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for their future apportionment among the sev eral States. An act to amend the act entitled “An act to amend, in the cases therein mentioned, the ‘act to regulate the duties on imports and tonnage.’ ” An act proposing to the State of Texas the establishment of her Northern and Western boundaries, the relinquishment by the said State of all territory claimed by her exterior to said boundaries, and of all her claims upon the United States, and to establish a territo rial government for New Mexico. An act to authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to permit vessels from the British North American Provinces to lade and un lade at such places in any collection district of the United States he may designate. An act to create additional collection dis tricts in the State of California, and to change the existing districts therein, and to modify the existing collection districts in the United States, and for other purposes. An act to provide for extending the laws and the judicial system of the United States to the State of California. An act to authorize the appointment of Indian agents in California. Acts making the annual appropriation for light houses, &c.; for the Military Academy; for the Naval service; for payment of Navy pensions; for the Post Office Department; for the Army; for the Civil and Diplomatic ex penses ; to supply deficiencies in appropria tions for the fiscal year ending 30th June, 1850; and for certain fortifications. An act to provide for recording convey ances of vessels, and for other purposes. An act supplementary to the act entitled, “An act supplementary to the act entitled an act establishing a Mint, and regulating the coins of the United States.” An act granting bounty lands to certain officers and soldiers who have been engaged in the military services of the United States. An act to provide for carrying into execu tion in further part the 12th article of the treaty with Mexico, concluded at Gaudalupe Hidalgo. Joint resolutions authorizing the President of the United States to accept and attach to the Navy two vessels offered by Henry Grin nell, Esq., of New York, to be sent to the Arctic Seas in search of Sir John Franklin and his companions. Joint resolution limiting the expense of collecting the revenue from customs for the present fiscal year. Joint resolution authorizing the purchase of the manuscript Farewell Address of George Washington. Joint resolutions for restoring the settle ment of the “three months’ extra pay” claims to the accounting officers of the Treasury. Joint resolution relative to the payment of dividends or interest on war bounty scrip. Joint resolution to amend a resolution ap proved on the 10th of August, 1850, relative to the payment of dividends or interest on war bounty scrip. The Parhelion, or Mock Sun. Pass Christian, Oct. 18, 1850. “ ’Tis the early bird catches the worms.” While you drowsy denizens of the city were still lingering over “great Nature’s second course,” we, being “up and doing,” were fa vored with the view of one of those rare and beautiful phenomena, by which the bounte ous mother occasionally draws the attention of her unheeding children to the marvels she is continually working around them, but which they, made careless by indulgence, pass by ungrateful or unnoticed. The earth, the air, the sky, renewed and refreshed by the welcome rains of yesterday, were sur passingly lovely; “the gowan glittered on the sward,” the rosy-bosomed blossoms of the early morning blushed more brightly than their wont through the sparkle of their dewy bath, birds on balancing branches were carolling a jubilant hymn to the Highest, the waves, crisp and bright, bent lightly to the breeze that tenderly curled their feathery crests, while from the majestic woods came a sweet sound—mighty mingling of all deep and solemn harmonies. It might seem the dawn of the first day that rose upon the new world in Paradise, when creation yet wore its hues of primal glory, when all was finish ed and all had been pronounced “good.” While still gazing and pondering upon the greatness and beneficence of the Eternal Architect, feeling a “presence that disturbed as with the joy of elevated thoughts,” the sun had risen up and bathed the world in light, when lo! a miracle! “two Richmonds in the field!” The beautiful spectacle of the parhelion was before us. The real sun just about on a level with the tree tops, while the rival luminary, or perhaps its twin brother, stood trembling on the horizon’s verge, clad in insufferable splendor. It nor rose, nor sank, but “on this midway station given,” rested for, perhaps, the space of ten minutes, when the golden link that had bound it to the ascending orb gradually parted; slowly its form dissolved into the surrounding lustre of the orient; it melted, melted, and at last van ished into “thin air.” This phenomenon of the mock sun is said to appear at the points where two halves, or arches, of luminous circles about the sun in tersect each other, but so real and so palpa ble did this seem that it was almost impossi ble to think it a trick played by the eye upon the fancy. The dawn has deepened into, day; the brightness of the morning passed away, and with it the early glow that rested for a few brief, happy moments upon our hearts, has vanished too. and “like this unsubstantial pa geant faded, left not a wreck behind.” A Delicate Insinuation. —A verdant fellow from the country entered a jeweller’s store yesterday, with a whip under his arm aud his hands in his pockets, and after look ing about for a while, leaned over the coun ter and whispered confidentially to the clerk so as not to be overheard by the ladies stand ing near—“Hev you got any bosom ponies ?” The clerk not understanding the question an swered in the negative. “I guess you have,” said the green ’un—“l mean studs” “Mother,” said a country blade who had just returned from a visit to the city, “what thundering big oranges they do have in New York. I saw one there as big as—oh, as big “Well, how big were they ?” “Darn’d if I can tell; they were too big to put in my memory.” A lady who had exhausted the vocabulary of names for her numerous daughters, named the last “Ann-so-forth.” “Well, Mr. Jackson,” said a clergyman to his parishioner, “Sunday must be a blessed day to you. You work hard six days, and the seventh you come to church.” “Yes,” said Mr. Jackson, “I works hard all the week, and then I comes to church, sets me down, cocks up my legs, and thinks of nothing /” SOUTHERN SENTINEL, COLUMBUS, GEORGIA : THURSDAY MORNING, OCT, 31, 1850. Southern Rights Nominations FOR THE STATE CONVENTION. Election 25th of November. Muscogee County. Hon. ALFRED IVERSON. Maj. JOHN H. HOWARD. MARTIN J. CRAWFORD. WILLIAM Y. BARDEN. Harris County. GEORGE A. B. DOZIER. THOS. A. WILLIAMS. JESSE GUNN. HOPSON MILNER. Stewart County. Dr. I. W. STOKES. WILLIAM NELSON. Dr. WM. E. WIMBERLY. JAMES HILLIARD. Randolph County. RICH’D DAVIS. CHARLES HARRISON. S. P. ALLISON. Dr. S. P. BURNETT. S. Rights Nominations for State Convention. RICHMOND COUNTY.