notice that he hae en closed his commission in a letter of resigna tion to be forwarded when the first case of arrest occurs there. These are the results of an overwhelming public sentiment—men dare not discharge these duties. If they at tempt it, they are loaded with opprobrium and threatened with outrage. The people of the West and the North say emphatically that the fugitive law shall not be enforced, and the author has erred to the extent of the whole matter In question. (ffT The people of Eufaula, (Ala.,) have already come into conflict with the general government, as will be seen by the following extract from the Democrat at that place. Wonder if the Hon. Mr. Bissel will march one of his regiments down this way to en force obedience ? I h port axt Public Meeting^— Our high ly esteemed postmaster, J. H. Danforth, Esq., having refused to deliver the National Era, an abolition sheet, from our post-office, and Mr. Fit/. Henry Warren, 2d assistant post master general, having demanded of him an explanation, a very large meeting of the citi zens of Eufaula was held on Saturday night last, at which resolutions were unanimously passed, sustaining Mr. Danforth, and declar ing that in case of his removal for his con duct in this matter no other postmaster would be permitted to lake his place. The vote was first rim voce, Wlieni there was not a single nay, and then, for the sake of greater solemnity, it was taken by calling cm the ayes to stand up, when every man instantly rose to his feet amid universal cheering. The Pennsylvania State Abolition convention, held at West Chester, a few days ago, passed the following, among other reso lutions : Resolved, That the American Constitution, by its concession of extraordinary political power to the slaveholder, in that right which it gives him to represent three-fifths of hia human property, by its pledge of the power of the nation to strike down the slave, if ho rises in arms for his liberty, and its pro visions for his re-capture and restoration, if he attempts to secure the same boon by flight, is a compact with its justice, and a league with oppression ; and deserves to bo repudi ated and spurned by all true abolitionists, and all true men. Resolved , That the American Church, as a body, in the sanction and support which it gives to American slavery, by receiving to its communion tables-and into its pulpits, theso stealers of men ; by its reproaches, excom munication and persecution of those who plead the cause of the dumb, and him that hath no helper; by conferring its honors upon the oppressor, while it refuses to be a refuge for the oppressed; by allowing its members, unrebuked, to elect slaveholders to the offices of the nation, and to promise allegiance to the {>ro-slavery constitution of the United States, lias provod itself uttorly unworthy of the name of Christ, and ought not to be re garded or treated as Christian. Resolved, That the present Congress of the United States has stamped itself with in delible infamy, b} T the passage of the fugitive slave bill, and that every member who voted for it, and every man who votes for tih* re election of a member who voted for it, end any man who aids in its exccutiou, is guilty of treachery to humanity, and treason against God. Resolved, That as friends to the slave, and lovers of liberty and right, wo are bound to repudiate and resist, by all righteous means, this infamous statute, and that we hereby solemnly pledge ourselves to each other, to the flying bondmen, to our country, and to our God, that we will neither obey nor re gard it; that, though fines ami imprisonment be our only alternative, we will not ‘betray him that wandereth/ nor ‘deliver to his mas ter the servant who has escaped from his master unto’ us,” List of Acts Passed by Congress. The National Intelligencer contains a list of all the public and private Acts passed at the late session of Congress. The follow ing are all of a general character: 4nact to provide for the holding the Courts of the United States in case of sickness or other disability of the Judges of the District Courts. An act to establish a Territorial Govern ment for Utah. An act to suppress the slave trade In the District of Columbia. An act to increase the rank and file of the army, and to encourage enlistment!. An act to increase the commissariat of the United States. An act to amend an act entitled “An aet to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage, ” approved March 2d, 1799. An act giving the assent of the United States to an act of the General Assembly of Maryland, passed at the December session, 1844, chapter 287. An act providing for the taking of the sev enth and subsequent census of the United j States, and to fix the number of the members | of the House of Representative#, and to pro- I vide for the future apportionment among the | several States. An act to carry into effect the convention between the United States and the Emperor of Brazil of the 27th day of January, 181§. An aet to amend and supplementary te the act entitled “An act respecting fugitive# ken justice and persons escaping from service of their masters f* approved February IStk, 1793. An act to reduce the minimum priee of tW mineral lands in the Lake Superior distriet of Michigan and in the Chippewa district#f Wisconsin. An act to authorize notaries publie t take and certify oaths, affirmations and acknowl edgments in certain cases. An act supplementary to an act entitled act providing for the taking of the sevaath and subsequent census of the United State*, and to fix the number of members #f the ; House of Rprrew?ntvtive, ami NO. 44.