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SOUTHERN SENTINEL. ■ - COLUMBUS, GEORGIA : THURSDAY MORNING, NOV. 14, 1850. Southern Rights Nominations FOR THE STATE CONVENTION. Election 25th of November. Muscogee County. Hon. ALFRED IVERSON. Maj. JOHN 11. HOWARD. MUFFIN J. CRAWFORD. WILLIAM Y. HARDEN. Harris County. GEORGE A. B. DOZIER. THOS. A. WILLIAMS. JESSE GUNN. HOPSON MILNER. Stewart County. Dr. I. W. STOKES. WILLIAM NELSON. Dn. WM. E. WIMBERLY. JAMES HILLIARD. Randolph County. KICK’D DAVIS. CHARLES HARRISON. S. P. ALLISON. Dii. S. P. BURNETT. RICHMOND COUNTY—Gkoro* W. Lamar: James M. Smtth*; Datid F\ Dickinson ; Jon* C. Snead. 8188 COUNTY. —Leroy Napier; Chari.e* Collins; Thomas A. Brown; Robert A. Smith. MONROE COUNTY.— Thomas L. Battle: Daniel Goddard; Datid Ogletree; William C. Redding. COBB COUNTY.—.Ton* Donwoodt, Sr.; J. N. TTeggie; John S. Anderson; John F. Arnold. TWIGGS COUNTY.—Benjamin B. Smith; I)r. Henry S. Wimberly. CLARK COUNTY. —Charles Dousherty; Wilson Lumpkin; IsaacS. Vincent; John A. Lon. THOMAS COUNTY.— James L. Seward; E. R. Young. CASS COUNTY—Dr. B. 11. C. Bonnar; Tho- ‘ ma* G. Dunlap; J. W. B. Summers; Nathaniel Nicholson. MURRAY COUNTY.—Gent. John Bates; William Gordon. COWETA COUNTY.—G. D. Greer; L. M. Smith; R. S. Burch; Dr. Page. MERIWETHER COUNTY.—O. Warner: Al fred Wellborn; John H.McMath; Gf.o. A. llall. DeKALB COUNTY.—A. F.Luckib; Dr.T. M. Darnel; Judge E. A. Datis; Dr. William Gilbert. MARION COUNTY.—Dr. N. M. Holland; E. G. Brown. FLOYD COUNTY. —CoI. Joseph Watters; Dr. A. Dean. PAULDING COUNTY. —George Garrison; Joseph 11. Dodds. CHATHAM COUNTY.—Hon. Jno. M. Bf.r rif.n; I)r. James P. Screten: R. T. Gibson; Dr. C. P. Richardsone. LUMPKIN COUNTY.—GenI. Jno. D. Field, j Col. William Martin; Raymond Sandford; John W. Keitii. EARLY COUNTY. —Judge Thos. Speight, Dr. , Josiah Vinson. WASHINGTON COUNTY.—M. C. MTlliam- j bon; Green Brantley; James W. Trawick ; i Thomas J. Warthen. FORSYTH COUNTY.— Ed. Ferguson; J. A. 1 Green. BURKE COUNTY.— Edmund Palmer; W. W. j llvgiifs ; John C. Foythkess; John Whitehead, j TATNALL COUNTY.— De La Motta; Siike- | TALL. HOUSTON COUNTY.—Dr. E. J. McGehee ; j F. AY. Jobson ; Sol. Fudge ; Morris Pollock, j LINCOLN COUNTY. —Alexander Frazier ;| Aaron Hardy. - - * ST Mr. JOHN B. SLATON is duly authorized I to act as Agent for this paper. His receipt* for sub scriptions will be good at this offic*. The Campbell Minstrels. This deservedly popular band of “melodists'’ are now in our city, giving a series of their charming entertainments to crowded houses. As yet we have been unable to attend—being confined to a sick bed— but from the reports that have reached us. we feel authorized in saying that—aside from their music— (which ean't be beat) —they are decidedly the best delineators of the negro character, and can do up the burlesque in a style superior to any company that have ever visited Columbus. We may be somewhat selfish in the wish—but believe the community generally, and especially our country friends, would be highly gratified, if the “Campbell Minstrels” would prolong their Btay in our city until after the “Agricultural Fair,” which comes off on Wednesday of next week. This, to gether with tho fact of its being Court Week, will have a tendency to attract a large number of people from the surrounding country to this point, who would, we feel assured, be delighted if an opportu nity were afforded them, of attending these soiree*. We trust they will find it to their interest to comply with the general wish of the community by remaining. Tarties. The efforts of leaders to the contrary notwith standing, there has been a complete revolution of parties in this State. The names of Whig and Democrat are no more descriptive of the political divisions of the people of this country than they -would be in England. They are obsolete terms as dead as the issues which they oaee represented, j The continued aggressions of the North upon the ; South have excited the Southern people to the eon- j sidoration of questions, far outweighing in importance I any which have been involved in our former political j differences, and forgetting the issues which once di- j vided them, they have rallied under the banner of j their common rights. Such being the disturbing : cause, a cause which operates alike upon every man now living at the South or in any way interested in the security of slave property, it is a matter of aston- j ishment that there should be any difference in senti ment among us. It would seem, that in a contest like this, in which the rights of the South are direct ly involved, that all Southern men should stand shoulder to shoulder in resisting a common enemy. Such however is not the fact. Though old party dis tinctions have been obliterated, new ones have been formed; new parties have sprung into existence, and the contest between them is more bitter, more in tense, than any that was ever waged under the old divisions. The fact presents a subject of humiliating and alarming reflection. Humiliating because we know that many have taken sides in this controversy from other considerations than those of devotion to th South or love for the Union. Ambition, selfish ness, hopes of personal a-graiiFoment, these and kindred motives, rather than any honest desire to serve the country, have driven too many of our fel low citizens into ranks hostile to the bst interests of tb South and the Union. Humiliating again, be cause in many instances that keen perception of right, and quick apprehension of wrong, which all freemen ought to have in guarding their liberties, have been -completely obdurated by devotion to party mnd party leaders. Alarming, because we are as sured by the present state of things, that the day will never eoni“, no matter how outrageous tha-eppres ■ion, when Southern men will unite in resisting wrong. AVe believe, before Heaven, that if the indignities which have been put upon the South in the last tw o years do not move our people to action, our enemies are incapable of any injustice which will provoke us ■ to resistance. The Northern people have clear heads l if they have black hearts. They know just how far they may safely go, and their schemes of imposition , w ill always be graduated with the most exact refer- i | cnee to the amount of wrong which we will tolerate. Little by little are we to be robbed of our rights, un ; til at last we shall find ourselves completely destroy j <-d, and yet the inroad will have been so gradual that ! we can point to no one step of aggression which of it self would have justified resistance. AA'e know,an l every man who reads this sentence knows, that if ! Congress had abolished the slave trade in Columbia, twenty-five years ago. that it would have met with j the undivided opposition of the South. Therefore it ! was not done twenty-five years ago. Well, the indi cations are, that if Congress should abolish slavery in the District note, it would be resisted by the South, and hence they do not abolish it now. But a few