—George W. Lamar; James M. Smyth*; David F. Dickinson; John C. Sneed. 8188 COUNTY.—Leroy Napier; Charles Collins; Thomas A. Brown; Robert A. Smith. MONROE COUNTY.—Thomas L. Battle; Daniel Goddard; David Ogletree; William C. Redding. COBB COUNTY.—John Dunwoody, Sr.; J. N. Heggie; John S. Anderson; John F. Arnold. TWIGGS COUNTY.—Benjamin B. Smith; Dr. Henry S. Wimberly. CLARK COUNTY.—Charles Dougherty; Wilson Lumpkin; Isaac S. Vincent; John H. Lowe. THOMAS COUNTY.—James L. Seward; E. R. Young. CASS COUNTY.—Dr. B. H. C. Bonnar; Tho mas G. Dunlap; J. W. B. Summers; Nathaniel Nicholson. MURRAY COUNTY.—GenI. John Bates; William Gordon. COWETA COUNTY.—G. D. Greer; L. M. Smith; R. S. Burch; Dr. Page. I? Mr. JOHN B. SLATON is duly authorized to act as Agent for this paper. Ilis receipts for sub scriptions will be good at this office. O’ The Editor is still prevented by indisposition from resuming the duties of his post. Ilis health has, however, so far been restored that he feels as sured he will be enabled by the next issue to enter upon his labors. HT We invite the attention of our readers to an article on our first page, taken from the Washington Republic. The views therein expressed are worthy of notice, not so much because of the truths which they so clearly elucidate, as because said truths em anate from a source which has ever been distinguish ed by its equivocal, if not hostile position towards the South. The Fall Trade. Our city is rapidly resuming its business aspect.— The streets begin to be thronged with wagons, the side walks are strewed with boxes, and the merchant wears a happy face. An unusually dry season has closed our river, so that there is not yet the accus tomed appearance of activity about our wharves.— We are reminded every day of our great need of a railroad, and we are pleased to see from the indica tions on our East Common that we shall hear the engine’s whistle before many more months shall roll round. Our merchants experience very great in convenience and delay jn getting their goods trans ported from Macon. Some of them have, however, been receiving very large and handsome assortments, and, hark’ee, friends, if you wish to know exactly where to find them, look through our advertising columns and you will make no mistake. How is It? How is it that some of the Georgia delegatioh who voted in Congress against the measures of the Clay compromise, have become the unqualified champions of these same bills since their return home ? If there was nothing wrong in those measures, they ought not to have opposed them even with their votes; if they settled a most alarming controversy on terms which the South might, with perfect honor, acquiesce in, were they not bound to contribute to that settlement ? Can it be that their minds have become familiar with the deformities they first hated; that they have “endured, then pitied, then em braced,” or can it be that they secretly endorsed those measures even when voting against them, but dared not give honest expression to their senti ments ? The Difference. The Washington Union is horrified at the coali tion of the two branches of the Whig party in New York. The veteran didn’t seem much thunder struck when the two wings of the Democratic party fraternized, and it strikes us the one is as significant as the other. The differenedibetween a Northern Whig and a Northern Democrat on the subject of slavery, is about the difference between tweedledum and tweedledee. We wouldn’t trust either. The Census. As the assistant U. S. Marshal is now among us, taking the census, our citizens would do well to look to the questions below, to be propounded, and be pre pared to answer them at once, and correctly. The heads of families will facilitate the matter, and aid the census-taker a good deal, by putting their answer on paper and leaving it at home, so that in case of ab sence, &a., there will be as little delay as possible when a call is made at their houses. The questions are as follows: “The name of every person who was a resident of the family Ist June, 1850, age, sex and color. “Profession, occupation or trade of each male over the age of fifteen. “Value of real estate owned, place of birth. “Married within the year. “Attended school within the year. “Persons over twenty years of age who cannot read or write. “Whether deaf and dumb, blind, insane, idiotic, pauper or convict. “Slaves . —Number, age, sex, color, deaf and dumb, blind or idiotic. “ Deaths. —During the year ending Ist June last— age, sex, color, free or slave, married or widowed— place of birth, naming State, Territory or country— the month in which the person died—profession, oc cupation or trade—disease or cause of death, num ber of days ill. “By the term family is meant, either one per son living separately in a house, or a part of a house, and providing for himself, or several persons living together in a house, upon one common means of support, and separately from others in similar eir ; cumstances. A widow living alone and separately I providing for herself, or two hundred individuals living together and provided for by a common head, should each be numbered as one family. “By place of abode is meant the house or usual lodging place of a person. Any one who is tempora rily absent on a journey, or for other purposes, with out taking up his place of residence elsewhere, and with the intention of returning again, is to be con sidered a member of the family which the assistant marshal is enumerating.” Signs ol the Times. The most dispassionate observer of the political condition of the Union must see that the continuance of the North and the South under a common gov ernment is either immediately or prospectively in jeopardy. Since the adoption of our federal consti tution grave matters have often agitated the public mind, exciting sectional hostility in proportion to the undue partiality which certain measures would seem to evince towards certain interests. Political commu nities extended over territory so large as our own, must necessarily be distinguished by diversity of interests, —and fortunate must be those people among whom such diversity is consistent with the continuance of an honorable union. Our own gov ernment has, thus far, experienced the fortune of which we speak. While sectional hostilities have often been aroused, they have as often subsided, in obedience to the necessity of*circumstances or in promotion of the “general welfare.” The period, however, has at length arrived when considerations which may have once arisen from a sense of policy or fear do not equally operate, because the measures which the government has imposed are the more deeply marked by the stamp of political crimes.— The question of slavery has ever been a serious one in American legislation. Coeval with the birth of our constitution, it has since existed, without intermission, as an element in American politics. The cloud which has now assumed so portentous an aspect might not have been always visible to the common eye, but the political telescope, at any period, since the commencement of our government, has ever discovered this dark spot, in its incipient stages, on the horizon. Antipathy to the slavery of the South has always been a sentiment deeply fixed in the minds of the non-slaveliolding States. The occa sions which have occurred in our legislation for the development of this sentiment are gloomy evidences that feelings long immured have only awaited the period for an indignant utterance. It is not our pur pose, however, to dwell upon the sentiments of past days with respect to the subject of slavery: “ let bye-gones be byc-gones.” Suffice it to say, that at a memorable period of our country’s history, when the public mind was agitated to a degree surpassed only by that which now prevails, Congress, in the pleni tude of its wisdom, passed measures of compromise which were supposed to give a perpetual quietus to the subject. Events have proved, however, that at that period the “snake was only scotched, not killed.” It re-appears now in the dimensions of the hydra, and no Hercules has yet succeeded in destroying its seven heads. It may be safely affirmed that every son of the South is ready to exclaim against the insults which have been imposed upon his native soil, if his interests do not pervert his reason or subdue his candor. These insults, it is needless to say, were the gift of the last national legislature, in which many of the donors aided in conferring the precious boon of which they became at the same time the recipients. This journal, in the advocacy of what it considers as Southern rights, has ever been the medium of warfare against the measures of compromise , so called, which thus met the sanction of Congress. It has contended that the term was a misnomer,—that compromise, in this instance, meant imposition upon the South of measures which she regarded as derog atory to her political equality in the sisterhood of States, —that the representatives in Congress of in terests adverse to our own had yielded to the omnipo tence of popular will among their constituents, acting upon the principle of Rob Roy, that “ They should take who have the power, And they should keep who can.” In fine, that thereby the North had achieved a com plete triumph over the South. While admitting, however, the iniquity of the principal measures thus passed to “heal the country’s bleeding wounds,” it was hoped that the one measure of compromise so gra ciously bestowed as a peace-offering to the South, would, by its successful operation, compensate, in some degree, for the wrongs which had been inflicted in other respects. Our hopes, however, were not very strong, as public sentiment North was such as to inspire fears as to the result. A specific article of the constitution, whose enforcement was guaranteed by a special act of Congress, would seem to be potent enough to command observance. But what has been the result? We doubt not that even Northern representatives in Congress have wondered at the hostility which this measure has encountered wherev er its provisions have been enforced. The arrest of every fugitive becomes a signal for the gathering of the mob, and the court-house, where the right of property is determined, is cireummured by hordes of black and white, who are thus assembled in solemn mockery to express their sympathy for a brother in distress. Such manifestations of sentiment are, how ever, comparatively harmless. Repugnance to the capture of a fugitive slave assumes a more formidable aspect, when the stump, the press and the pulpit seem ambitious pf pre-eminence in hatred to such a measure. The mischief effected by the first of these three agencies, in the cause of rebellion, is apparent enough, in view of the violent harangues with which the populace are r.; so often delighted in the non slaveholding States. The second agency in the work of mischief is the more potent, not only because it becomes the medium of more widely disseminating the evil which the former has wrought, but because it warmly and ably endorses it, as apparent in many of the most influential journals North. From the last of the three sources of strife we might expect greater forbearance, if the present, no less than the past, taught us not to the contrary. Religious asso ciations have already been holden in some of the Northern States, influential no less in numbers than in intellect, in which fanatical zeal must needs find a mouth to speak. Forgetting no less “obedience to the powers that be,” than the “charity which hopeth all things and endureth all things,” these religious as semblies would seem determined to out-Ilerod Ilcrod in their hatred of slavery, and by their unhallowed fanaticism would seem to have surrendered their consciences as victims to passions in which the arch fiend would delight to triumph. Public feeling, such as we have thus endeavored to describe it, must needs work out its direful end. Passions thus strong will attain the object they seek. What is that object ? It is the nullification of that generous measure yclept the fugitive slave bill, which the North, in the benevo lence of her concessions, was graciously pleased, in the late Congress, to bestow upon the South. It is the erasure from the statute book of the only feature which could have secured the passage by Congress of the other obnoxious bills, and which the North thus gave to the South as a sweet plum to tempt her in swallowing the pills which accompanied the offer. What the South will do, when this measure is consummated, remains to be seen. If the big talk in which most Southern men indulge in contempla tion of such an event be the criterion of the action which would follow, we would rely with confidence upon the course which the South would pursue. Experience, however, teaches us that bold declama tion in behalf of the South is too often followed by cowardly inaction, —that those persons whose names were regarded as the synonomes of Southern chivalry and Southern action, have “fallen from their high estate” and left the South the