years hence, the South would not resist it, and then jit will as certainly he done as the sun shines. And | thus it is with every measure of contemplated out rage upon the South. Men talk of resisting the AVilmot Proviso. Fudge—nonsense. If they do not resist no-.v, neither would they resist then. The ar ! gument is already coined, and passes currently, by ! which this would be justified. “Did not Congress apply the Proviso to Oregon, and did not vour South ern President sanction it, and did any body want to j light about it ?” Who has not heard this over and ; often, and who does not know that this would be the ; position of tho submissionists whenever the issue shall be presented ? No; no. Let no true-hearted j Southern man deceive himself. If lie has a spark of | Southern fire about him, and is not determined to j sacrifice his country by piece-mcal, let him rally wow under the banner of resistance. If we are to make a stand which shall be effectual for the pro tection of our families, our homes and our property, now is the time. AA'e may, nay we can right our selves and save the Union by action now, but if we submit to our present wrongs, it may be out of our I power to do either hereafter. A Spirit of Compromise. ; It is a very common remark that the Union is based upon compromise, and must be preserved by compro mise. The first part of this proposition is true ; the latter is utterly false in the sense in which it is used, j ; Al lien the delegates of the different States met in ‘ 1 convention for the purpose of forming the Union, it | was a conference of independent sovereignties. To r unite the whole in one general government of course i it was necessary that each should surrender some of i its powers, and inasmuch as there was a diversity I of interest, they could only he harmonized hv mutual i concession. They then made all the concession which was necessary to create the Union, and wc deny that it is either necessary or the duty of either party to make any new concessions for the purpose of pre ferring it. So long therefore as the Union can he maintained by a rigid adherence to the letter and spirit of the compact by virtue of which it exists, ve arc for maintaining it, but when it becomes necessary for us to make sacrifices for that purpose, we are ready to abandon it. The most striking feature of this boasted spirit of compromise is, that its demands are always made of one party, and that part}’ too, the one which is least interested in its fruits. If the Union ; were indispensable to the existence, or even the pros perity of the South, it might seem reasonable that she should make sacrifices for its preservation ; or if i it were not indispensable to the existence and pros perity of the North, it might not seem strange that ! she should manifest a spirit of indifference toils pre servation. But exactly the reverse is true in both : instances. It is not indispensable to the South, and it : i indispensable to the North. The manufactures, the commerce and the stocks of the North constitute almost exclusively lier wealth and greatness, and i these are almost absolutely dependent for their pros- I perity upon the advantages growing out of her con ! neetion with the South. Her manufactures are fed j by our raw material, and find a market for their fab j ries in the agricultural districts of the South. Her I shipping interest, which constitutes a very consider able element of her wealth, draws at least two-thirds ! of its support from the export and import and j coastwise trade of the South. The real estate of j her large and growing commercial cities is of purely 1 artificial value, imparted to it by the trade of the South. Suppose every Southern merchant should withdraw his patronage for twelve months from New A'ork, what would be the effect upon the value of real estate in that city T Rents would immediately de cline, and of course the value of property. Her rail road stocks and bank stocks would immediately depreciate, if the value derived front the Union were withdrawn. How is it with the South ? Our wealth is almost purely agricultural. Our slaves would he as active, our lauds as productive and our crops as saleable without the Union as with it. The world would consume as much cotton, sugar, rice and tur pentine the day after the Union was destroyed as it did the day before, and we would still be looked to for its supplies, because nobody else, could produce them. Not only then would we lose nothing to our agricultural interests, but the North’s losses in man ufactures, commerce and stocks would be our gains. AA'e should at once be brought into a direct export and import trade with the world. Capital which now fattens on Southern labor in New York and Boston, would find a more profitable investment in our own seaports. The increasing prosperity of Charleston and Savannah would be in the precise ra tio of the decline of New York and Boston. As our seaports increased in importance, new channels of communication would be opened with the interior. Our inland towns would swell into cities, and new ones would spring up as the increasing trade of the country would demand new depots and markets. The sound of the spinning-jenny will be hoard upon our rivers, the commerce of the seas will whiten our harbors, and prosperity will smile upon industry throughout the land. This is no fancy sketch ; it is a faithful and rational portrayal of the destiny which awaits the South, when the elogrs and fetters of an I 1 ; unjust Union shall be removed. And yet with a I future like this on one hand, and the promise j of still greater wrongs on the other, the South is to | make all the concessions, submit to all the sacrifices, j for the sake of the Union. The North makes a suf : lieient compromise to remain in a Union which toler- i j ates slavery, and we are to pay her for her gencrosi- ; Jtv by submitting to its gradual extinction. Away 1 with such a spirit of compromise. The AVilinot Proviso. To one unacquainted with our political history for the last several years, it would be a difficult matter to attach any sort of import to these two remarkable words. The author of this celebrated measure, ex cept in so far as his connection with it has given him notoriety, is avert - insignificant man. At any rate, i Mr. David AA'ilmot, ex-member of Congress from ; Pennsylvania, is not so well known to fame, that the ! mere prefix of his name to the word “proviso,” j would furnish a clue to what sort of a thing it might | ha ; and proriso itself being of rather indefinite im port. we say it would puzzle one who knew nothing of j its history, to form a very correct idea of the nature of | the monsLr from the name it bears. The name, how ever, is of comparatively little importance ; it is the thing itself which has made so much noise, and it is on’y necessary that we should correctly comprehend its substance. The Wilmot Proriso , then, means s-eh legislation on the part of Congress as is intend- j e l to, and docs actually, result in the