vietims of evils no less past than prospective. As for ourselves, it is need less to say, that we look forward with joy to the period when the impositions of our Northern breth ren shall by dissolution be removed. We hope that the refusal on the part of the North to execute the provisions of the fugitive slave bill will be “confirma tion strong as proofs of holy writ,” that it is madness to think of continuing in the Union. The Southern Convention. —This body re-assem bles, according to its own adjournment, at Nashville, on the 11th of next month, (November,) that being six weeks after the adjournment of Congress. Promises for the Future. We begin to hear some threats from the submis sionists, that should the Fugitive Act be repealed, they will be for resistance, and we attach about as much importance to them as we do to the wind that blows idly by us. Resist, indeed ! The party which now counsels submission will never resist any thing this goveftment can or will do. Mark our words ; and without claiming for them any prophetic inspira tion, we see their inevitable verification in the pres ent tendency and principles of that party. We do not say that all the individuals who now compose thal party will adhere to it when the ends to which it is hasten ing shall be better revealed ; but we do say, the lead ers, the master spirits of the submission crew, those who give it life and activity, would battle under the black banner of abolition itself, sooner than “ strike for independence .” We are unwise to deceive our selves in this matter. There is but one element in this controversy, and that is the institution of slavery; the question is Abolition or no Abolition. The issue may be disguised by sophistry, or it may be ig nored by our fears, but it breathes, and burns, and trembles for explosion as certainly as the smothered fires of a vo’cani. But, we are asked, how is it that we find men thoroughly identified with the institution of slavery arrayed on that side ? Some are there honestly in error ; others are there dishon estly from various considerations. The planter who reads nothing but a submission newspaper, who does not feel the burdens of government, and who secs no immediate danger to his property, very naturally ad&pts the conclusion that all is well. So the man who looks at the recent measures of compromise apart from all the past history of Abolition, may not see in them any great cause of alarm ; but the in telligent mind that honestly reads the signs of the times, the causes which have led to, and the conse quences which must result from, the legislation of the last session of Congress, is forced to the conviction that nothing short of slavery itself is involved in the contest. Well, the honest Union men of the South may see this when Northern fanaticism shall drive Congress into a repeal of the Fugitive Act, and they will then agree with us that the South must act; but the party with which these men act, will stand then, where it stands now, in opposition to all resistance or schemes of redress. We have despaired of ever seeing the day when the South shall be united.— The South can present r.o issue which would unite us, and hence our cars are closed to the timid coun sels of those who advise against all action until we can present an unbroken front. [communicated.] Russell County, Ala., Oct. 25,1850. Dear Chambers : I noticed in a number of your excellent paper some time ago, that you came out openly in favor of disunion, or as you termed it, se cession. lam proud to say that we stand alike on that subject. I was much pleased at your open, frank avowal of your sentiments, (yours being the first paper that I had seen come out in that bold and fearless manner) and forthwith determined on be coming a subscriber to it; but circumstances caused a delay until the present time. For my part I can not see how the South is to maintain her honor by any other means than secession. For years she has permitted her rights to be trampled on, I will not say by fanatics, but by cool, designing men, and not by a few ; but by a large majority of the Northern people. She has suffered herself to be robbed of her portion of the territories acquired by the com mon fund, the common suffering, and the common blood of the whole people. For the sake of the Union she has made sacrifice after sacrifice,, and suf fered injury upon injury, until now, comparatively speaking, there is no sacrifice left her but the lives of her subjects, and the only injury left, to be done is to place the manacles upon them. For the sake of peace and the Union she has supplicated and cringed until in every thing nothing but supplication and sub mission is expected from her, and until her own peo ple are frightened at the bare idea of resistance.— For the sake of the Union she has actually begged for what is her own, instead of boldly asserting her rights and maintaining them at all hazards. Is the Union so dear, or an unjust and unequal govern ment so sweet, that we as Southern men should sac rifice our rights as citizens of the United States and our personal property to maintain it ? Will the ad herence to it at the present time remunerate us for our past losses, or indemnify us against all future chances of losing? No, sir. There has scarcely been a Congress since the foundation of the govern ment that has not cast an insult upon the South by attempting in some manner to purloin her rights; and the last one caps the climax by actually taking away by legislation almost the last foot of her land in Texas under the shallow pretence of paying for it, when almost every dime is to come out of Southern pockets. Now, if this is not “insult upon injury” there is no truth in the newspaper reports of it.— When we complain of it, the cry of “Union, Union,” is heard from one end of this “glorious confederacy” to the other, and men thus pretend to show us the evil consequences that would accrue in the event of a dis solution, at the same time blinded to the evils already existing. The cry of “Union” is not confined to our brethren ( alias enemies) at the North ; but it is heard among some of the Southern people too, who give it as their reason for crying “Union,” that we are not prepared for a dissolution—that we are too weak at present. In the language of Patrick Henry, I ask—“ When will we be stronger ?” Never. Ev ery session of Congress makes us weaker, because each session legislates away some of our territories, and legislates them to our Northern enemies, and when enough of Southern territory is legislated to them to make three-fourths of the States in this “our happy Union” free States, away goes the constitu tion—away will go slavery, and with them the rights and interests of the South. Our Union men say that the time will come when a dissolution must take place. Well, their time will be when the South will be kicked out because she is no longer worth robbing. What credit will we gain by that sort of disunion ? Just what we would deserve—the sneers and contempt of the world. If disunion be inevit able, let it come now—yes, now when we are better prepared than we ever shall be again. Every ses sion of Congress makes us weaker, and well would it be for the South if she was never represented in the halls of Congress again, for then she would have no representatives to barter away her rights, her inter ests, her all, for offices. When we plead and remonstrate with our North ern enemies for their unjust treatment of us in re gard to slavery, and appeal to the constitution for our rights, we are told with a sneer, “that there is a higher power than the constitution—that of con science—and they are not bound by its provisions.” When we speak out and make a show of resistance, and threaten disunion, then the mangled remains of a murdered constitution are thrown in our teeth to stop the cry of justice. What kind of justice can this be termed ? A different kind from any I ever heard of. Like yourself, I am for war upon the government, and, unless a material change takes place in the con struction of my nature, ever shall be upon any compact that does not alike restrain the strong and defend the weak. lam for war upon the Union un til better compromises can be made than the Great Pacificator's compromise. ’Tis true, we have the ; Fugitive Slave Bill—but a poor, pitiful remuneration it is for what was taken from us. It will do; but in ; my humble opinion the other parts of the compro- j mise should be combatted by the South as long as a j vestige of it remains. It robs us of lands which : from their situation should belong to the South ; it robs us of our privileges as American citizens, born . in a “free country,” where “oppression” is loathed ; | and by the Fugitive Slave Bill it wishes to rob us of our right of exclaiming against its injustice. The Southern people should swallow no such pill, and if the North will not listen to their friendly supplica tions and admonitions, then they should dictate their terms at the cannon’s mouth. But I am taking a great deal of space to tell you to send your excellent paper to my address; but I wished to give my reasons for hiking it. Yours, LAMINGTON. LIST OF PRIZES ; Os the Muscogee & Russel Agricultural Society, t* be given at the FAIR, on the third Wednesday in No vember next. For the best acre Sweet Potatoes, silver medal,..s‘2 00 “ “ bushel “ “ Diploma. “ “ acre Turnips, silver medal, s‘2 00 “ “ bushel “ Diploma. “ “ Treatise on making and applying Manure, suited to Southern crops and cul ture, silver goblet, $lO 00 [ For the best Treatise on cultivating Corn in the South, stiver goblet $lO 00 I For the best Treatise on the cultivation of Cot ton, including the picking and packing silver goblet, $lO 00 For the best Treatise on the Farm, by a youth of Muscogee or Russel, the Birmingham medal,...ss 00 For the best bag Cotton, grown in Muscogee or Russel, silver goblet $ 8 00 For the second best Diploma. i For the best bushel Wheat, raised in Muscogee or Russel Silver Medal. i For the second best, “ “ STOCK. I For the best fine wooled Sheep Silver Medal. “ “ Mutton “ “ “ “ “ Ox, for the butcher, “ “ “ “ Cow, “ “ “ “ For the ‘best Georgia and Alabama raised Jack, exhibited on the day, Silver cup, $ 8 00 For the 2d and 3d best, Diplomas For the best Mule, age considered, silver medal,. 200 For the best Stallion, four years old and upwards, silver goblet, 10 00 For the best. 2 year old colt or filly, silver cup,.. 800 For 2d and 3d best, Diplomas. For the best brood Mare, with or without colt, silver cup, 8 00 For 2d and 3d best, Diplomas. For the best Bull, (age considered,) silver medal, 200 For 2d and 3d best, Diplomas. For the best Cow. (age considered,) silver medal, 200 For 2d and 3d best, Diplomas. For the heaviest Hog, not oyer two years old, silver medal, 2 00 For the best Boar, silver medal, 2 00 For the heaviest Pig, from 6 months to a year old, silver medal, 2 00 For the best breeding Sow, silver medal 2 00 TO THE MANUFACTURER AND MECHANIC. For the best Plow for southern culture, and of southern make, silver cup $ 8 00 For the best Road-waggon, Muscogee or Russel make, silver cup 8 00 Forthe largest collection of Agricultural impleme ments. Silver Medal. For the best two horse Waggon, do. do. make, silver medal, 2 00 For the best 6 pairs of Negro Shoes, Geo. or Ala. make, silver medal 2 00 For the best piece of Factory Osnaburgs, silver medal, 2 00 For the best pieee of Factory Sheeting or Shirt ing, silver medal 2 00 For the best piece of Linsey-woolsey, silver medal 2 00 For the best Churn, silver medal 2 00 HORTICULTURE. Forthe best Treatise on raising Fruit of all kinds in this section of country, silver goblet, $lO 00 For the best specimens of Fruit for the season, Silver Medal. For the largest collection of Vegetables, silver medal, 2 00 Forthe best Boquet!of Natural Flowers, silver medal 2 00 | For the largest collection of Pot Plants, with names, silver cup, 8 00 Forthe best Treatise on the culture of Flowers, by a Lady of Muscogee or Russel, silver cup,.. 800 DAIRY. For the best specimens of Muscogee or Russel Butter, not less than 5 lbs., silver medal 2 00 For the best sample of cheese, of Southern make, silver medal 2 00 For the best Treatise on the management of the Cow in the South, silver cup, 8 00 REGULATIONS OF THE FAIR. All members of the Society, and all who shall be come members previous to or at the Fair, will be fur nished with badges, which wiil admit the person and the Ladies of his family to the Exhibition at all times during the continuance of the Fair. Tickets to admit a single person, 25 cents. All Exhibitors at the Fair must become members of the Society, and have their animals or articles entered at the business office, before taking them into the enclo sure-—except Ladies’ work—this will in all cases he ad mined free. CHAS. A. PEABODY, Corresponding Secretary. Letter from Hon. Charles Dougherty. Clarkesville. Oct. 14,1850. My Dear Doctor :—l have just arrived at this place from Rabun Court, and received your let ter of the 9th instant, which was forwarded from Athens. I read your letter to Col. B. and myself, and instructed him to make my apology. It would afford me great pleasure to meet my friends of Oglethorpe, on the 16th, if possible to do so without disregarding moral and profes sional obligations. The mail closes in a few minutes, and unless I send by this mail, this letter cannot reach you by the 16th. I have only time to say, that in