exclusion of I the Souih from au equal share in the territories : or : to state it differently, wherever Congress passes a law whose aim Bgd effect is to exclude slavery from the territories, it adopts the Wilmot Proviso. It is this sort of legislation which our last Legislature de clared against; it is this sort of legislation which the Legislatures of all the Southern States have declared against; it is this sort of legislation which all our conventions and primary assemblages have said would furnish proper grounds of resistance by the South. And now what if it be true that the last ■ session of Congress was guiltv of exactly this sort of legislation ? AY hat if we can show that Congress has passed laws having for their direct object, and | resulting inevitably in, the exclusion of slavery from ; the territories ? AA'hv, as a matter of course, if we mean to maintain our declarations, or vindicate our honor, we must RESIST. To the proof. Is not slavery excluded from Cali fornia ? Certainly. AA ho did it? The people of Cali fornia could not do it, because they not only did not hare sufficient numbers, but they had no power to do it . even if they had had the numbers. They were in no I sense citizens of that country, and of course cculd exercise none of the rights of citizenship. If the Californians could not do it, then whatever force her anti-slavery constitution may have, was given to it by Congress. The South then has been excluded from California by tho act of Congress, and this is AA’ilmot Proviso number one. Is not slavery excluded from New Mexico? Un questionably, but how ? By the refusal of Congress to declare the Mexican anti-slavery laws repealed.— But say you, the Mexican law is not in force. That is exactly our opinion , but we are not certain of it. because Messrs. Stephens and Toombs and many other great men in the country think differently, and no Southern man will be fool enough to carry liis ne groes there with so much uncertainty about his right to hold them. Congress knew this, and it was tho intention of a majority of that body in refusing to remove those restrictions, to exclude the institutions of the South. It will not be denied that the general government is as much responsible for an injury which results to the South from a refusal to do its dut}-, as it would be for wrongs growing out of an abuse of its powers; and thus, if the South is excluded from our AA'ostern territories because Congress re fused to remove the barriers to its free ingress, we are as absolutely the victims of the AA'ilmot Proviso, as though that odious measure had been passed toti dem verbis. This, then, is AA'ilmot Proviso number two. The same causes exclude the South from Utah. Mr. Stephens says, we understand, that slavery al ready exists among the Mormons, and he argues from j that fact that the institution is tolerated by the laws j of the country. AA'e do not believe, in the first place, j that there are any slaves in Utah, Mr. Stephens to j the contrary notwithstanding: but even admitting the j truth of his declaration, it by no means follows that j | his conclusions are correct. That gentleman's posi- j tion two years ago was that the laws of a conquered j territory remained in force until repealed by the con- j querors, from which he argued that the anti-slavery i laws of Mexico were still operative in the territories which we acquire from that power. If lie was right, I those laws arc yet in force, unless they have been j repealed. Congress lias not touched them, and if j they have been repealed at all it must have been by j the legislature of Utah prior to its territorial organi cation, and Mr. Stephens will admit that such Ie- ■ gislation would be wholly without authority, and therefore void. But suppose Utah is open to slavery, it is surrounded by a cordon of free territory which completely precludes everything like immigration with that sort of property from the South. Here, then, we have AVihnot Proviso number three I The New York Elections. AA'e looked to yesterday’s mail to clear up the doubts about the clect-ons in this State. But that mail failed beyond Augusta. Our last accounts are that the Seward candidate for Governor lias suc ceeded, as well as the ticket for State officers of that stripe. First it was reported that the Seward “higher law” faction had made a clean sweep of the State, thus committing the “Empire” of N. York to the revolutionary and abolition principles of AA 7 . 11. Seward. Then came a stray telegraphic report that Seymour, the Democratic candidate, was elected by 2,000 majority; and the last report is that Hunt. the Sewardite, is Governor. A more important election to the existence of this Confederacy has never taken place. If N. York has endorsed the principles of Seward, it requires no seer to predict that the days of the Federal Government are numbered. As we arc not a disun ionist per se , but only advocate that course as the only remedy forced upon us to cure the gangrene w t i which abolitionism has infected the body politic, we shall not be sorry to witness in the defeat of the Seward interest, one more effort on the part of the Conservatives of N. York to save the Union. AA’e, nevertheless, believe that such defeat will be but tem porary—will but postpone the end of a revolu tion of fanaticism which will roll on to its final triumph and a disruption of the Confederacy. [•OMMUNICATID.] Lumpkin, Nov. 7, 1850. Mr. Editor: —The meeting appointed for Messrs. Toombs and AA'ellborn came off yesterday, in this place, before a considerable gathering of the “ sov ereigns” and a smart sprinkling of beauty. The meeting was opened by a speech of an hour from Air. Toombs, lie made a good speech of its kind, lie was witty enough, load enough, made ugly faces enough, and was severe enough upon those who had attacked his political consistency. The only objection that could be made to his speech ! was that his subject was not the one that the intelli- i gent freemen of Stewart had assembled to hear discussed. AA'liat was it to them, if Mr. Toombs had turned more summersets than Mr. Lipman, the twelvo summersets man ? lie very much mistook the crowd before whom he appeared if he supposed that they looked to any man’s position, wlu-n the i great questions involving the issues of life and equality ; to the South were before them. lie would have j borne himself more manly and dignified had he kept himself out of the debate or confined his re marks to the points in issue. But nothing was dis cussed unless it bore upon his own action, and illus trated his political orthodoxy, lie attempted to justify the action of Congress by showing that wc had not demanded more, (not that we were not enti tled to it,) either by tho Nashville convention or by the legislatures of fourteen States, —in other words, if we did not demand of Congress that we should j not be robbed of our interest in the common territory, that we should now make no complaint sinee it is done, but go to war if we have any grievance against our legislature and the Nashville convention, as these “wise savuns ” had failed in their duty, and not “him and his little eolleasrue.” Such a speech could have, as you may well suppose, hut little effect upon thinking men. lie had his fighting points, he said he had “stuck his stakes” and “troad no steps backwards.” These points are laid down i in his circular and paraded, that the fighting time I was not far off; from this part of his speech it is : hard to place him. I suppose that he is preparing i an ambush for them North—acquiesce now, submit, I deceive them as to the real sentiments of the South, and let them pass the AA'ilmot Proviso, abolish sla | very in the District or repeal the fugitive slave bill, | | and then burst forth with the whole South united for dissolution and a Southern confederacy. I would submit to the friends of the Union, if it were not better to unite no-.v and prevent the passage of these ’ obnoxious measures to which the South could never submit with honor, than to be still until they are passed, and then “raise the devil and burst up things,” : to use the elegant expression of one of their stump orators. To save the Union, in my judgment, the . only plan left is to shew to the North that they have j gone too far for Southern endurance already. But I must be permitted to say that Mr. Toombs made no apology for the North like our Representative: ! like an honest man he said that we had powerful j [ enemies to contend with, and that all our resource? . were needed to repel them, and that our divisions at home were suicidal, lie did not seem to have any tender sympathies for the abolitionists or their senti ments. It did not seem to harrass Ins mental sensi bilities that negroes were bought and sold, nor did it offend his nobility, (perhaps the air of France or Italy has not refined him,) to be waited on by a slave instead of a servant. Air. Toombs was followed by Air. Tucker in a speech of an hour, who bore himself manfully in j the fight and discussed the late “peace measures” j which Air. Toombs had failed to do. The friends of Southern rights were fully satisfied. AA e lost nothing, and would be glad to see the gentleman in Stewart again. AA'ellborn has done us more good than Mr. Toombs could do us, however, from now until the election. Yours, &e. LIST OF PRIZES Os the Muscogee & Russel Agricultural Society, to be given at the FAIR, on tlie third Wednesday in No vember next. For the best acre Sweet Potatoes, silver medal... $2 00 “ “ bushel “ “ Diploma. •* “ acre Turnips, silver medal, $2 00 “ “ bushel “ .Diploma. “ “ Treatise on making and applying Alauure. suited to Southern crops and cul ture, silver goblet, §lO 00 For the best. Treatise on cultivating Corn in the South, silver goblet, . - • $lO 00 For the best Treatise on the cultivation of Cot lon. including tlie picking and packing silver goblet,, $lO 00 For the liest Treatise on the Farm, hy a youth of Muscogee or Russel, the Birmingham medal,...§o 00 For Ihe hest bag Cotton, grown in Musco*ee or Kussel, silver goblet, - $ S OO For the second best Diploma. For the lifit bushel Wheat, railed in Miwcttfwor Russel Silver Medal. For llie second best, “ “ STOCK. For the best fine wooled Sheep Silver Medal. “ “ Mutton “ “ “ Ox, for the butcher, “ “ “ “ Cow, “ “ “ “ For the best Georgia and Alabama raised Jack, exhibited on the day, Silver cup, . ..§ 8 00 For the 2d and 3d best Diplomas For the best Mule, age considered, silver medal,. 200 For the best Stallion, four years old and upwards, silver goblet, i 10 00 For lhe. best 2 year old colt or filly, silver clip... 800 For 2d and 3d best.. Diplomas. For the l est brood Alure, with or without colt, silver clip,. 8 00 For 2d and 3d best, Diplomas. For the hest Bull, (age considered.) silver medal, 200 For 2d and 3d best . Diplomas. : For the best Cow, (age considered,) silver medal, 200 For 2d and 3d best, Diplomas. ! For the heaviest Hog, not oyer two years old, silver medal, 2 00 | For the best Boar, silver medal, 2 00 For the heaviest Big. from 6 months to a year old, silver medal, 2 00 | Forilie best breeding Sow, silver medal 2 00 TO THE MANUFACTURER AND MECHANIC. For the best Blow for southern culture, and of southern make, silver clip, $ 8 00 | For the hest Road-waggon, Muscogee or Russel make, silver clip, 8 00 Forilie largest collection of Agricultural impleine j merits, Silver Aledal. j For the best two horse Waggon, do. do. make, silver medal, 2 00 : For tlie best 6 pairs of Negro Shoes, Geo. or Ala. make, silver medal, 2 00 ! For the hest piece of Factory Osuahurgs, silver medal, 2 00 | For the best piece of Factory Sheeting or Shirt ing, silver medal, 2 00 For the best piece of Linsey-woolsey, silver medal,. 2 00 For the best Churn, silver medal, 2 00 HORTICULTURE. For the best Treatise on raising Frttit of all kinds in this section of country, silver goblet,. $lO 00 Fur the best specimens of Fruit for the season, Silver Medal. For t!ie largest collection ot Vegetables, silver medal, 2 00 For the best Boquettof Natural Flowers, silver medal, 2 00 For the largest collet-lion of Pot Plants, vviili names, silver cup, 8 00 For the best Treatise on llie r till tire of Flowers, by a Lady of Muscogee or Russel, silver cup,.. 8 00 DAIRY. For the best specimens of Muscogee or Russel Butter, not less than 5 lbs., silver medal,,... 2 00 For the best sample of cheese, of Southern make, silver medal, 2 00 j For the be.-t Treatise on the management, of the Cow in the South, silver cup,.. 8 00 j REGULATIONS OF THE FAIR. * All members of the Society, and all who shall he- j come members previous to or at. I lie Fair, will be fur nished with badges, which wiil admit the person and the Ladies of his family to the Exhibition at all times during the continuance of the Fair. Tickets to admit a single person, 25 cents. All Exhibitors at the Fair must become members of the Society, and have their animals or articles entered at the business office, before taking them into the enclo sure -except Ladies’ work-—this w ill in all cases he ad milled free. CIIAB. A. PEABODY, Corresponding Secretary.. I 1 Letter of lion. Charles Dougherty. Athens, Oct. 30, 1850. Peter Northern and others: Gentlemen : Your invitation to attend a meet ing of the Southern Rights party of Greene county, on Saturday next, and to address said meeting, reached me in due time; but found me confined to my room, suffering from a se vere cold, accompanied by a most distressing cough. Being anxious to comply with your wishes, I have delayed answering until now, hoping I might so far recover as to enable me to attend your meeting. I find it out of my pow er to be with you, and if there, I know I could not speak to the meeting. I regret to see such a division among the Southern people. 1 know nothing that can be done to stay Northern aggression without a concert of action and sentiment on the part of the South. VVhat should be said or done, must be the result of deliberate consultation among the Southern or slave-holding States. No one, two, or even three States, in my poor judgment, can effect any thing beneficial without the aid and co-operation of the others. There must lie union. 