my humble opinion, if the south now submit calmly to the late policy of the General Government, touching the question of slavery, it will be but an invi tation to the north to commit further aggressions on our rights. I trust in God I may be mistaken in this opinion, if the south should tamely sub mit, which I fear she will. In my judgment the south should do something by way of resistance. The kind and mode of resistance is the question, in my judgment. I am no disunionist. That must be the last and desperate remedy, if reme dy it can be called. All remedies, in my opinion, will prove fruit less, unless the south can be united and induced to join in their application. I have not time to speak of the remedies which have or may be suggested for our wrongs. In my judgment, any remedy would be effectual if the whole south was united in its enforcement. The poli cy of the Government has resulted in the ex clusion of southern slaveholders from the new ly acquired territories, atid it is useless to dis cuss the question of constitutionality. The practical result is, and will be, the same as the positive enactment of the Wilmot proviso—and yet it is said we should not resist. The next step will be the abolition of slavery in the Dis trict of Columbia, and then it will be said that the interest we have in ten miles square is too small to justify resistance; and, certainly, it is true that we have a greater interest in the new territories, than in the ten miles square. Then the slave trade between the states will be attack ed, and if abolished or prohibited, it will be said that such a measure would render the slaves in the planting states more valuable, and we will be called on to submit again; and so on until our strength is frittered away. The North will never do but one thing at a time. They will do nothing which of itself would be so destructive of our rights, but that some would say it was not sufficient to justify resistance. If the North will give any assurances that now they will stop their aggressions, I might consent to let them take the territories, and appropriate them to themselves. But they will give none. So far from it, they will continue, if not enlarge their demands. Is it possible that Georgia will do less than invite the slaveholding states to meet them in Convention to unite with them on submission and silence, or on some mode of re sistance. I have time to say no more, and repeat my regret, that I cannot be with you. Hoping that Oglethorpe may prove herself worthy of the crisis, I am, sir, your most obedient servant, CHARLES DOUGHERTY. Dr. James S. Sims. Southern Enterprise. We have recently noticed the arrival of sev eral new Locomotive Engines for the Central Rail Road and the Macon & Western Road. All these machines have been of the most im proved patterns and of the best workmanship, and have come from the most popular establish ments at the North. We take pleasure in no ticing the arrival of one other Locomotive for the Southwestern Rail Road, brought out by the brig Thos. Walter, manufactured by Messrs. Baldwin & Sons, of Philadelphia. It is intend ed as a freight engine, and we trust will bring a portion of the present crop to market. The South Western Rail Road extends some fifty miles from Macon, and when entirely com- i pleted, will be the transit of much of the ‘ trade of that section to Savannah. In a few ! years the road will be so far extended as to se cure nearly all the produce of South Western Georgia to Savannah.— Sav. Georgian. What ought the Convention to do ? This question is now on the lips of every thinking and true-hearted Georgian. A satis factory answer to it, it cannot be denied, is ex tremely difficult. To the subjects embraced in it, we have given our maturest consideration, and now propose to present eur views for what they are worth. But before we proceed to an i swer the question, we beg leave to advert to certain things which the Convention assuredly ought not, and will not do. 1. The Convention ought not, and will not meet, and do nothing. For years past, both the great political parties of the State have been vieitig with each other in denunciations of North ern aggression and expressions of determined resistance. Each stands pledged to the other, to the South, and to the whole world, that they would not submit to the exclusion of slavery from the territories, nor to its abolition in the District of Columbia. The first of these out rages upon the South lias already been perpe trated ; and Congress, by its recent act abolish ing the slave trade, has asserted the right, and evinced its willingness to inflict the other. For the Georgia Convention, then, to assemble, do nothing, and adjourn, would render her, not only ridiculous in her own eyes, but worthy of the pity and contempt of her oppressors. Such a course would be emphatically declaring to them, all we have heretofore said is empty bravado, and that our necks are now ready for any yoke that they may be pleased to fasten upon them. 2. The Convention ought not, and will not de cide upon separate and independent State ac tion. There are some among us, who are the avowed advocates of secession. The public at large are not fully advised what they mean by this measure. Few, if any of them, we imagine, favor immediate secession, and fewer still, the secession of Georgia by herself. What, then, ought the Convention to do ? We answer: 1. It ought carefully to examine into, and deliberate upon the merits, as a remedy, of non intercourse; of retaliation by reprisals, and by a system of discriminating taxation. If these, or any other similar measures within the con stitution, promise success, and can unite the Convention and the people, they should be adopted. 