1 am no disunionist or secessionist. No! This union shall never he dissolved, if 1 can prevent it. I will never calculate its value ; and if it is dissolved, or its value calculated, I would make our Northern brethren do both. I am not for tame submis sion to the policy of the government or aggres sions of onr Northern brethren. Much less can I consider the late action of Congress a triumph for the South., I may be wrong, but I cannot help it. It is my deliberate opinion, that, if the South sits down quietly under the present state of things and thereby sanctions what has been done, it will be considered by the North as an invitation to continue their assaults on our institution. All history of mankind shows that aggression was never stayed by submission—that resistance i alone can cause the aggressor to pause or stay j his hand. In my humble judgment we have the means within the limits of the constitution to | resist, and that effectually, and I confine my re sistance to the constitution and within the con- j stitution. 1 am answered and told that any j kind of resistance will end in a dissolution of the j Union. This Ido not believe. It is but opinion j on either side. And there is no better reason for believing that resistance will cause dissolu tion, than to believe that submission will cause i abolition. In my judgment, the latter is much I more probable. For the sake of the Union,l would give up all the territories and even more if tliat would satisfy our opponents; I look on our exclusion from California and virtually front Utah and New Mexico, only as one act in the drama which is to deprive us of our slave property. All the aggressions on our rights, | spring from the same and sole motive, and that looks to abolition in the end. It is hostility to slavery that prompts our Northern brethren to their continued assaults on our rights, How can this hostility he appeased ? Can it be done ! by submission ? We have tried that remedy for thirty years —yea, for thirty years have we given j way—for thirty years have we made sacrifices j on the altar of peace and the Union, What has i been the result? Let our exclusion from the | lately acquired territories answer that question. \ If we now tamely submit, u hat then? The ab olition of slavery in the District of Columbia and the slave trade between the States wiil an swer that question. But I have time only to re peat my regret that I cannot be with you. A'ours, trulv, ■ c. DOUGHERTY. Extracts from the Address of Mr. John Town send. It cannot fail to strike every man, who has I turned his attention to the state of public senti | ment at the South, in reference to our contro | versy with the tree-soil States and the General 1 Government, that there are two classes (for 1 1 will not call them parties) at the South .who ap ’ pear to entertain different views on this subject. ! These views, although they cannot be said to be opposite, nevertheless lead to very opposite re sults—the one to comparative inaction—the other to timely and vigorous resistance. The former class view the Wilmot proviso, as ap plied to California and the territories, and the other measures of anti-slavery aggression which from time to time have been pressed up on us, in Congress—as measures which begin, and terminate in themselves; and although they re gard them as wrong, as unjust, and unconstitu tional, as nevertheless so far removed in their effects upon our interests, as not to justify any serious alarm. They are therefore willing, to patch up a peace, by a compromise with our en emies. The other class, on the other hand, view those measures, as parts of a regular system of operations—the object, intention, and inevitable tendency of which, is—to abolish slavery entire ly in the Slates, and to degrade the Soutli into a tribute-paying colony to the rest of the Union. Viewing then these measures in this light, they are prepared and willing to meet the question at once; and keep safe their citadel, by defend ing the outposts. Both classes are very unanimously agreed to defend the citadel, when that is attacked, but unhappily, all at the South do not see in these measures, the mighty evil which lurks behind them, and which threatens such tearful conse quences to our social and political life. The first question then, for the people of the South to settle in their mind*, is, the reality of this danger. For upon the settlement ot this question, will depend their union; and upon their union will depend their safety, their stabil ity and their happiness—a safety certain, and un doubted ; a stability to their institutions, which they have never before possessed ; and a politi cal happiness and prosperity, which they have heretofore never enjoyed, and which, owing to their favored position, it has rarely been the lot of any former people to attain unto. The first thing then for us to consider, is, the reality of this danger; and this can be best un derstood by taking a brief review of the pro gress of the anti-slavery spirit of aggression, within a few years past. It is scarcely sixteen years since Ibis danger ous subject began first to be meddled with in Congress. Previous to that time, it appeared to have been considered as a subject forbidden lo that body; and as it was the sole concern, so under the exclusive control of the people of the South. About the year 1835, the anti-slavery party at the North, began to agitate Congress by an in terference with our institutions; at which time, as we have been informed by Mr. Calhoun, “pe titions poured in, calling upon Congress, lo abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and to prohibit what they called the internal slave trade between the States, announcing at the same time, that their ultimate object was, to abolish slavery not only in the District of Co lumbia, but in the States and throughout the Union. Let it be here well noted—that their ultimate object, as openly avowed by them, even at that time—was the abolition of slavery in the Stales ; and that the other measures were urged upon Congress, as only the preliminary steps towards the attainment of that object. Now, in all the measures which they have since ! pressed upon us, in proportion as they have been i gaining strength, that has been their aim—an I aim, which we should be guilty of the grossest ; fatuity, if we ourselves lost sight of. Fifteen years ago, the South was stronger in j Congress, not only in her own numbers, but by the aid of all right-thinking men from the North. I The anti-slavery party accordingly failed at that I time to obtain a lodgment in Congress, by I which to assail us from that position. The I Senate of the United States adopted a rule by ! which their petitions on the subject of slavery | were virtually not received : and the House j of Representatives another, by which, although I such petitions were received, they were