2. If these remedies, after examination, are found impracticable or inefficient, let the Con vention—the sovereignty of Georgia, by a so lemn ordinance, then assert her rights in the ter ritories, protest against the injustice by which she has been excluded from them, as well as against all the other violatisns of the national compact by which her rights and interests have been assailed. Let the Convention, by another solemn ordinance, propose to all the slavehold ing States, that they unite with her in sending delegates to a common Convention, which Con vention shall meet in the course of the ensuing year, consult about their common wrongs, and take such .course, as in their wisdom, shall be most conducive to their future security ; the honor, the interests, and the rights of the peo ple of the slaveholding States. It is not expected even that this Convention of all the South, shall adopt as the remedy, the secession of all the Southern States, till it has presented its ultimatum to the North, and given the States there, a reasonable time to retrace their steps—an opportunity of furnishing, if not indemnity for the past, some guarantees for the future security of the South. In the meantime, the States of the South, can be making all necessary arrangements for their mutual defence, and preparing themselves for any contingency that may await them. Here is a platform, upon which, it apnears to us, every true-hearted Georgian can, and ought to stand. It is one which ultimately will ensure redress. It may defer it, but it is not wise nor politic, that the State should act rashly and pre cipitately. None deny that the South lias been wronged. All who speak what they feel, admit that if she tamely submit now, she invites and must expect renewed aggressions, that if there is no immediate danger to her institutions, there is danger in the prospect. Here, then, is com mon ground, upon which extremes can meet; a common platform where the exclusive union man, and the exclusive advocate for Southern rights can stand, and where both can unite in battling for the rights of the South, and for the Union, as it came from the hands of our fathers. Let the South occupy this platform, and if dis union comes, she is united and prepared, when it is forced upon her, to breast any storm that may ensue. It is the alliance with Northern Whigs and Northern Democrats that has brought upon the South the troubles that environ her. This platform will sever that alliance, and upon it, in lieu thereof, can stand a Southern Re publican party, the vigilant sentinels of Southern rights, which will command respect at the North, and which, if true to itself, although in a doomed minority, will be courted there, and can exert a tremendous influence for good upon the coming destinies of the country.— Federal Union. ‘‘The Best we can Get.” We have noticed the various evidences, as they have appeared, (since the memorable quackery of “ healing the five bleeding wounds of the co'untry” triumphed in Congress,) that the abolition feeling of the North was in no de gree abated, but rather heightened and strength ened by the consummation of Mr. Clay’s mea sures. Every stride in Northern politics proves this. The Maine election, which immediately followed, was the complete triumph of free-soil. The two factions of the Democratic party in New York have since united by the admission of John Van Buren into the Slate Convention, and the surrender to him and Camberleng of the leadership of the coalition. Lastly, the New York Whig party have held their State Convention, and one of the acts of this body is the unconditional endorsement of the Senatorial career of Wm. H. Seward. The resolution is as follows: “ Resolved , That our thanks are especially due to the Hon. William H. Seward, for the sig nal ability and fidelity with which he has sus tained, in the United States Senate, those belov ed principles ot public policy so long cherished by the Whigs of the Empire State, expressed in State and County Conventions, as well as in the votes and instructions of our State Legislature —those principles are eminently National and Republican, because they are just and equitable.” It was adopted by ayes 75, noes 40—nearly two to one. And yet the South has been told that this abolitionist was not dangerous because he had the sympathy of only a small faction at home. Another resolution of this Whig Con vention is also instructive. It is as follows: “ Resolved, That the admission of California into the Union as a State, and with a free Con stitution, meets with our hearty approbation, and as a Territorial Government is established for New Mexico and Ut3h, without any prohibi tory clause, on the assumption that slavery is ex cluded by other causes, it is the solemn duty of Congress to extend the Jeffersonian Ordinance over those Territories, on the first indication that slavery or involuntary servitude is likely to be intro duced into the Territories.” Observe, that it is here asserted that the Ter ritorial bills were passed on the assumption that slavery was already excluded, and it is laid down as a principle of the Whig party, that the Wilmot Proviso shall be revived and enforced the moment there is any indication on the part of the South of a disposition to share in the settlement of these Territories. By submitting to entire and perpetual exclusion, we can save them- the trouble of excluding us by law, but not otherwise. This is the peace and harmony, this is the healing balm of the Compromise! And there are men even in the South who labor to delude the people into the belief, that there is no danger and no dishonor in abiding by a Union that holds out such a prospect as this.— Char. Mercury. Voices From the National North. The Valparaiso (Ind.) Observer thus an nounces the passage of the bill abolishing the slave trade in the District of Columbia : Triumph of Freedom.— lt will be seen by the proceedings of Congress published in this paper that a biil to abolish the trade in the District of i Columbia has actually passed both Housps, and i doubtless before now has been signed by the j President! Hail Columbia ! A good beginning is made towards ridding the General Govern- j ment of that institution. We did not think this i Congress capable of so glorious an act! Let j them try again. The next step should be to prohibit slaveholding in that District after a rea sonable limited time, to be designated. Freedom throughout the jurisdiction of Congress and uon intercourse as to slavery in the Stales, is the only : way the question can be settled. That’s one Northern platform now, from the ! North-west to the North-east, as this bugle blast from the Republican of Hartford, Connecticut, (a place noted for nationality !) will prove: Ist. In the first place they have on hand a stern reckoning with the doughfaces and trait ors. Make war on these creatures everywhere, and let the war be stern and steady. Show them up. Scourge them. Vote them down. 2d. Congress must prohibit slavery and estab lish freedom in the territories. Notice of bills to this effect has already been given in both Houses. ; 3d. Slavery must be abolished in the District iof Columbia. Long enough has it been there to ! disgrace nation. Let there be an end of it. The National Government must be delivered from this abomination. The attempt to neutral ise slavery must be fought until it is thoroughly defeated. If this chattelism of men is a State in stitution, let it be driven to the States where it belongs, and there let it die. 4th. There must be no more slave States ad ded to this Union. Not another of these swelt ering bodies of death, these nurseries of oppres sion, treason, bowie-knife civilization, and pitch pine chivalry, must come in to increase the de bauchery of public sentiment in this country, and add to the influences that transform our American democracy into a blustering sham.