neither j to he considered, printed nor referred. This, however, did not discourage our ene mies, but on the other hand, seemed to excite them to beat more vociferously at the doors of Congress to carry out their schemes. At every ! election at the North, and after every census, their j strength increased —whilst ours, by the loss ot I representation for two-fifths of our slaves, as j well as from oilier causes, diminished ; and our j former adherents fell off. Under this state of ! tilings, our enemies boidly advanced upon us, in the number and magnitude of their aggressions; and began to extend the sphere of their opera tions. They required of Congress to abolish slavery in all tii eforts and dock-yards of the South ; with a view to making them the retreats for abscond ing slaves, and the magazines of abolition in the midst of our slave population. As the influ ence and power of that party extended at the North, (as it has done very rapidly,) they took possession of their own State legislatures—and these united with them in petitions and instruc tions to Congress, not only to promote the schemes just enumerated, but “to exclude the Southern States from all territories acquired, or to be acquired, and to prevent the admission of | any State hereafter into me Union, which by its constitution does not prohibit slavery. And Congress is invoked to do all this, as Mr. Cal houn lias given us warnings, expressly with the view to the filial abolition of slavery in the States. That has been avowed lo be the ul timate object from the beginning of the agitation until the present. And yet the great body of both parties at the North, with the full knowl edge of the fact, have co-operated with them in almost all their measures.” With such objects known and avowed, it might be supposed that Congress, under the re straints which are imposed upon it by the con stitution for the security of our institutions, would have interposed a barrier against schemes of aggression, which so plainly violate our rights, and jeopardize our safety. But this has not been so. The rule which excluded from Congress the dangerous schemes of these mis guided men, has been for several years abolished in the House of Representatives; and the Sen ate, at the present session, lias also been com pelled to give way before the encroaching spirit of this ferocious party. The halls of Congress, that common council-room for the South, as well as the North, is now taken possession of . by them ; and instead of that comity which is i due to the Southern States, as equals in the com J federaev, their representatives have been open ! ly insulted, by resolutions solemnly adopted,de j nouncing our institutions; and the sovereign j States themselves, which they represent, begin j to be regarded, in the arrogance of irresponsi ; b!e power, as having no rights, except such as ! may be vouchsafed to them by sufferance. In j the House of Representatives, by a vote which j embraced almost, if not every representative I from the North, it has been with all due formali i ty declared to us, “that slavery is infamous.”— And in the Senate, it has been announced, by a grave Senator, who represents the views of that party, that their object in excluding us from the territories is, “that slavery might be local ized and discouraged.” In other words, the Southern States are not to be permitted to ex pand and improve their condition, but are to be walled up, within their present limits. By which process, according to the notions of hu manity, entertained by the philanthropists, who have taken us under their care, the masters and j their slaves will be so crowded together upon the soil which they now occupy, that in the pro | gress of a few years, there must ensue a strug j gle for subsistence, or for an ascendency be | tween the races, which will terminate in the an i nihilation of one or both of them. This scheme j of self-destruction —this species of political sui cide, is the mildest form, and the slowest pro- j cess by which our enemies propose to abolish slavery among us. It is the plan universally ap- j | proved of by those who call themselves our j “friends” at the North. And even Mr. Webster, who may be considered the soberest among 1 tjiem (irs opinions at least.) has announced it as their settled policy, “that no more slave States are to be admitted into this Union,” beyond the present slave territory of Texas; thus looking to the process just stated, for the final extinguish ment ot slavery among us. This, be it remembered, is the mildest form—the plan of our “friends” so called; and who are so ready, in our wars in Congress, on that ques tion, to step in with their “compromises,” be tween us, and the most virulent of our foes, to soothe us and them by temporary expedients, j But there is another class at the North—the fan- j atics in religion—the fanatics in politics—the j demagogues of all parties, hunting for their j prey of office or power, who are aiming at 1 the abolition of slavery in the States, by a plan ‘ more speedy, direct and summary. The South, ! according to the tactics ot these men, is to be j “localized, and discouraged,” restricted to her present limits, and no slave State permitted again to enter the Union. On the other hand, every interest at the North, is to be fostered, expanded and encouraged, by all the patronage and wealth of the general government; and all the common territory reserved lor the exclusive use and ad vantage of the citizens of that section. New States are to be laid out, multiplied and admitted into the Union, (as they will have the abundant power, in a short time, to do) without restraint; then follows the accomplishment of their scheme. The “South localized and discouraged”—the North fostered, expanded and multiplied, our en emies will soon have the requisite majority under the constitution, to do by “right,” that is legally, and constitutionally, (if we remain united to them) whatever they may will, in regard to us— and that will be, one of two things. First— Either to abolish slavery immediately, in the Soutli, as is now the avowed purpose of both species of fanaticism, which is arrayed against us. Or, 2d—l f they allow us to keep our slaves, it will be on certain prescribed conditions, which they will impose upon us as to our management of them, and upon the condition only, that the South, with her slaves, shall become the slaves of the North, to labor not for our own,but for their benefit. Whichever of these condition* may be vouchsafed to us bv our enemies, will depend upon the struggle which will take place among themselves—between their religious and political fanaticism on the one side, and their avarice and lust for power on the other. But whatever may be their decision, either alternative will be fatal to us, and our choice will be only iliat of the slave. Oar condition, under the first, we shall notice presently ; under the second, our condi tion will be the most abject and degraded, which has ever fallen to the lot of a subjugated peo ple—the prey of a merciless avarice, having not one sympathy with us, and which, from our pusillanimity, will have such good cause to spurn and despise us !! Let no Southern man delude himself for a single moment, into the persuasion, that the measures which are preparing for us, in the councils of the anti-slavery party at the North, are limited to their own accomplishment—and then ! we are to have a final and lasting peace. The facts and considerations whtch have just been presented (independent of the bold and open avowal of our enemies) go to show that those measures are not only advancing upon us, in hostility, but that they areali advancing stead ily, to one common centre, and that is, the aboli tion of slavery in the whole South—the abolition of slavery in every State —the giving of freedom lo bis slaves, upon every man's own plantation ! That is the real danger which we must pre pare ourselves to guard against, in the measures of resistance which it becomes us to adopt. That is the mighty evil, which is threatened us by the anti-slaverv influence at the North, and which stands as the grand terminus of all the roads, and schemes, and plans, which every class and party of that influence are pursuing in relation to slavery. Some may take a longer road than others, to reach the terminus: some may prefer a milder plan, in accomplishing the journey; whilst many may be disposed to pause for awhile, on the way, to amuse themselves and us with “compromises,” whilst they are gather ing fresh strength, the more certainly to attain their end. But all, all, no matter what road they may have taken, have their faces turned towards the same object : and whether lliey may be restrained by the constitutional scruples of Senator Webster, or by the scriptural teachings of President Stuart, considered as the extreme of the party, on the one side—or whether they be j driven on by the monomaniac phrenzy of rabid j men, such as Garrison, and Giddrngs, llall, Phil- I ; lips or Tuck, as representing the other extreme ; of the party —they have each, and all of them, their heads, their hearts, and their hands em ployed in the same common work, of abolishing ’ slavery in the States, and upon each plantation in each Slate. I reiterate this fact: because it is of the last ; importance, that it he kept lief ire our eyes, and engraven upon our hearts. In the light of this truth, the soft spoken free-soiler is on a par with the most brawling and fanatic abolitionist; only that the former is the more to be dreaded ; since with his flattering promises which he knows he cannot fulfil, and his plausible “compromises,” which he knows are deceitful, he lulls us into security, and then stupefies us into non-resist ance ! Such, then, being the mighty evil, which is preparing for us, sooner or later, in the councils of every party at the North, it may he useful to us, to give a glance, as we proceed, at the fearful consequences which may befall us, if we do not avert it, by a timely and effectual resistance. — ! the imagination sickens with disgust, and the l heart swells with indignation, whilst contempla- j ting these consequences. Briefly, what arc they I First.—The elevating of our slaves to a political j equality with ourselves in the making of our. j laws, and in the government of the country: I which will soon be followed by the degradation, j (as in the British and French West Indies) —of; the claims of a vulgar and upstart race, to social equality with ourselves and families, in all the j domestic relations of life. i 2d.—The overrunning of our country with j swarms of an indolent, vicious and unthrifty i species of Lazaroni, instead of the best agricul- : tura! population in the world, such as we now j have them. 3d.—As a consequence of their release from the control of their masters, the abandonment of the cultivation ofali the great agricultural staples of the South, from which we derive our wealth at home, and our chief influence abroad ; and as the necessary consequence of this, ihe poverty, ruin and distress of our families. 4th.—The loss of fifteen hundred millions of our capital, in the loss of property in our slaves, and in the labor which is derived from them. sth.—The depreciation of other fifteen hun dred millions of our capital in land, which would 1 become comparatively valueless after our labor capital was destroyed ; and 6th.—Our political annihilation among the na tions of the earth ; and the blighting contempt with which we should be spit upon by all man kind ; as the fitting recompence for that people j who could submit to such degradation, and con i sent still to live!! The real danger with which we are threaten ed, having been ascertained, and some of its ! consequences briefly pointed out, we now pro -1 ceed to a consideration of the measures by | which our enemies should be resisted, and that danger averted. And here we will adopt the idea which we have before used to illustrate ! our subject, and say, that as the measures which have trom time to time been urged uponCon | gress, by the anti-slavery party, should each and every one of them he viewed as parts of one i ! general system of measures—the object and in | tention of which is, to* abolish slavery in the j i States—so each one of them should be regard ; ed as assailing one of the outposts which guards jour citadel; and that the loss of any oneof j thorn to us, strengthens and encourages our en emies; weakens and discourages us; and ren ders us less able to defend our citadel when the : I great struggle shall arise, (as come it must, soon er or later,) which is to decide for us the qr.es ; tion, whether we are to live and not die. Each of those aggressions should then be encounter ed with resolute hostility, as involving the final; issue; and without reference to its own intrin sic offensiveness, which, perhaps, standing alone, may be unimportant i* itself. This being premised, I will now goon to add, that the plan of action which it seems to me proper for the South to pursue, is, in the first place, taking no counsel from fear, to consider calmly and deliberately their position with a view to decide what are their rights ; and after they have decided what these are, then resolute ly to insist upon them, and immovably maintain them. Forewarned, as we have been, of their in tentions. we should be forearmed to meet and counteract them. Upon a question of this grave nature, which involves our political lye | or death, no concession is allowable , which m ! creases the strength <four enemies and diminishes | our ability to resist them. Any Delilah “compto | mise” then, whether offered by some half ! Southern man, and supported by whole North ■ ern “friends,” so called, if it shears us ot ev on j one lock of ourstrength, is not for a moment to jbe listened to. We must stand upon our j rights in their entirety—have them ; or prepare j for the consequences. The consequences! what are they? Some ’ timid one may say, “it may lead to disunion or civil war” Not properly,’ nor rightfully ; cer tainly not necessarily; except our enemies would afford us the proof, that we have re mained already too long in the Union; and they would now use force to keep us there, to plunder or degrade us. But we will examine this presently. Someone else may ask, “why not settle the difficulty bv compromise, and let us have a lasting quiet?” We will examine this now. We might not be umvillingto bring to the altar of peace, some of our rights, and offer them as a sacrifice, on our part, for the happiness of our country; if we could be assured, that by this means, peace, a lasting peace, was to he secured, and the question settled now, and forever. But ‘‘compromise” implies mutual concessions—the giving up of admitted rights, equally by both parties. To bepermanent.it requires that the parties making it, should themselves be perma nent, and can bind their successors; and that each intends to act with good faith towards the other. Viewed in this light, every element is want ing, in this case, towards a proper compromise. 