— “Nomore slave States!” Speak, write, agitate and vote with this watchword. The Georgia Block.— The editor of the Con stitutionalist has examined the block, ordered by Gov. Towns, for the Washington Monument, and describes it as being a “ beautiful piece of workmanship, and will compare favorably with any from our sister States. The motto inscribed on it is: ‘ The Union as it was — The Constitution as it is.' ” Southern Manufactures. The following article from the Louisville Journal will lead to very interesting reflections in the minds of the thoughtful: The Progress of the Cotton Manufacture South and West. —lt is now but a few years since public attention was called to the vast natural advantages at various points val ley of the Mississippi, for the manufacture of the great staple of that valley. The essays and discussions on the subject that have appeared in this and other journals have satisfied every reading and thinking man in the country that the chief seats of cotton manufacture are to be on and near the cotton and wheat fields. Al ready we see indications of the results of these opinions in the condition of Eastern mills. In a few years more English capitalists and ope ratives will have ascertained our superior ad vantages, and the mills of Glasgow and Man chester will be gradually stopped, preparatory to a removal of money, men and machinery to points within our limits, where more can be effected by the force of each. We ask the attentive consideration of the reader to the following extract from an able edi torial in the last Dry Goods Reporter: “ At the present moment, among the producers of cloth in those sections—namely the Northern and Middle States—which have hitherto been regarded as the chief seats of manufacturing industry, there appears to be, and doubtless is, something less of that prosperity which, upon an average, throughout the whole country, is unusually marked; the value of raw materials has risen disproportionately to the price of fabrics, and, although the demand for the latter is good, the supply is more than equal to it. That is to say, notwithstanding the raw material is very high, and manufacturers complain of inadequate prices, they nevertheless buy and work up a larger quantity of raw material than ever before, in the face of enhanced exportations of rival productions. This is an anomaly which puzzles many; but, if we reflect upon the causes which are in operation to stimulate competition, we ar rive at something like a solution. “We may reflect that political causes in Europe have operated to keep goods cheap in Lancas tershire, and by so doing, to promote large ex ports to this side of the Atlantic at a moment when more incentives to manufacturing rivalry have acted upon the South and West. These are, first, abundance of capital; second, the influence of the improvements in steam power and machinery, emancipating factory labor from water-power localities; and lastly, political motives. “The South has abundance of capital, evinced in the fact that the crop thus far delivered, say 2,000,000 bales, has realized $104,000,000, against $80,000,000 for 2,620,000 bales last year, that is to say, a quantity diminished by one fourth, lessening to the same extent the expen ses of freight packing, weighing, &c., while rates of exchange are high, drawn against high values, the South, as a whole, pro bably to realize $30,000,000 more money from this crop than from the last. With these means, factories have so multiplied, that not short of 175,000 spindles are now in operation in the cot ton States, requiring 100,000 bales of cotton per annum, and every mail brings advices of some new one going up. This rivalry affects the old established factories far more, as new factories are all armed with the newest improved machin ery, and will produce at probably 20 per cent, better advantage. The competition from this quarter is every way calculated to diminish the old margin between the cost of raw material and that of fabrics. Therefore, those old consum ers who had reached the minimum margin at which they could work, must give up shop and give place to more competent operators.” The editor of that paper has been a merchant and cotton manufacturer. There is no better authority on this subject. Here we see an excess of $30,000,000 as the product of the cotton crop of 1849-50 over that of 48-9. 1 his thirty millions of dollars would put up at home and equip enough mills to change from five to six hundred thousand bales of cotton into coarse cotton cloth. Most of the money would be spent at home for labor and materials, and would consequently be reproduc ing cotton mills. The South can spare this thirty millions of dollars every year, and in stead of feeling a loss and deficiency of capital, would feel the stimulating influences of a seduc tive home employed capital. In ten years, the savings in carrying cotton cloth, and food for the cotton cloth-makers in unnatural directions about the world, would build and equip cotton mills enough to consume our entire crop, and we should then have a monopoly of cotton cloth as well as of raw cotton. The people of the South would then be busy at home instead of running off to California. The stream of Pactoius would then run by their very doors, and they would find its golden sands richer than those under the Sacramento. The reader will not fail to note what is stated in the extract above about the greater efficiency of anew cotton machinery. Twenty per cent, advantage is enormous. The eastern mills have now the advantage-of our own only in system. This we can and shall soon obtain, and then we shall hear no home croakings and sneers about the profitableness or advantages of home cotton mills. The Indians on the Texan Frontier. The papers in western Texas express appre hensions that the Comanches are bent on a bloody and exterminating war. The Indian Agent, Judge Robins, it is said, has invited the different tribes to hold a grand talk, but it is be lieved that no means of conciliation will be ef fectual with the Comanches. The movements of Wild Cat, the Seminole chief, are looked on with suspicion. His settlement near the frontier, either in Texas or New Mexico, it is thought, bodes no good for western Texas. We notice that General Brooke has issued orders for scouts to be commenced, (simultaneously from each post.) on the 15th instant, and the several pas sages and valleys in which Indians may be sus pected to be lurking about, closely examined, each scout to be continued over the country de signated for fifteen days.