1 The North concedes to us no right on her part; j whilst we are required to give up those—the j yielding up of which, will he felt to their woe, by our latest posterity. We enter too, into a i compromise, with a party now. who, if they in | tend to deal honestly by us. at the ratification, j may next year, in the varying fluctuations of ; polilical life, be placed beyond the ability to keep i their engagements ; or, what is more probable, j may be recognized as traitors in the ranks of our enemies—sucked in, within the whirlpool of abolitionism, and tor the sake of its rewards, making no efforts to extricate themselves, or keep their plighted faith. Besides, the materials, of which the anti slaverv party at the North is composed, are of such qualifies, that if renders the idea of any permanent compromise with them, utterly pre posterous. No concessions, short of the total, and perhaps immediate abolition of slavery, will, ! or can, over satisfy them—and especially such concessions as we shall make : since they will suppose that they are extorted from our fears — which will only encourage their audacity to de mand more and greater. Os this every one will be satisfied, who con st ders carefully the materials of which that par'y is made tip. What are they? Fanatics in re ligion ; fanatics in polities; the ravening dema gogue, hunting after office, and the spoils of party. And whet), from the beginning oftime, to the present hour, have such men been satis fied with concessions which have been yielded to their voracity, or been extorted from the sup posed fears of their victims? The religious fanatic, who believes contrary to the teachings of scripture, that slavery is a sin. and a crime against God and man ; and who sets tip his own crude notions about re ligion and morality, as the standard tor other men. and by which lie imp ion si v tries even Ihe revelation of the all wise God himself—what concession can satisfy such a man, except the entire obliteration of the sin ? The political fanatic, who professes to he gov erned by obligations “higher than the constitu tion;” and who. in his sublimated notions about civil society, which never have been, and never can be realized, claims that all men are horn free and equal, and have a right to be fed and clothed at the expense of somebody cUe— what can satisfy this class—except raising the slave to an equality with the master, and shar ; ing with him his property? The wily, non-committal, hungry demogogue ; —the first article of whose creed is, to swear by \ ihe “majority,” and to live and die feeding at the : public crib—what compromises will soch a ! man observe when the stream of popular fa vor turns against us, and it becomes his inter* | est to desert us? Any compromise then which we mav make with the North, governed as it is, and as it is likely ever to be, by such materials as the anti-slave ry party is composed of, must result in nothing else than the advantage and final triumph of our enemies* and rn disaster and ruin to our selves. And the South cannot be too soon waked up to this truth. The most plausible compromises on this question will prove to us “I/ike Dead-sea fruits, which tempt the eye, But turn lo ashes on the lips.” [From the N. Y. Herald, of the 7th inst ] Very Interesting from California. ’ TWENTY DAYS LATER INTELLIGENCE, BV THE ARRIVAL OF THE STEAMSHIP EMPTRE CITY. I The steamship Empire City, Capt. Wilson, ar rived yesterday morning from Chagres, via Kingston, Jamaica. She left Chagres on the ’ 26th lilt. The steamship Georgia, Porter, for New York, ; sailed at ft A. M., on the same day the Empire ; Citv left Chagres. The G. will have over a million and a quarter iof gold dust. The Empire City brings about j 8500,000, besides what is in the hands of pas | sengers. i When Ihe E. C. left, Hie Sarah Sands had nt arrived, but was momentarily expected. Panama was quite healthy, and not many passengers there; but those who arrived in the last steamers, would sail November Ist. Cha “gres was rather unhealthy. There were but two berm, brigs and two schooners in port. The Georgia had about five hundred passen gers—the Cherokee two hundred and fifty. The Br. mail steamship Medway, SSymonds, ! sailed at midnight on the 25th, for England, I with two millions of treasure. The California Conner, of the sth ult., says: The amount of gold shipped by the California last Monday, was $1,800,000, and probably the passengers carried $300,000 more. Besides this, the sailing vessels must have taken $500.- 000—so that we may safely set the amount down, including SIOO,OOO to be .shipped to-mor row by Adams & Cos., and $200,000 carried away by foreigners, as $2,900,000 in six days! We regret to observe that the accounts of another tremendous fire in San Francisco are confirmed, and that it destroyed about ono hundred and fifty buildings. The fire was said to bo the work of an in ecu-, diarv, and many persons have been arrested on suspicion. The scarcity of water, and the great want of public spirit in the citizens in not render-. ing assistance to the fire companies, greatly aug mented the destruction of property which took place. We notice, with much regret, that the office of the Pacific News has been completely destroyed. The proprietors of the Picayune office have also sustained heavy losses, although, it is said, they will soon be in a position to resume their duties. Signor Rossi, of the Italian theatre, ha* also been a sufferer, having lost every thing he possessed. This is the fourth loss he ha* sus tained by fire in San I rancisco. The fire is said to have originated in the bar room of the Philadelphia House, and the loss sustained is estimated at half a million of dol lars. The accounts from the mines, as regards the success of mining operations, have been very conflicting. “We learn from the best authority” says the paper before us, “ that lately, at fcsicard s Bar, on the Yuba River, seven men dug, in twentv-three days, after having spent consider-